CHICAGO 鈥� A bipartisan group of state lawmakers is calling for an overhaul of the nation鈥檚 childcare system, which they say is failing children, parents and providers. 

The group of 13 Republican and Democratic lawmakers, who have spent the last year studying childcare access and affordability problems, offered an array of policy recommendations during the National Conference of State Legislatures annual summit in Chicago this week.

During a panel discussion Monday, lawmakers underscored the persisting challenge with childcare that costs families too much and pays providers too little. That has led to vast access gaps in many parts of the country as demand for childcare far outstrips supply.  

鈥淓very state is experiencing a childcare crisis,鈥� said Jenna Bannon, associate director in the Children and Families Program of the National Conference of State Legislatures.

In its 33-page  laying out causes and potential solutions to childcare shortages, the lawmakers鈥� policy group  called for more private sector employer participation, higher pay for childcare providers and a reconsideration of childcare regulations that may be outdated.

鈥淭he childcare system is at a crossroads,鈥� the report says, 鈥渁nd decisions made now will shape how well systems meet the needs of families and economies in the years ahead.鈥�

Many of the policy prescriptions inherently cost money. But Maryland state Del. Aletheia McCaskill said states can鈥檛 go it alone. McCaskill, a Democrat and a childcare provider, said the issue requires investment from outside sources, including philanthropic organizations and businesses. 

鈥淚t鈥檚 going to take more than just taxes,鈥� she told Stateline. 鈥淚t鈥檚 going to take real investment by other folks. We have to do this with everybody playing their part. The government, absolutely, but we can鈥檛 do it all.鈥�

During the presentation, McCaskill urged other lawmakers to reframe childcare discussions in economic terms.

鈥淲hen you talk about childcare, you can鈥檛 talk about children. Imagine that,鈥� she said. 鈥淵ou have to talk about the economy, pockets and how all this works together.鈥�

South Dakota state Sen. Tim Reed, a Republican, said businesses are increasingly interested in assuring their employees have access to childcare. 

Reed was previously the mayor of Brookings, the state鈥檚 fourth most populous city. Before the pandemic, he said, businesses reported workforce challenges as their biggest constraint. And the lack of workers, they said, was directly linked to a lack of accessible childcare.

Reed pointed to a local bank that provided childcare for the children 鈥� and even grandchildren 鈥� of employees years before it became a prominent issue across the country.

鈥淎nd you know what? They鈥檙e the first place that people want to work because they have childcare,鈥� Reed said during Monday鈥檚 panel. 鈥淥nce you get businesses involved in this 鈥� because they do understand the economic realities of it 鈥� that鈥檚 when you can become successful.鈥�

In 38 states, the costs of childcare outpaces the average cost of in-state college tuition, according to , a nonprofit advocacy group. For 2025, that organization calculated an average annual cost of childcare of about $13,000, with average prices of infant care surpassing $15,000. Those costs vary widely by state, though, with center-based infant care ranging from $6,492 a year in Mississippi to $27,067 a year in Massachusetts. 

Monday鈥檚 discussion聽聽where Democratic Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham last year announced the nation鈥檚 first free universal childcare system, funded by state investment earnings from oil and gas revenues. 

New Mexico state Sen. Linda Trujillo, a Democrat, said during the discussion that the new universal system doesn鈥檛 yet guarantee universal access. In her community of Santa Fe, for example, she said the city lacks about 1,200 spaces for infants to 5-year-olds. 

Several lawmakers noted the changing federal environment, which has raised funding questions about many social service programs, including healthcare and food assistance. 

Bannon, of NCSL, said the states are now leading the charge on childcare as Democratic and Republican state lawmakers increasingly explore new legislation to childcare access.

鈥淗istorically, the federal government played a really big role, and the states really kind of looked to the feds to guide them,鈥� she told Stateline. 鈥淎nd I think now there鈥檚 been kind of a role reversal and states are stepping more into the space, and the feds are watching them to see what they do.鈥�

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Stateline maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Scott S. Greenberger for questions: info@stateline.org.

A bipartisan coalition of state lawmakers from around the nation on Monday identified lack of facilities and high costs as two leading challenges states are facing in addressing childcare needs.

The bipartisan group, which includes a New Mexico lawmaker, presented their findings at the National Conference of State Legislatures in Chicago, along with several proposed solutions.

The report found that nearly 30% of the nation has a childcare gap, meaning more children require care than daycare centers can accommodate. Economically, the report found that childcare averages a cost of $13,000 annually 鈥� and that infant care, in particular, can run as high as $27,000, roughly equivalent to . And it found that the median annual wage for childcare professionals nationally is just $32,000.

The panel proposed seven solutions: expand access and availability; address affordability; invest in the childcare workforce; modernize licensing and quality-rating systems; strengthen small childcare businesses; find for the future; and elevate state early childhood governance and leadership.

Monday鈥檚 discussion often turned to New Mexico, where Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham in late 2025 . Earlier this year, the state Legislature passed during specific times of economic decline.

State Sen. Linda Trujillo (D-Santa Fe) told a room of conference attendees Monday that work to create the universal program had been underway for years, although many people in and out of New Mexico hadn鈥檛 heard of it until late last year.

鈥淣ew Mexico didn鈥檛 just wake up one morning and say, 鈥楬ey, we鈥檙e going to provide universal childcare,鈥� 鈥� she said.

In 2019, while a member of the state House of Representatives, Trujillo to create the , which now oversees universal childcare. The next year, state leaders with an investment of more than $300 million. The fund鈥檚 balance, which pays for universal childcare in large part, .

Jenna Bannon, associate director of the NCSL鈥檚 Children and Families Program, added that the very report conferencegoers discussed Monday was born in New Mexico. The bipartisan group of 13 state lawmakers first met in Albuquerque in mid-2025 to compare notes on their respective states鈥� challenges surrounding childcare access and affordability, she said.

The work, she said, was important because childcare has gone from being a family-based, private issue to a public, economic issue. Leaders in most every state are looking for direction on how to navigate the many issues childcare affects, particularly workforce development, she noted.

According to Bannon, the federal Bureau of Labor Statistics predicts about 160,000 job openings for childcare workers each year in the coming decade. If those workers can鈥檛 make livable wages, that can have an impact on households where both parents want to work outside of the home, she said.

鈥淚f childcare is the workforce behind the workforce, we have a problem on our hands.鈥�

Trujillo said that problem is felt even in New Mexico, where every family is eligible for free childcare.

鈥淛ust because we say we have universal childcare doesn鈥檛 mean that we have universal access,鈥� she said. 鈥淚n Santa Fe, I have a working group of city councilors, county commissioners, community college and school board members because we have a shortage of 1,200 spaces for birth to 3-year-olds.鈥�

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Source New Mexico maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Julia Goldberg for questions: info@sourcenm.com.

For as long as anyone remembers, no childcare center on Kaua驶i has had a single opening for an infant or toddler. Not one.

On this tropical island lush with vegetation, the childcare landscape is desolate. Kaua驶i is the only major Hawaiian island that has gone without center-based infant and toddler care for most of the past 15 years if not more 鈥� the data just doesn鈥檛 go back any further. 

There are spots on the island鈥檚 military base, but those are reserved for military families. There have historically been about 22 licensed home-based childcare centers that could also take infants and toddlers, but they鈥檙e limited to only two children under 18 months; most choose to only have one infant or none at all. That amounts to about 10 to 14 seats for the 700 babies who are born on the island every year. And hiring a nanny on Kaua鈥檌 is a prohibitive cost for many: The going rate is between $35 and $40 an hour. 

On the mainland, if parents are in a childcare desert, they often get around it by driving to the next nearest town or moving neighborhoods to be near family. On Kaua驶i, there鈥檚 nowhere to go without leaving the tiny island behind. So parents have made it work because they had to. Families living intergenerationally relied on each other to help with the care. Grandmas and aunties stepped in to help. Moms took their kids to work with them or they found a job that they could do from home to give them more flexibility. In many cases, moms left the labor force altogether. 

This has gone on so long that it has become an accepted way of life. 

Across Hawai鈥檌, of parents report leaving their jobs due to childcare challenges, according to a 2025 survey by the Chamber of Commerce Hawai鈥檌. On Kaua驶i, 鈥渋t is a very stressful situation, and in most cases it’s going to be the mother that has to to quit her job and stay at home and it puts on an additional burden to the family financially,鈥� said Carol Wear, the executive director of PATCH, Hawai鈥檌鈥檚 childcare resource and referral agency.

The situation came to a head during the pandemic, which decimated the scant childcare options on Kaua鈥檌. Five home-based childcare centers had shuttered by 2023. Families鈥� finances got tighter after the island鈥檚 top industry, tourism, much of 2020. An already unwieldy housing affordability problem . Fewer families could afford to have one parent home not working to care for their child. 

Faced with a need that was growing more desperate, the island鈥檚 first known infant and toddler spots opened up by 2024. The Kaua驶i Montessori Project, a preschool in L墨hu驶e, the county seat, opened 12 infant and toddler spots thanks to some grant funding that came through during the pandemic. Then an Early Head Start center serving the lowest-income children 鈥� 鈥� opened in 2025 with eight infant and toddler spots. Coming soon is a third center, a renovated grocery store space, that the county decided to turn solely into an infant-toddler center in response to the need. It will open with 32 seats for kids ages 6 weeks to 3 years old early next year. 

That brings the count of infant-toddler spots to about 30 currently 鈥� still only enough for about 4 percent of the island鈥檚 infants. For the Head Start center, the kids on that waitlist alone could fill three more centers, said Novelyn Hinazumi, the director of Kaua驶i programs at Child & Family Service, the nonprofit that operates Head Start programs on the island. 

鈥淭his shortage has placed enormous strain on families, contributed to workforce loss and increased community awareness of the need for systemic change,鈥� said Natasha Perry, the county鈥檚 early childhood coordinator. 

For moms, it has put into question whether their families can continue to live on Kaua驶i at all. 

Aakara Wiegand, a single mom of a 2-year-old who has lived in Hawai鈥檌 for 15 years, has to take her daughter with her to work at a rental car company. With her other business running wellness retreats, she can only do about half as many events because she can barely manage it with her toddler. 

The nanny rates are unaffordable, Wiegand said. And even finding a nanny at the last minute is difficult. She had one nanny lined up for an upcoming colonoscopy, but the nanny had to travel, so Wiegand was forced to cancel her appointment. 

It has put severe strain on her life, she said: 鈥淚 have basically stopped doing things.鈥� 

Even more complicated is the fact that her toddler is receiving early intervention services for her speech and social emotional development. The very few options on the island don鈥檛 often cater to children who need additional support, Wiegand said. Last year, she was able to get her daughter a spot at a daycare, but she only lasted there four days. 鈥淪he just couldn’t emotionally fit in that group, but it was the only option available. So that was frustrating at that time,鈥� Wiegand said.

With no family or support on the island, Wiegand is starting to research a move to North Carolina in the next year. Becoming a parent has changed her experience on Kaua鈥檌.

鈥淚t鈥檚 just not a very sustainable environment anymore,鈥� she said. 鈥淚t鈥檚 definitely taken a toll on me.鈥�

Part of how Kaua驶i found itself with such a severe infant and toddler care shortage is a familiar story. In Kaua驶i, like much of the country, infant and toddler spots because no one makes money from them. Per Hawai鈥檌鈥檚 licensing rules, there needs to be one teacher for every four infants in each infant-toddler classroom, which makes staffing expensive. 

But on this island, there鈥檚 also a space problem. 

Hawai鈥檌鈥檚 licensing guidelines require of play or instructional space per child as well as 75 square feet of outdoor space per child, not unlike what most other states require. In most places that鈥檚 not a big constraint, but on an island 33 miles wide with a massive housing shortage, real estate is tight. 

Mandie Gibson, the principal of the Koloa Early School, a preschool on the south part of the island about 10 miles west of L墨hu驶e, said she鈥檚 been trying to add an additional building to run an infant-toddler center for seven or eight years, but on the island, the process is lengthy. Even if it does come together soon, which she expects it may, construction is projected to take six to 10 months. Adjusted for Kaua驶i time 鈥� everything takes longer here, she said 鈥� it鈥檒l likely be closer to a year and a half.

Gibson first sought to add infant and toddler spots as a workforce retention tool for her own staff. But the addition didn鈥檛 come together in time; she lost one full-time teacher last year when his wife had a baby and he had to move into a part-time position elsewhere. 

She鈥檚 seen families on both ends of the spectrum: those with the means to hire nannies to care for their younger children and those who had to move away to find care. 

鈥淗ere, it’s very transient. It’s three to five years for a lot of people. The island spits you up or embraces you,鈥� Gibson said. 

Kaua驶i鈥檚 retention problem also extends to its teachers. If the island wants to continue to add more infant-toddler centers, it鈥檚 going to have to figure out how to recruit and train staff. Under Hawai鈥檌 regulations, infant and toddler teachers depending on their education level need one to two years of experience with that age group to qualify. How do you get experience on an island that has never really had spots to begin with?

Toni Fujimoto, the early childhood education program coordinator at Kaua驶i Community College, has been working on that side of the problem for years, including helping shape recommendations to the state to modernize the childcare licensing requirement. One of her goals is to set up apprenticeship programs for her students in partnership with the island鈥檚 centers. Some students can currently get experience at home-based centers or at centers like Gibson鈥檚, which takes kids as young as 2 and technically counts as infant-toddler experience. But the options are severely limited. 

And it鈥檚 already hard to recruit students to early childhood because the positions are among the lowest paid jobs in the country; some students just choose to work in tourism or other industries instead of pursuing the education needed to work in childcare. Last semester, Fujimoto had only four graduates from the associate鈥檚 degree program. She is now recruiting as early as middle school, sussing out any students who may have interest. 

One of Fujimoto鈥檚 recent graduates, Alysha Palacio, grew up on Kaua驶i with her grandparents caring for her. But she did not have that option when she became pregnant her senior year in high school in 2021. Her fiance is a plumber and couldn鈥檛 bring their daughter with him to work. Her mother is a store manager who works from sun up to sundown with no days off. Her father is a waiter who often works double shifts. Her grandparents passed away. Already, Palacio鈥檚 sister-in-law had to leave the island because of lack of childcare.

Palacio chose to study early childhood education 鈥� hoping, at first, that it would also prepare her for being a mom 鈥� and kept her daughter with her while she did classes on Zoom or went to campus. It took her four years to complete her associate degree. She graduated in May hoping to go work at a preschool but is still waiting to hear back about a job.

Out in the community, she sees the struggle reflected in other moms. At a restaurant recently, she noticed her server鈥檚 young children sitting alone at a back table. 

鈥淎nother waitress comes in and she has her kids, and she puts her kids on this back table, and it clicked in my head that they’re bringing their kids here because they have nobody else to watch them, so their kids are literally going to work with them,鈥� she said. 鈥淲hen I see that in public I feel really bad.鈥�

At Kaua驶i Montessori, director Marci Whitman has had to weigh whose pocketbook she would hurt more. She recently lost two teachers because they couldn鈥檛 afford housing on the island; another two nearly became homeless. But to pay them, she had to raise an already high tuition. 

She chose the teachers, who are paid between $20 and $27 an hour. 

Over the past several years, Kaua驶i鈥檚 efforts to add more infant spots have butted up against a growing affordability crisis that is among the most severe in the nation. As much as some parents may want to put their youngest in childcare, few can actually afford it.

Tuition for infant spots at Kaua鈥檌 Montessori is $2,400 a month. On an island where the median household income is about $83,000, that price would swallow about a third of it. So though Whitman may have 12 spots for infants, only three are taken due to the high cost.

Statewide, the average cost of full-time, center-based infant care in Hawai鈥檌 is per year, according to an analysis by Child Care Aware. That鈥檚 second only to Massachusetts among the 47 states for which there is data. 

Businesses on Kaua驶i are as they can. Tamara Lawrence, a mom of three young kids, opened a play space in 2023 to try to offer some respite for stay-at-home parents or those working from home with their kids. But the business struggled to make a profit 鈥� people said the play space was too expensive. 

They recently moved into a new space on the main street in L墨hu驶e and established a nonprofit arm that will help them take in some grant funding to lower costs. After their grand opening next month, they鈥檒l start marketing the Play Hale鈥檚 drop-in childcare option: two hours a day for $25. 

鈥淢y goal is to eventually make it very minimal payment or no payment at all 鈥� that’s what our community wants and needs,鈥� Lawrence said. 

The community also needs something really basic: childcare . Over and over again, the question of came up in more than a dozen conversations The 19th had with parents, providers and childcare experts on Kaua驶i. In a place where, for decades, people have relied on their family and each other for care, growing to trust more formal childcare options is a barrier in itself (for those who have the luxury of choice). Hawai鈥檌 also seriously in its reporting of incidents of serious injuries or abuse at childcare centers. Though the state is required by federal law to report such cases annually, regardless of whether there are any incidents at all, it hasn鈥檛 . 

Lawrence said that, culturally, trust was a big issue, which is why she always advises her staff to create a connection with every patron that comes through their doors. Even remembering someone鈥檚 name can make someone more likely to return.

Nora Gregg, a stay-at-home mom of a teenage daughter and two boys under the age of 2 said the philosophy among most of the moms she knows on the island is that mom should be home with their baby. Some moms put their kids in nature pods, unlicensed childcare options where kids learn outside, or they gather together to share the caregiving. 鈥淭hat鈥檚 actually how women have mothered for many centuries 鈥� that鈥檚 the village,鈥� she said.

鈥淧arents here, they don鈥檛 just give your kids to strangers,鈥� said Gregg, who has lived in Kaua鈥檌 for three years. 鈥淲hen I think back to how I put my daughter on the East Coast in daycare that I didn’t know the person, isn’t that weird?鈥� 

On Kaua驶i and elsewhere in the United States, a country that has now been in , so much of the experience continues to be shaped by what little choice parents even have in the matter. 

Connie, a single mom of a 4-month-old who has lived on Kaua驶i for five years, doesn鈥檛 trust anyone to care for her baby. So she brings her daughter along as she cleans Airbnb鈥檚 across the island. Cleaning is a lucrative job for women here; on any given year, 1.4 million tourists visit an island of 74,000 locals. She can鈥檛 afford to lose the job, which she needs to keep her health insurance. But Connie鈥檚 boss doesn鈥檛 know she brings her daughter to work. The 19th is only using her first name to protect her identity. 

鈥淚鈥檇 be lying if I said it was a walk in the park,鈥� Connie said. 鈥淚 could be just about done with the job, and she gets really really upset or fussy, and sometimes there’s nothing I can do to calm her down until we can get in the car and she falls asleep in her car seat. Or I could be just about done with my job, and my boss is like, 鈥極h, hey, can you go here? Can you go there? Can you do all these extra things?鈥� 鈥�

She doesn鈥檛 feel like she has options. She can鈥檛 afford a nanny. But as her daughter gets older, she is going to have to seriously consider asking her family to move to the island with her to help, she said. 

Until then, she sneaks her daughter鈥檚 bouncer and toys with her to work hoping her boss won鈥檛 find out.

鈥淚 have to take the risk every day.鈥�

was originally reported by Chabeli Carrazana of . .

Amid an often bleak landscape, Kentucky was recently able to pass with bipartisan support, making significant investments in childcare by improving subsidy reimbursement rates, codifying free childcare for childcare providers, requiring training to better support children with special needs and easing regulations that stand in providers’ way.

The state鈥檚 effort started in 2024 with the launch of the Kentucky Collaborative on Child Care. The project 鈥� a partnership between Convergence Center for Policy Resolution, the Kentucky Chamber Foundation and the Kentucky Chamber of Commerce Center for Policy and Research 鈥� convened 40 childcare advocates and leaders from across Kentucky to meet regularly in 2024 and 2025 to come up with policy recommendations for the legislature to ensure the state鈥檚 families have access to high-quality childcare.听

Convergence, a national nonprofit that specializes in bringing people together with differing backgrounds and opinions, facilitated the collaborative, which was able to come to consensus on a number of polarizing issues. The nonprofit is 鈥渄esigned for issues where progress has stalled,鈥� noted Mariah Levison, CEO of Convergence. 

That was the case in Kentucky. It was among the many states that came to realize how many challenges plague the sector when the COVID-19 pandemic threw everything into disarray. There was 鈥渁 surge in advocacy around childcare,鈥� particularly in 2022, said Charles Aull, executive director of the Center for Policy and Research at the Kentucky Chamber of Commerce. But while there was a lot of energy and activity around the issue, there wasn鈥檛 a shared set of goals. 鈥淭here was an identified problem, we had a whole bunch of people who cared about the problem, but there wasn鈥檛 a whole lot of cohesion among those folks,鈥� Aull said. He added that state lawmakers also understood there was a problem but, because they aren鈥檛 subject matter experts, told the advocates that they weren鈥檛 sure what exactly should be done to solve it. Some had 鈥渋ssue fatigue,鈥� said Mandy Marler, a childcare lobbyist at Baldwin Consulting who participated in the collaborative. 

The group debated a number of childcare solutions over the course of 18 months. Marler came in prepared to fight tooth and nail against any efforts to deregulate childcare, noting that the state already has some of the child-to-staff ratio requirements in the country. 

鈥淚 had been in so many rooms and so many situations where it was, 鈥榃e鈥檒l just cut regulations and it won鈥檛 be a problem or unaffordable anymore,鈥� 鈥� she said. But she found that 鈥渘o one was trying to come for our ratios.鈥� Instead, the conversation was about unwinding the red tape that really did get in providers鈥� way without changing health and safety standards for children, such as allowing microcenters that serve less than 24 children to skip some requirements intended for larger centers like having a playground or cooking meals in-house.

Meanwhile, Gus LaFontaine, another member of the group and co-founder of LaFontaine Early Learning Center 鈥� a childcare program in Richmond, Kentucky 鈥� was nervous about proposals that would have the government mandate specific training for his staff, rather than leaving the choice to owners like him. But he was eventually able to get on board with earmarking a portion of the 15-hour annual training requirement for childcare providers for helping staff better support children with disabilities. The group鈥檚 process required him to 鈥渃hoose wisely the hills you want to die on,鈥� he said. 鈥淚 came full circle on that topic.鈥� 

The strongest disagreement the group had was over bonuses for childcare workers, Levison said. Members couldn鈥檛 come to a compromise on the issue, so it was left out of its recommendations. Instead, they prioritized pushing the state to cover the entire cost of childcare for childcare workers 鈥� something Kentucky started doing in 2022 and has since caught on in other states but had never been codified by legislation. 

鈥淥ne of the things the group agreed on is it鈥檚 so important it should be in statute,鈥� Aull said. 鈥淚t should be permanent and should be funded.鈥� And while such a program doesn鈥檛 offer childcare staff more take-home pay, it saves them a lot of money on the cost of their own children鈥檚 care. 鈥淲e actually did accomplish some wage supplementation without that name on it,鈥� LaFontaine said. 

In the end, the group was able to develop everyone could agree to. That included improving the state鈥檚 existing childcare subsidy program, streamlining burdensome regulations, improving care quality, and addressing the low pay and high turnover among childcare staff. But the collaborative鈥檚 members were clear that the report they eventually produced wasn鈥檛 the end of the process, but rather the beginning. They spent a lot of time meeting with state lawmakers and sharing the results of their work. When they gave the report to lawmakers, the process and wide array of advocates brought a lot of people on board. Marler, who has worked as a lobbyist on childcare for nearly a decade, said of the report, 鈥淚 have never in all my years working on any policy had that kind of endorsement.鈥�

The group鈥檚 recommendations deeply informed , which became law in April. The legislation free childcare for providers, changed state subsidy payments to reflect the true cost of care, required training for caring for children with disabilities and modified the state鈥檚 quality rating system to better take outcomes into account. It also eased the paperwork required for employers to participate in the state鈥檚 Employee Child Care Assistance Partnership, which pools state, employer and employee money to cover the cost of care, and launched a pilot program to create one-room microcenters caring for up to 24 children. 

That it was numbered six is significant, because the House saves its priorities for bills one through ten every year, Aull noted. 鈥淓ven two years ago, if we had brought up the possibility of a House majority making childcare one of its top ten priority bills, you would have been laughed out of the room,鈥� he said. The bill passed 鈥渨ith overwhelming bipartisan support,鈥� Levison noted. 

The group鈥檚 work also informed , which directs the state鈥檚 auditor of public accounts to study statutes, regulations and policies that relate to opening and operating childcare centers with an eye toward streamlining them to make it easier on providers. It passed the legislature unanimously.

Kentucky has made significant progress through the passage of House Bill 6 and HJR50, but moving the legislative packages forward wasn鈥檛 all smooth sailing. Democratic Gov. Andy Beshear allowed HB6 to go into law . He also vetoed HJR50, that the auditor of public accounts lacked 鈥渢he programmatic and policy expertise鈥� to carry out the study and that it would require spending taxpayer dollars to hire an outside auditing service, but the legislature overrode his veto, and Aull noted that it did so with bipartisan support. 

The legislature, for its part, blocked an effort that could have had a much larger impact on increasing parents鈥� access to affordable childcare. Last June, Beshear a 鈥淧re-K for All鈥� initiative and convened an advisory committee for the issue. But the legislature , refusing to include funding for it in the state budget, with Republican members citing worries about the cost of such a program and what effects it would have on private childcare providers. Instead, this May Beshear created pilot pre-K programs in two counties as a smaller-scale alternative.

The advocates who pushed for the reforms now enshrined in law aren鈥檛 done, however. 鈥淲e never envisioned this as the final word,鈥� Aull said. Next, the group plans to make sure that the legislation is implemented well. 鈥淎nytime you鈥檙e able to accomplish policy change, [there is an] importance of continued cultivation of that legislation,鈥� he said. 鈥淵ou need to continue to work on its implementation phase 鈥� it takes a long time.鈥�

With costs up, many are facing financial hardship at a level even greater than what was seen at the onset of the pandemic. That economic strain is taking a toll on the emotional well-being of children and their caregivers.

That鈥檚 according to that have asked families how they are faring. 

鈥淚t鈥檚 really clear that it鈥檚 a really difficult time to be a parent in America right now,鈥� said Keri Rodrigues, president of the National Parents Union. 鈥淚 feel like we鈥檙e being squeezed in so many different ways.鈥�

The administration鈥檚 approach to tariffs has forced up the price of many basic goods and services, she noted. The conflict in Iran has caused oil prices to spike. And federal legislation 鈥� namely H.R. 1, known as the 鈥淥ne Big Beautiful Bill鈥� 鈥� has led to the beginning of a pullback of social safety net programs such as SNAP and Medicaid.听

As a result, Americans are dealing with soaring gas prices, increased grocery costs, higher utility bills, and untenable healthcare premiums that have prompted some to 鈥渞oll the dice鈥� and go uninsured, Rodrigues explained. On top of all of those ballooning expenses, parents must also weather the costs of childcare; extracurricular activities for the kids; and food, clothing and medical care for their dependents. 

鈥淎ll of these things compound and create this context of misery that we鈥檙e all feeling pretty acutely this summer,鈥� said Rodrigues, whose organization recently released the results of a of parents of more than 1,500 K-12 public school students. 

Among parents of children in kindergarten through fifth grade, NPU found that about two-thirds of respondents expressed that they think the economic conditions in the country are getting worse, with an overwhelming majority saying that the costs of housing, basic goods, healthcare, childcare and extracurricular activities were each 鈥渟omewhat鈥� or a 鈥渧ery big鈥� problem right now. Three in four parents of kids in grades K-5 said inflation had changed their summer plans. Trips have been canceled or dialed back. Summer activities, such as camp, have had to be reconsidered. 

Magda Zalewska, a mother of three children under age 6 in Romeoville, Illinois, is one of the parents feeling immense financial pressure this year. She wants to sign up her two older children 鈥� ages 4 and 5 鈥� for soccer, but it鈥檚 not something she can afford. Trips to the grocery store and fueling up her car are crushing her right now, she said. She has no money in a savings account in case of emergency; she鈥檚 always hoping her air conditioner doesn鈥檛 go out, that her car keeps running. 

鈥淚鈥檓 already working from sun up to sun down,鈥� said Zalewska, who works as an early intervention therapist. 鈥淚鈥檓 already stretched so thin, and it’s frustrating because you want to give your kids this life but you can鈥檛 keep up with expenses.鈥�

Her compensation, even as it has gone up, never seems to keep pace with inflation, she added.

鈥淓verything is going up in price,鈥� she said. 鈥淚 keep climbing the ladder, climbing the ladder, [but] I鈥檓 always at this paycheck-to-paycheck scenario, no matter how far I advance in my career.鈥�

Zalewska has benefited from financial assistance over the years, from WIC, SNAP and Medicaid, but she said she lost Medicaid coverage recently and has been told she鈥檚 going to lose her SNAP benefits as well. Already, she said, she can鈥檛 remember the last time she ate fresh fruit. When SNAP is gone, she said, 鈥淚t won鈥檛 be produce I鈥檓 not eating, it鈥檚 going to be meals I鈥檓 skipping.鈥� (She focuses on making sure her three children have enough to eat before she feeds herself.)

鈥淗ow am I supposed to pour into their cups when my cup is not filling?鈥� she asked. 鈥淭he support is being taken from our fingertips. It鈥檚 just all gone.鈥�

Zalewska takes some comfort in the knowledge that she鈥檚 not alone. She notices a 鈥渦niform struggle鈥� in the families she works with. 鈥淚f it鈥檚 not financial, it鈥檚 overall stress and mental well-being. Most families are burnt out.鈥�

Her point is reflected in data from Stanford鈥檚 RAPID Survey Project, which has been gathering information monthly from parents and childcare providers for over six years. Indeed, 44% of families with infants and toddlers reported challenges paying for basics such as food and housing in 2025, according to a by the nonprofit Zero to Three, which compiled RAPID data from families with children under age 3. That represents the highest rate in the prior five years of survey data, including in 2020 when 42% of families reported the same difficulties.

By the end of 2025, families鈥� financial hardship seemed to peak, said Samantha Melvin, director of policy research at Zero to Three and author of the report. 

鈥淭heir struggles really grew throughout the course of 2025,鈥� she said. 鈥淲e can鈥檛 say discretely that one thing changed, but there is this kind of cascading, consistent onslaught of uncertainty and distress.鈥� 

Families specifically mentioned the heavy burdens of affording food, housing and utilities, she said. Economic pressure often affected emotional and mental well-being, with parents reporting increases in anxiety, depression, stress and loneliness over the course of the year. 

Those stressors affect not just adults, but entire families, Melvin noted. 

鈥淚f you鈥檙e afraid of paying for rent, putting food on the table, it may impact how you鈥檙e interacting with your baby or [how] your baby is perceiving that stress,鈥� she said. 鈥淚t can have long-term consequences and harm for babies to be living in this constant place of uncertainty and deprivation, unstable and inconsistent relationships.鈥�

Often, people will respond to moments of hardship by noting that children are resilient. And they are, Melvin agreed. 

鈥淔amilies and the relationships are what creates that resilience,鈥� she clarified. 鈥淏abies are resilient because of their parents.鈥�

So when parents are taking on extra jobs to cover expenses, waiting in line at a Medicaid or SNAP office to access benefits they are eligible for, or visiting food banks to make sure their kids can eat dinner, that inherently pulls them away from quality time with their children. 鈥淗ow do relationships get formed?鈥� Melvin asked. 鈥淚t鈥檚 with that time.鈥�

This resonates for Zalewska. She鈥檚 been taking on more and more work to help her family鈥檚 finances. She estimates that she works about 65 hours a week. 

鈥淚 barely see my kids,鈥� she said. 鈥淚鈥檓 missing all their milestones.鈥�

Her current circumstances have left her in 鈥渇ight or flight mode,鈥� she said. Her nervous system is 鈥渉aywire.鈥�

鈥淚鈥檓 exhausted,鈥� she said. 鈥淚 feel it in the bones of my body.鈥�

Clara Busse, a mom in Philadelphia with an infant and a 3-year-old, doesn鈥檛 worry so much about meeting her basic needs, but she and her husband have to make some sacrifices to afford the annual cost of their childcare, which is around $35,000 for her two children, she said. 

鈥淓very friend I have with young children is facing the same challenges,鈥� Busse said. 鈥淲e need policies that make sense for young families. It鈥檚 really basic stuff. People are really frustrated.鈥�

These issues are not likely to improve in the near term, with major cuts to SNAP and Medicaid looming in early 2027. Rodrigues and Melvin both emphasized the need for policies that support families, rather than ones that continue to take programs away and make life with young children less affordable.听

鈥淔amilies are having such a hard time,鈥� Melvin said. 鈥淭hey shouldn鈥檛 have to be working so hard, but the way they keep showing up for their babies 鈥� we need our policymakers and elected officials to be showing up for them.鈥�

Nearly every child in Hawai驶i lives in a community that lacks adequate licensed childcare, with access rates falling far behind the national average, according to recent reports from the Center for American Progress.听

Challenges finding affordable childcare have also worsened for some families this year as they face delays with receiving state subsidies reducing the costs of preschool. 

聽measure the percentage of kids in every state who live in childcare deserts 鈥� communities where at least three kids are vying for a single seat in a licensed program. These programs include options like public or private preschools, group childcare homes and Head Start, said Hailey Gibbs, associate director of early childhood policy at the Center for American Progress.听

In 鈥嬧�婬awai驶i, 96% of kids live in these deserts 鈥� more than double the national average. Of these kids, 86% live in communities with no supply of licensed childcare providers at all, according to the Center for American Progress report.听

The data highlights the need for greater investments in childcare programs, including more support for staff, Gibbs said.  mean that some programs that are already in high demand may need to cut back on the number of students they serve, she said. 

鈥淧rovider financial viability is essential to standing up a childcare system that can actually meet demand,鈥� she said. 鈥淵ou really need to be able to attract educators into the field.鈥澛�

The study does not include unlicensed sources of care, such as grandparents, neighbors and , which allow kids to learn alongside their family members, said Malia Tsuchiya, early childhood policy and advocacy coordinator at Hawai驶i Children Action鈥檚 Network. 

Even taking these options into account, she said, families need more access to early learning programs. The state has aggressively expanded its public preschool programs in recent years, adding more than 1,800 seats in traditional public and charter schools since 2022. But the capacity of private childcare providers has fallen by roughly 950 seats in the same time period, according to a  from the Department of Human Services and Executive Office on Early Learning. 

Hawai驶i鈥檚 workforce of early educators shrank during the pandemic and never recovered, Tsuchiya said, leading some providers to close some classrooms and reduce their enrollment.听

鈥淲e鈥檙e blessed to have multi-generational families and aunties, uncles, cousins, grandmas that are willing to step in and help supplement childcare,鈥� Tsuchiya said. 鈥淏ut do they have a choice?鈥� 

State Aid On Its Way?

For some families, securing childcare has only become harder to navigate as they face delays with receiving state tuition subsidies. 

Operating under the Department of Human Services, Preschool Open Doors provides tuition subsidies for young children whose families make up to 500% of the federal poverty level. The maximum subsidy ranges from $1,200 to $1,500 a month. 

Typically, the application window opens near the  to give the department time to process families鈥� applications before the payment period begins on July 1. This year, the application opened on , giving the department just over a month before families expected their subsidies to kick in. Parents need to reapply for the subsidy every year. 

The applications opened later than usual because the Department of Human Services needed to update its administrative rules expanding Preschool Open Door鈥檚 age eligibility to 2-year-olds. The department was initially expected to expand the program to 2-year-olds back in January, but it instructed families to  applying at the time to create more time for the rule change. 

As of last week, the program received over 6,100 applications and had processed 1,282. Staff process 10 to 15 applications a day, Joseph Campos II, director of the Hawai驶i Department of Human Services, said in an emailed statement. The department is exploring strategies to reduce the backlog, he said, adding that wait times are longer than usual because of the high number of submissions the department received as soon as applications opened in May.听

But the delayed release date has left families scrambling for answers. 

Parent Christine Russo said she submitted an application for her twin daughters the morning of May 29, hoping an early submission would secure a quick response time from Preschool Open Doors. But more than a month later, she doesn鈥檛 know if her daughters qualify for the program 鈥� and the subsidy she was receiving through June has stopped.听

Last year, Russo鈥檚 daughters qualified for Preschool Open Doors, meaning that she paid only $28 a month for their preschool tuition. But the program year ended on June 30, meaning that Russo is now covering the full costs of tuition for July 鈥� over $2,700 for both girls.听

Russo said she doesn鈥檛 want to pull her daughters out of preschool, since it would mean losing her deposit and two spots that are in high demand. Russo lives in 驶Ewa Beach, a community with a scarce licensed childcare supply, according to the .

Expecting to cover the full costs of preschool this month, Russo is worried what will happen if the tuition payments don鈥檛 kick by August. Earlier this week, she learned her application is being processed, but she鈥檚 still waiting to hear if her daughters qualify for the subsidy.听

鈥淢y anticipation was if they open this late, they鈥檝e got it under control,鈥� Russo said. 鈥淚t鈥檚 not looking good at all.鈥� 

The Department of Human Services will retroactively issue tuition subsidies dating back to the date of children鈥檚 preschool enrollment or families鈥� application, whichever came later, Campos said. Families who applied for July benefits and enrolled their children in preschool will receive subsidies for the full month if their application is approved, he said.听

Even with the reassurance of tuition backpay, some families and providers are stuck in limbo. 

At Seagull Schools, which offers early learning programs at six O驶ahu sites, some parents have decided to withdraw their children for the month of July because their tuition benefits haven鈥檛 come through, said Chief Executive Officer Megan McCorriston. Other families who are new to the school are holding off enrolling their children until they know they can qualify for the subsidies, she said. 

It鈥檚 a difficult situation for working parents, she said, and it also puts more stress on providers. Seagull Schools will hold seats for families who are waiting to hear back from Preschool Open Doors, she said, but that means some spots remain unfilled for two to three months at a time. 

鈥淚t鈥檚 sort of a wait and see situation,鈥� she said. 

This story was originally published by . Civil Beat鈥檚 education reporting is supported by a grant from Chamberlin Family Philanthropy, and 鈥淒ata Dive鈥� is supported in part by the Will J. Reid Foundation.

The mismatch between the childcare arrangements parents say they prefer and those that public policy tends to emphasize 鈥� which I call the childcare preference gap 鈥� was reinforced by two recent surveys. 

A administered to 1,000 parents with children ages 5 and under in December 2025 by GBAO on behalf of Third Way 鈥� a center-left think tank 鈥� found that around half of parent participants preferred having a parent stay home to provide care, with another 15% preferring a family, friend or neighbor caregiver. While families were generally satisfied with the care their children were receiving, only around half of those using home- or center-based care said it was their preferred childcare arrangement, compared to 80% of those with a parent staying home and nearly 70% of those using FFN care.

The largest U.S. of parents with children under the age of 6, released in May by New America鈥檚 New Practice Lab, echoes these findings. When asked about their ideal childcare arrangement, 49% of nearly 5,500 parent participants said they鈥檇 prefer to care for their child themselves or for the child’s other parent to provide the care. Meanwhile, 11% preferred an FFN caregiver, and just 15% listed their ideal as a formal setting.

Surveys conducted earlier in the 2020s by and reported similar results. Importantly, these preferences are dynamic: As children age, there is more interest in formal programs, such as licensed childcare centers.

It鈥檚 important to consider that most of the polls described above asked parents to envision their ideal childcare scenario, setting aside costs and the financial impact of having a parent stay home. But families don鈥檛 live in hypotheticals. There are real financial implications for decisions about childcare, and when opportunities to access free or low-cost licensed early care and education arise 鈥� like universal pre-K or childcare 鈥� . What鈥檚 more, the strong preference for parental care in the first year of life seems to implicate a need for better paid leave policy as much as childcare policy, particularly since .

There鈥檚 also the reality that what people say they want to do in a survey can differ from what they actually do when making choices. However, the data can still be meaningful and should be considered when designing family and childcare policies. It is no more justified to ignore the desires of parents who prefer their children in licensed programs than those who prefer to provide the care themselves. 

Doing so can give policymakers a false impression that all parents need is access to any childcare slot, regardless of its characteristics. However, from the nonprofit Child Trends found that among the 622 families surveyed, 64% of those that used any form of nonparental childcare said there was moderate or high 鈥渕isalignment鈥� between their current care setup and their preferences and needs. That misalignment reflected parents using programs that didn鈥檛 fit their budget, align with their quality standards, reflect their beliefs or match their ideal setting. This discrepancy can actually cause material harm: Studies have found that when parents feel uncomfortable about their childcare arrangement, it may lead to . 

Yet current federal childcare policy, as well as most reform proposals over the past 20 years, do a rather poor job of reflecting parents鈥� stated preferences. While public policy does not always match public opinion (if it did, the U.S. would have, for example, and ), there is clearly room for improvement here. 

When it comes to childcare, for example, receive most of the funding from the Child Care and Development Fund, a federal program that sends grant money to states and is a key source of funding for childcare subsidies. Families with stay-at-home parents are categorically ineligible for childcare subsidies, and the most recent reauthorization of the law governing the program, the , made it harder for FFN providers . The Build Back Better Act that passed the House during the Biden Administration did not make any fundamental changes to that orientation.

To understand the persistent preference gap, one must understand the origins of modern U.S. childcare policy. Because childcare became , the conceptual underpinnings of the CCDBG Act are grounded in the premise that childcare assistance can increase employment and earnings, ultimately (the reasoning goes) enabling families to move out of poverty.

The appeal of such an approach is understandable: It鈥檚 far easier for policymakers to wrap their hands around licensed programs caring for children during parents鈥� reported work hours than to engage with the messy complexity of actually ensuring that parents have the care they prefer in order to bond with and healthily raise their very young children. Closing the preference gap, then, requires politicians on both sides of the aisle to reframe the goals of childcare policy 鈥� and to get more comfortable with trusting parents.

America鈥檚 current approach to childcare policy isn鈥檛 the only pathway. In the past, the U.S. actually did experiment with that allowed eligible low-income parents to use subsidy dollars to pay themselves, though such efforts never caught fire. Other countries have also built examples to look to. A recent from the People鈥檚 Policy Project highlighted how Nordic nations have built a childcare system that couples affordable licensed options with support for informal care. While the financial support available in the Nordic countries is unlikely to be high enough to enable a parent to stop working entirely, it could be the key to unlocking greater flexibility in balancing work and family responsibilities.

A shift does seem to be underway in America. Some policies are becoming more inclusive. New Mexico鈥檚 universal childcare system, for example, allows and receive $750 a month per child, though it does still exclude stay-at-home parents. Politicians are changing their tune, too: Democratic Rep. Ro Khanna that would create new structures to compensate FFN and stay-at-home parents alongside licensed programs, while the Democratically-aligned Project 2029 recently that would guarantee parents the right to choose the childcare that works best for them by offering access to either free licensed programs or a monthly stipend of $1,000 to compensate stay-at-home parents or FFN caregivers.

More and philanthropic leaders are also speaking up about the need to meet parents where they are at. For instance, the WeVision EarlyEd initiative, led by the Bainum Family Foundation, reimagining childcare policy to support two pathways for families: high-quality licensed ECE, and 鈥渢rusted caregivers鈥� which include parents and FFN caregivers.

This evolution can鈥檛 come fast enough: All families deserve the freedom to get as close as possible to their ideal childcare arrangement. That would benefit kids, parents and society writ large. The more that public policy can align with family childcare preferences, the better off the country will be.

Disclosure: The Bainum Foundation provides financial support to 社区黑料.

Imagine operates as an Employee Stock Ownership Plan, or ESOP, giving staff the unique opportunity to become co-owners of the organization and participate in company decision-making. In a profession often marked by , minimal benefits and , the model stands out: Imagine is the only childcare program in the country that is 100% employee-owned through an ESOP, according to the National Center for Employee Ownership, a nonprofit organization supporting the ESOP community.

At first, when she became an employee owner, Zamorano thought, 鈥渨hatever, I don鈥檛 own anything.鈥� But once she participated in the company鈥檚 ESOP education programs to learn more about the benefit, she said, 鈥淚 started to figure it out, and it feels great 鈥� like you鈥檙e the CEO of the place you鈥檙e at.鈥�

Could this business model be part of the solution for some of the sector鈥檚 longstanding challenges that make it tough to retain staff? And as New York City explores pathways to recruit and retain the staff needed to expand childcare access with its , could Imagine鈥檚 approach offer inspiration?

Breaking down the ESOP model

An ESOP is a retirement plan that allows employees to build ownership in the company through shares granted over time. The longer an employee stays at the company, and the better the company does financially, the more workers earn. The value of the ESOP is realized when an employee leaves, retires or if the company is sold. 

鈥淚t feels nice to own something, especially nowadays when you can’t own anything,鈥� said Zamorano, adding that the ESOP is a critical tool for her future, particularly because she believes 鈥渟ocial security is not going to exist鈥� by the time she retires.

According to Laura Tulchin, Imagine鈥檚 chief executive officer, the nearly 200 educators at the company get a salary that ranges from $37,000 to $90,000 depending on seniority and tenure and have ESOP accounts with balances that range from $1,484 to $167,000.

The center, which has operated since 2002, became partially employee-owned in 2018 and it transitioned to 100% employee ownership in 2026. Because Imagine is fully employee-owned, any gains go directly to employees instead of to outside shareholders.听

The ESOP model isn鈥檛 new: The . But it鈥檚 gained steam in recent years: Well-known companies like and are both ESOPs.

As of 2023, there were in the United States, with 15.1 million participating employees, according to the NCEO.

There鈥檚 evidence that the ESOP model has plenty of workforce benefits. According to research from the Institute for the Study of Employee Ownership and Profit Sharing at Rutgers University, companies that adopt an employee ownership model have when compared to non-employee-owned companies. More from the institute suggests that ESOP workers enjoy higher work autonomy, are more satisfied and feel less futility with their participation in workplace decision-making than non-ESOP workers.

That appears to be true at Imagine. 鈥淲hatever your position is here,鈥� said Tijuana Jackson, a lead teacher, 鈥渂ecause we鈥檙e an employee-owned company, you also have a voice in the direction of the company. That鈥檚 what I love.鈥� 

鈥淲hat I appreciate about Imagine is they trust my insight 鈥� I help with the school aesthetics, I helped develop the curriculum for the week of the young child,鈥� Jackson said, noting that lead teachers are also given a credit card to make direct decisions on classroom supply purchases.

Jackson鈥檚 experience is what Imagine leadership was going for when they transitioned to the model. 

鈥淥ur hope is that we have a competitive advantage from a business sense, by centering our employees and being a more resilient, stable childcare company in an industry that is unstable,鈥� said Tulchin.

To be a more stable business, Imagine hasn鈥檛 just worked to improve employee retention, but it has established a unique structure, which Tulchin describes as 鈥渕ultisite, not tiny and not a huge chain.鈥澛�

And that makes a difference when it comes to the program鈥檚 ability to leverage the ESOP model. The childcare sector includes a mix of for-profit and non-profit models, with center- and home-based programs that range from small operations to large organizations. 

Imagine鈥檚 size puts it in a unique spot, Tulchin said. 鈥淭he culture is still the mom-and-pop personal feel with the benefits that come from a larger company, where we have a recruitment manager and finance person.鈥�

Can this shared ownership model help attract and retain childcare workers?

As an ESOP, Imagine is in a better position than most to meet the demands of Mayor Zohran Mamdani鈥檚 initiative to increase access to childcare in New York City.

At the beginning of the year, the state and city of New York jointly announced the . The program is planned to roll out in phases with opening in the , 12,000 seats expected to be available in the fall of 2027, and by 2029, when the program is fully built out, advocates estimate that nearly 55,000 children will participate.

To create the spots the program promises, Lauren Melodia, director of fiscal and economic policy at the Center for NYC Affairs and one of the leading voices on the structural economics of child care in New York, said the city needs to address a core issue: retention challenges. 

Melodia, whose area of focus is explained that childcare programs face significant staffing challenges and are often 鈥渇orced into a situation where they’re hiring temps, early career people, training people up, hoping that they’ll stay with them long-term, then they move on to higher wages in the public sector.鈥� This creates a vicious cycle, she added. Centers invest in training staff only to lose them to better-paying K-12 positions.

Leaders at Imagine are working to disrupt this cycle. According to Imagine鈥檚 annual employee survey, 83% of staff report being satisfied with their jobs, and 81% of staff say they see themselves working at Imagine in two years. Despite employees鈥� high satisfaction rate, the business still competes with the public school system. 

Imagine gets its revenue from multiple sources, including a mix of private tuition, publicly funded child care subsidies and employer-sponsored child care agreements with government and university institutions. In a time of federal and state budget cuts and rising costs for families, childcare centers like Imagine are at the mercy of legislators and the economy, while public schools have less risk.

Even as an employee-owned childcare center with a diverse revenue model, Imagine isn鈥檛 immune to the challenges of running a childcare business.

The economics of childcare may prove challenging for ESOPs

The retention power of employee ownership lies in its promise of something wages alone don鈥檛 offer: wealth-building. 

鈥淚t lifts you up to know that you own something and you want to make sure that it grows bigger and bigger,鈥� said Zamorano.

Owning a share of a profitable business can greatly increase a worker鈥檚 wealth and financial security, but owning a share of a struggling business that doesn鈥檛 have a reliable cash flow cannot. 

鈥淭he one factor that all successful employee-owned businesses have from their outset is that they are starting from a place of profitability,鈥� said Tim Garbinsky, head of communications at NCEO. 

For Imagine to make good on the growth of employee ESOP account balances, the company has to remain profitable enough to have cash on hand to reinvest after covering its financial obligations. 

For many childcare centers, profitability remains a challenge. Melodia recognizes the business realities that could limit the expansion of childcare access. 

鈥淪mall business owners are always facing risk,鈥� she said. 鈥淎ny childcare center is going to have a hard time guaranteeing job quality and job security if they鈥檙e not able to charge what it actually costs to run these programs, which none of them are able to.鈥�

New York City leaders are looking at ways to enable providers who contract with them to charge what it costs, said Emmy Liss, the executive director in the Mayor鈥檚 Office of Child Care and Early Childhood Education. 鈥淲e have to take care of the people who provide this essential service.鈥� 

Liss acknowledges that 鈥渇olks who work in childcare programs face challenges when it comes to wages and benefits,鈥� and that across the industry, teachers don鈥檛 make enough to 鈥渓ive and thrive,鈥� and providers don鈥檛 have the resources to change the equation. It鈥檚 a problem that needs to be solved if care is going to be expanded across the city, and as more states like New York and New Mexico seek to provide residents with universal childcare. 

In a field rife with workforce challenges, notably low compensation and poor benefits, the ESOP model offers providers an approach to building their wealth over time. But the model鈥檚 promise as a solution to the sector’s longstanding retention challenges hinges on reliable revenue 鈥� and for most childcare programs, that requires systemic change.

For Tulchin, the economic challenges are hard to ignore. 鈥淚t’s still a very low-paid industry,鈥� she said, and while the goal of shared ownership is to do right by employees, the math is difficult when workers are 鈥渓iving paycheck to paycheck, and the value that you’re talking about is 40 years down the road.鈥�

Nestling House typically operated with a dozen staff who served over 30 children from age 6 weeks to 12 years old. But the program had lost almost half of its staff and some families stopped sending their children. 

鈥淲e were operating in pods, there was less staff. The hours were less. Everything felt like less,鈥� said Loryn Denny, the center鈥檚 executive director.

When the acute crisis had subsided and the center reopened, there were fewer children enrolled, but the leadership team decided to reduce rates to make the cost more affordable for remaining families, which resulted in lower revenue. 

Nestling House, like many other programs, was able to stay afloat with federal pandemic relief funding provided through the American Rescue Plan Act. In Wisconsin, the funds were distributed through , a program that sent monthly payments to the state鈥檚 providers. 

In addition to supporting the center鈥檚 operating costs, the additional funding allowed Nestling House to give its staff bonuses, buy new outdoor playground equipment and purchase a gently used school bus which they were able to use to shuttle kids to and from the center. 

When the ARPA funds originally dedicated to Child Care Counts , Wisconsin was able to stretch the funding and continue the payments . The state subsequently created , a temporary 12-month program that sends monthly stipends to providers based on enrollment and staffing, which will end on June 30.听

After about six years of receiving these monthly payments, the shift will be a stark change for Wisconsin providers and programs, including Nestling House, which receives close to $4,000 a month in bridge payments, split between its two locations, according to Denny. The leadership team doesn鈥檛 have an immediate plan for how to make up the shortfall other than charging families higher rates or paying providers even less, neither of which they want to do. 

Nestling House will lose close to $50,000 per year, Denny said. One way to close the gap would be to add three additional infants to the full-time program, which would bring in about $21,000 a year each, but the program is already at capacity, and they have been as creative as possible with ways to add space. 

鈥淲e aren’t going to make up the money,鈥� said Jannelle Litos, the center鈥檚 enrollment and financial coordinator. 鈥淲e haven鈥檛 given substantial raises, we have held off and then given two bonuses which felt good. It would be nice to pay more 鈥� and hire more qualified people.鈥� Every year, she said, the team talks to a healthcare broker to see if Nestling House can afford to provide health insurance for employees, and every year they don鈥檛 have sufficient funds to do so.

鈥淢y fear is losing highly skilled staff because they can make more money and better benefits elsewhere,鈥� said Betsy Guerrero, a director at one of Nestling House鈥檚 two locations. 

In 2025, the Institute for Research on Poverty at the University of Wisconsin-Madison and the Wisconsin Department of Children & Families published a highlighting findings from a survey that asked childcare providers about what would happen if the Child Care Counts Stabilization Payments Program expired.

that providers anticipated negative impacts for their childcare programs, including trouble with staffing, lower compensation, higher tuition payments for families and a decrease in their ability to provide high quality care. A quarter of the providers surveyed said they were likely to close. 

At Nestling House, leaders are concerned that many of their staff may leave. 鈥淵ou get what you pay for. 鈥� If I am continually having to replace a quality hire with an untrained person, I am spending more time managing adults than curating the program,鈥� said Denny. 鈥淭he focus in childcare should be on the children in our opinion.鈥�

For Tamara Summerville, a home-based childcare provider in Milwaukee, the Child Care Counts payments have been core to her business model. She opened her program in December 2020, and began receiving the payments the following year. The monthly stipends allowed her to buy supplies, nutritional snacks and pay her staff more through bonuses. Even as her program鈥檚 enrollment fluctuated (as several children have changed residences through the state鈥檚 foster care system), the extra funds allowed her to consistently keep staff on hand. 

鈥淚 love kids. Especially in this community,鈥� Summerville said. 鈥淚 want to provide somewhere safe for them to be.鈥� She estimates that she brings in about $800 a month through bridge payments. 

鈥淐hildcare is not promising. It makes enough money to be sustainable, sometimes,鈥� said Summerville, but she explained that it’s not enough to make ends meet.

Wisconsin has benefitted from an historically large and there is 鈥渉uge discussion about what the dollars will get used on,鈥� said Sara Shaw, deputy research director at the Wisconsin Policy Forum. Shaw posits that the two main suspects for additional dollars would be increasing aid for K-12 schools and lowering property taxes, but an earlier deal and no plan emerged. 鈥淚t鈥檚 not clear where childcare is falling on the list of priorities, but the possibility is there,鈥� she said. 

Some that have gained attention in Wisconsin include expanding employer tax credits and and then directing some of the additional revenue toward early care and education.

Gov. Tony Evers is , so a new governor will be elected this fall. The change in leadership could impact where childcare falls in the list of state budget surplus priorities. But no immediate change is coming, so after June 30, providers will be left to figure out immediate stopgap solutions to stay open. 

鈥淚 don’t know if it’s possible to go back to things pre-COVID,鈥� said Shaw. Childcare has gotten more attention on the national level, and the influx of public funding has been widely proven to have a positive impact. When that funding dries up, the state’s childcare providers 鈥� including Nestling House and Summerville 鈥� will be left to figure out how to balance their budgets and stay open. 鈥淲hat we hear is that in order to continue competing they will need to raise prices, which is pricing out families, or close,鈥� she said. 鈥淲e will have to see what actually happens.鈥�

Every year, parents 鈥� usually mothers 鈥� toil months in advance of the summer break to sign kids up for camps, book nannies, fly grandparents out to help or sort out a medley of arrangements and schedules. Planning can start as far as a year in advance.听

After signing her kids up for all their assorted activities, one mom said she then . 

The summer months for school-aged kids are probably one of the best examples of America鈥檚 you-figure-it-out attitude toward most things related to caregiving.

Unlike in other countries, the United States summer programming experience is fragmented: You could book a private camp or one through your local YMCA, school district or church 鈥� all with different registration dates, waitlists and signup policies. Demand is often much higher than supply. And many of the options don鈥檛 run with the actual workday, which leaves parents responsible for brokering time with their employers. 

Cost has increasingly become a barrier for families looking to put their kids in summer activities, which now run about per summer per kid on average. Only about half of children whose parents want them to have a structured summer experience are actually enrolled in summer camps or day camps, according to by the nonprofit Afterschool Alliance that surveyed 30,000 American families. For 38 percent of the families that are unable to enroll their kids, cost is the top factor. The other barriers are transportation challenges, not being able to find a program, not having programs available in their community, program hours that don鈥檛 meet parents鈥� needs and not enough spaces in the programs that are available. 

What all of this looks like in practice is a summer camp rat race that often begins at the start of the year. 

鈥淪ummer camp, similar to other childcare and education systems, has not kept up with the reality of most children being in families where all the parents are working, whether that’s a single parent working full time or whether it’s two parents working full time,鈥� said Inimai Chettiar, the president of A Better Balance, a nonprofit that promotes workplace balance for women and caregivers. 鈥淭his is a system from the previous generations where a lot of moms were staying home.鈥� 

The result is that summer camp falls into the bucket of things Chettiar calls 鈥渉ome admin work.鈥� 

鈥淭his is part of the invisible work that women do: not only having to figure out what camps to go to, what schools for the kids to go to, doing the research, going to the tours, comparing the different schools, figuring that out, figuring out the drop off, if you need to hire someone, or taking time out of work to go do it 鈥� all of this is falling on women,鈥� she said. 鈥淭he administration of this has exploded in terms of the burden on mothers.鈥� 

Ahead of the summer break, The 19th spoke to five moms across the country about how they鈥檙e piecing together their kids summer plans 鈥� and critically, how they鈥檙e paying for them. 

Amanda Hambrick

• New York City
• Minister
• Number of kids: 4
• Summer cost: $14,250

During the last week of the summer, when most camps are closed and parents are left scrambling, Amanda Hambrick helps put on a focused on social justice for kids entering kindergarten to 8th grade. Their 50 spots are almost gone. 

For the rest of the time, she has a mix of activities to keep her four kids 鈥� 12-year-old twins, a 10-year-old and a 3-year-old 鈥� entertained during the eight weeks of New York City summer. 

Here鈥檚 the breakdown: 

• She and her ex-husband will each take two weeks off of work, staggering their time: 10 days out of the PTO bucket each
• One week of sleepaway camp for the twins and 10-year-old: $2,000
• Four weeks of day camp for the twins at about $800 a week: $6,400
• Two weeks of acting camp for her 10-year-old: $1,400
• Two weeks of gymnastics camp for her 10-year-old: $1,750
• Four weeks of part-time daycare for her 3-year-old: $1,200
• Four weeks of a nanny to help with pickups: $1,500

The total: $14,250

By New York standards, that鈥檚 pretty affordable. Hambrick is also cutting costs by volunteering her time as a camp counselor at the sleepaway camp, and she鈥檚 going to be bringing her toddler with her to work some days a week. 

Hambrick said she鈥檚 always had to 鈥渇igure out the summer Jenga,鈥� a job that has often involved tapping into networks of moms to find the best camps and secure slots. Her recent divorce has made the labor of it that much more challenging. Schedules need to be ironed out even earlier in the year now. 

鈥淚t鈥檚 part of that invisible labor of actually getting it done and piecing it together, and a big part of that also is relationship building,鈥� she said. 鈥淢oms just understand that you’re going to find out about affordable camps and fun camps and good camps through conversations and relationships that you have with people and with the community, and so that’s the way that I’ve been able to make our summers work so far throughout all my kids’ lives.鈥�

Maddy Novich 

• New York City
• Associate professor of criminal justice
• Number of kids: 3
• Summer cost: $24,370

Years ago, when Maddy Novich was on a two-week trip to the Netherlands, a lightbulb went off for her and her husband. 

If they were back home in New York City, their 4-year-old would be in summer camp and they鈥檇 be having to navigate one of the most chaotic systems in the country. But what if they put him in a camp for a week while they were abroad? That way, she and her husband could have some time to do all the things their son didn鈥檛 want to do, like art museums. They looked it up on a whim and soon realized there were a lot of camp options. So they tried it 鈥� and he loved it. They tried it again the next year, then the next, then the next, each time extending the duration of their trips abroad and building summer camp into the experience no matter where they went. 

In Europe, where they usually go for the summer, signing up and finding summer camp 鈥渋s much less crazy, it’s much less competitive, from my experience and the places that I’ve been to,鈥� Novich said. It鈥檚 also typically more affordable compared to camps in New York, which easily run . 

Novich vets the camps ahead of time by looking at reviews and ensuring they have English-speaking staff. Over time, she鈥檚 built relationships in places they鈥檝e visited multiple times, like Amsterdam. 

Here鈥檚 how the cost broke down last year for nine weeks overseas with three kids, ages 12, 8 and 5: 

• Two weeks of summer camp in Scotland for the two eldest: $2,000
• One week of summer camp in Amsterdam for the youngest: Free because it was covered for them (cost is otherwise $350 a week)
• A nanny to help for part of the summer: $3,000
• Flights: $5,700
• Other travel (trains, buses and rideshares): $3,500
• Hotel stays: $750
• Groceries (about comparable to what she spends in New York): $5,600
• Eating out: $2,000
• A trip to the emergency room when her daughter dislocated a toe: $107
• Other miscellaneous costs: $893
• Other kids鈥� activities (museums, aquariums, bounce houses): $820

The total: $24,370

What really unlocked this summer option for Novich was securing largely free housing through a platform called Home Exchange. An annual membership costs $235 and it allows them to swap homes at no cost with other families who want to come stay in New York. (Novich doesn鈥檛 pay the fee because she works with the company). Another plus: She swaps with families that also have kids, so they don鈥檛 have to worry about schlepping all the kid stuff they need 鈥� beds, cribs, high chairs, toys 鈥� overseas. Novich estimates they saved about $35,000 last year on housing alone. 

Of course, there are caveats, Novich said. Her frame of reference is New York, one of the most expensive summer camp markets in the country. And, because she has the summers off  through her work and her husband has a flexible tech job, they are able to go abroad. They travel extensively, so some of the costs are part of their summer budget. The family usually starts mapping their trips out a year in advance, and they share their journey . 

鈥淭he response has overwhelmingly been very positive because it’s just encouraging people to think outside the box a little bit, and saying the way that the U.S. does it isn’t the only way,鈥� Novich said. 

This summer will be their most ambitious yet: four different camps in Spain, Switzerland and Greece, and her two oldest kids are doing sleepaway camp in Switzerland for the first time. The entire family will be gone 11 weeks. 

LaQuitta Brown

• Detroit
• Certified nursing assistant 
• Number of kids: 5, 2 school-age
• Summer cost: $1,000

Summer camp options are already difficult enough to find 鈥� and when your child has a disability, the challenges compound. Last summer, LaQuitta Brown got lucky. 

She was able to enroll her 8-year-old son, who has autism, ADHD and an avoidant/restrictive food intake disorder, in a Detroit program that caters to children with disabilities. Her son, Kermari, was able to participate in Spanish-language immersion, dancing and cooking. 

This year, he鈥檒l be back. The program starts in July and runs for five weeks, costing her about $700. (The family doesn鈥檛 qualify for subsidies to lower costs.) 

That means costs this year will include: 

• Five weeks of summer camp: $700 
• Extra hours with a caretaker in June before summer camp starts: $300

Her husband is already stretched as thin as possible 鈥� he works every day at an engine manufacturer鈥� and her other school-age son, who is 14, will be working this summer for the first time (the rest of her children are in their 20s). So it鈥檚 up to her to bridge the time between now and the start of camp. Brown, a certified nursing assistant, had already stepped back from full-time work to take on only on-call shifts so that her schedule could be more responsive to her son鈥檚 needs. But she still plans to take on two to three more shifts a week to cover the cost of camp. She鈥檚 also attending a few free activities available around the city throughout the summer, plus upping his direct care services with a caretaker. Before Kermari got into summer camp, this is how she bridged the entire summer. 

All things considered, she said, it鈥檚 still a win because at least there is an option on the horizon that works for her family. When he first did the summer camp program last year, Kermari had an incredible experience. So Brown kept an eye on whether it was returning this year and signed up in April 鈥� as soon as she could. 

鈥淲hen you have children that are socially and emotionally incapable of certain things, but you see them happy, you want to continue that at whatever cost it is and sacrifice whatever you need to sacrifice to make sure that you can bring that happiness back to them when they鈥檙e out in the world,鈥� Brown said. 

Claire de Leon

• Long Beach, California
• Communications strategist
• Number of kids: 2
• Summer cost: $8,892

Claire de Leon started thinking about summer camp for her 5-year-old early this year. Pretty soon, there was a spreadsheet of math, reading and STEM and other camps they were considering. She was already too late for many of them. 

The slots filled up quickly and some of the more affordable options had dubious reviews online, with parents flagging safety concerns. So she started thinking more expansively about how to fill the summer months. That鈥檚 when she thought of Belgium. Her longtime best friend moved there with her family a couple of years ago, and de Leon promised to visit her every year. What if they made that trip in the summer? Their housing would be covered and the kids could play together.

So that鈥檚 the plan: Three-and-a-half weeks in Brussels, where de Leon will work remotely while her husband takes two weeks off. Then, when they鈥檙e back stateside, she and her friend will swap. Her friend鈥檚 family will come to California to stay with them for a month, and de Leon鈥檚 5-year-old will go to five weeks of half-day camp in Long Beach, from 9 a.m to noon.  The family will also spend a week and a half in Seattle later in the summer with grandparents who will help take on some of the care while de Leon works. 

Here鈥檚 how it will shake out: 

• Flights to Brussels: $2,120
• An overnight train from Austria to Brussels: $400
• Half-day camp in Long Beach for five weeks: $500
• Full-time daycare for her 2-year-old: $1,770 a month, $5,310 for the whole summer
• Flights to Seattle: $562 

All combined, it鈥檚 $8,892.

For her, easing the stress of summer planning meant getting really creative about what was possible within her family鈥檚 means and leveraging the relationships they had 鈥� both in the United States and out of it. 

鈥淭he more that I can approach it from not from a place of scarcity, but from a place of: What could be possible? What could we do? It really felt like it opened up these doors,鈥� she said. 鈥淚t sounds so odd to say, but thinking about going to Europe as a relatively affordable option for our very, very particular situation of having friends there was like, 鈥榃e can do that?鈥� It just sounds to me like something someone else would do.鈥� 

Meghan Hullinger

• Marlinton, West Virginia
• Outreach and community engagement
• Number of kids: 4
• Summer cost: $2,100鈥�$2,550

In the pocket of rural West Virginia where Meghan Hullinger lives with her four kids, there is just one childcare center for the entire county. There are camps, but few of the families in this lower-income area can afford to put their kids in them. A two-week camp could run her $8,000. 鈥淚 make $25,000 a year, so that鈥檚 not possible.鈥�

In rural areas with few options, single moms like Hullinger are banding together to make it work. 

This summer, her 6-year-old will spend about a month in Florida with the girl鈥檚 father and grandmother. Her teenage daughters, ages 13 and 16, will spend the summer at home. And her 8-year-old will go to a free camp his school puts on from 8 a.m. to noon every weekday for six weeks. A friend will help her with pick-ups on Mondays and Tuesdays, and she鈥檒l try to leave work early on Wednesdays and Thursdays, plus her 16-year-old can pitch in with childcare or she can put her son a couple weeks in the local daycare, which also takes older kids, for a couple of weeks. But that鈥檚 an extra $450 a month that she just doesn鈥檛 have right now.

Though her community of mom friends help each other, she sometimes has as many as eight kids in her house to feed 鈥� plus the extra gas to even get to the store at a time when . The nearest Walmart is an hour and 15 minutes away by car.

The costs add up:

• Extra groceries in the summer months: $900
• Drive to Florida and back to drop her daughter off: $700
• Flight to bring her daughter home: $500
• Six weeks of summer camp for her 8-year-old: Free
• Extra daycare if needed: $450

Together, that鈥檚 about $2,100 if she doesn鈥檛 do daycare, or $2,550 with it. 

It frustrates her, she said, that it takes this much stitching together to get through three months out of the year. Families 鈥� read: mothers 鈥� are just expected to make it work. 

鈥淲e’re still back in that late 40s, early 50s supposition that women are at home all day with nothing better to do,鈥�  she said. 鈥淲e are still running our nation and our policies based upon the presumption of unpaid labor, and that’s just not a reality. It has not been a reality for so very long, and I don’t understand why we’re ignoring that as a nation.鈥�

was originally reported by Chabeli Carrazana of . .

Three top Senate Democrats are accusing the Trump administration and Republicans of 鈥渢aking a wrecking ball鈥� to childcare programs, highlighting the issue in a midterm year where many Democrats are running on inflation and the high cost of living.

Childcare costs have skyrocketed in recent decades, outpacing inflation. There鈥檚 bipartisan consensus on the crisis: an found that 76 percent of Americans, including over 70 percent of independents and Republicans, view the cost of childcare as 鈥渁 major problem.鈥� 

Democrats have long highlighted the issue, but many Republican politicians also agree there鈥檚 a problem 鈥� if not on the solutions to it. Republicans, who largely oppose major new spending on social programs, control the White House and both chambers of Congress, meaning that Democratic-controlled states and cities like New York City and New Mexico have been taking the lead on major investments aimed at making childcare more accessible. 

Now, in a new report, Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer and two fellow Senate Democrats are accusing the GOP of having 鈥渋nflamed the childcare crisis.鈥� 

The report on childcare from Schumer and Democratic Sens. Patty Murray of Washington and Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts, released Tuesday and shared first with The 19th, is the latest in a series of reports highlighting what Schumer says are the Trump administration鈥檚 鈥渂roken promises鈥� in areas including healthcare, housing and energy affordability. 

Even as childcare costs rise for families, wages for childcare providers remain low and draw fewer workers, creating a shortage of childcare slots and leaving many providers in a precarious position, especially since the funds Congress passed to stabilize the childcare industry during the COVID-19 pandemic have run out.

鈥淧eople in the richest country in the world should not view child care as a financial burden,鈥� Schumer said in a statement. 鈥淪enate Democrats are fighting to lower costs while continuing to expose how Trump and his administration鈥檚 continued broken promises have led to families struggling to make ends meet.鈥�

The report from Schumer, Murray and Warren charges that President Donald Trump and Republicans have 鈥渁bandoned America鈥檚 children and families鈥� by passing tax breaks for the wealthy and pursuing the war with Iran. 

鈥淭rump promised no new wars and lower costs 鈥� he broke that promise and even insisted that America couldn鈥檛 pay for child care because we had to pay for wars instead,鈥� Murray said in a statement. 鈥淢eanwhile, Democrats are putting forward an agenda that will make life more affordable for American families in all 50 states 鈥� and we鈥檙e making high-quality, affordable child care a top priority.鈥�

The Democrats point to Trump’s comments in April, when he 鈥渢he United States can鈥檛 pay for daycare鈥� because of the conflict in the Middle East, saying: 鈥淚t鈥檚 not possible for us to take care of daycare, Medicaid, Medicare, all these individual things.鈥�     

鈥淭he fact is that Trump and Republicans have done nothing to address the child care crisis in this country 鈥� in reality, they have made it worse,鈥� the report says. 鈥淩ather than lowering the costs of child care for the American people, Trump has taken a wrecking ball to federal programs and infrastructure that help American families access affordable child care.鈥澛�

The Schumer-led report charged that the Trump administration has 鈥渟ystemically attacked and undermined early childhood education programs鈥� with funding pauses, delays and personnel cuts at offices overseeing the federal government鈥檚 funding of childcare and , which funds early learning for low-income children. It also accused the administration of 鈥渨aging an all-out war鈥� on the childcare sector by freezing over $2 billion in federal childcare funds to five Democratic-controlled states over in childcare programs.  

Lawmakers in both chambers of Congress have introduced bipartisan proposals on childcare, and Republicans are also embracing the issue. Republican Reps. Ashley Hinson of Iowa, a candidate for U.S. Senate, and Ryan Mackenzie of Pennsylvania, who is seeking reelection in a competitive district, are among the cosponsors of the recently introduced bipartisan Child Care Modernization Act. 

鈥淔amily is at the heart of everything I do, and I鈥檒l keep fighting to make it easier to raise one,鈥�  

Mackenzie highlighted the rapidly increasing costs of childcare about the bill, saying: 鈥淚t鈥檚 more important than ever that we deliver the relief and reform that working families need to thrive.鈥�  

Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick, a fellow Pennsylvania Republican, cosponsored a bipartisan bill to expand a tax deduction for teachers to early childhood educators that . He鈥檚 also a cosponsor of the Improving Child Care for Working Families Act with Democratic Rep. Kim Schrier of Washington. 

But there鈥檚 been little appetite among Republicans for the kind of large-scale federal investments many Democrats argue are needed to make childcare affordable and accessible nationwide. Warren and Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York , the Childcare for Every Community Act, which proposes new federal investments to create universal and affordable childcare. 

The One Big Beautiful Bill Act, Republicans鈥� party-line tax-and-spending bill passed last year, expanded some childcare subsidies and tax credits used by parents and employers, changes that experts said primarily benefit middle- and higher-income families. The Democrats鈥� report noted that childcare costs are especially burdensome for the lowest-income families and that 鈥渕any parents 鈥� disproportionately women 鈥� are forced out of the labor market as they simply cannot afford the high cost of care.鈥� 

Democrats have also criticized the bill for cutting Medicaid and food assistance programs, which many of the lowest-income families rely on. Federal cuts, combined with the COVID-era federal childcare funds running out and other economic pressures, have, in turn, .

鈥淎mericans are drowning under child care costs that just keep going up, and instead of doing anything to fix it, Donald Trump slashed the programs that help families afford care and gave billion-dollar tax handouts to giant corporations,鈥� Warren said in a statement. 鈥淔ixing the affordability crisis in this country means delivering universal child care, and Democrats are fighting to get it done.鈥�

In the absence of major federal action, some Democratic-controlled states and cities are leading the charge on universal childcare. And as Democrats focus on affordability in their messaging ahead of the 2026 midterms, candidates across the country are campaigning on universal childcare, universal pre-K and early childhood education.    

New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani, who and is working with Gov. Kathy Hochul to phase in his childcare plan, recently made New York the first city to open . New Mexico also became the first state in the country to families last year. 

The state鈥檚 departing Democratic Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham told The 19th that New Mexico鈥檚 investment also raised salaries and expanded benefits for childcare providers, a woman-dominated industry. 鈥淚t鈥檚 time,鈥� she said, 鈥渢hat America embraces universal childcare.鈥�  

鈥淲hen people refer to states like ours that still have some deep-rooted poverty issues, if we can do it, then anyone can do it,鈥� Lujan Grisham said in an April interview. 鈥淚’m not suggesting that it is a quick, 24-hour fix. 鈥� It took us all this time to build it out, but it is doable. And I think it could be some of the most important, impactful set of services and legislation for New Mexico families, and then a blueprint for American families, since the FDR investments in Social Security.鈥�

In remarks at the Center for American Progress鈥� IDEAS conference last month, Warren argued that Republicans are 鈥渇umbling the childcare issue at the most basic level.鈥� She also criticized her own party for not making major investments in childcare in its major party-line spending bills when Democrats controlled Congress for the first two years of President Joe Biden鈥檚 presidency, saying 鈥渨e lost childcare because not enough Democrats who were already in office were willing to fight for it.鈥�

鈥淚t would be political malpractice for Democrats not to be talking about childcare every chance we get, going into the midterms and beyond,鈥� Warren said. 鈥淲hen I look at the upcoming Democratic presidential primary, every 2028 candidate who understands what鈥檚 happening in this country, who wants to win, and who will deliver for families, will make universal childcare a core piece of their agenda.鈥�   

was originally reported by Grace Panetta of . Meet Grace and of their reporting on gender, politics and policy.

As more discussions about supplying adequate, affordable childcare are had across the state, childcare centers continue to struggle with staff retention.

Beth Ann Lang, deputy chief executive officer of Child Care Aware of Missouri, has been working to address Missouri鈥檚 childcare crisis for more than 20 years.

Lang said there are many deep-rooted issues within the early childcare industry, but she feels that low wages and a lack of education requirements for workers in the field heavily impact turnover.

A January  from Child Care Aware found a 26% to 40% staff turnover rate due to stagnant wages between 2020 and 2024. Lang said salaries vary by area, but she said many workers barely receive compensation higher than minimum wage and rarely receive benefits.

鈥淚f you鈥檙e not being paid and you don鈥檛 have an education base to be able to do your very best, then people don鈥檛 want to stay in our field,鈥� Lang said.

She said another aspect of the problem is that the education field is undervalued in the United States, which in turn has led to major systemic issues.

鈥淚f you鈥檝e ever looked at some other countries and how they approach education and early childhood education, it鈥檚 much more part of the larger system,鈥� Lang said 鈥淚t鈥檚 viewed as a very important job and one that actually makes money.鈥�

Amber Hansen, executive director of Seeds of Faith Preschool in Clinton, said she has been advocating for early childhood education to be more valued as a career in recent years.

鈥淐hildcare is not easy. There鈥檚 lots of factors that happen in these early years of brain development,鈥� Hansen said. 鈥淲e鈥檙e dealing with kids with trauma, foster kids. There鈥檚 lots of things that go into our job; it鈥檚 not just having them sit at a desk and complete a worksheet.鈥�

Hansen said specific issues with staff retention vary from year to year, but it remains a consistent problem.

鈥淩etention is a challenge for any childcare provider because of the pay factor,鈥� Hansen said.

Hansen鈥檚 teachers are contracted to remain on staff until the end of a nine month school year, so her day-to-day operations are mostly unaffected by staffing changes. However, she said problems could easily arise for centers under different circumstances.

鈥淚 could see that being a problem for 12-month programs because if you have a two-week notice of somebody鈥檚 quitting, that doesn鈥檛 leave you very long to find somebody, and then you鈥檝e got to run a background screening on them,鈥� Hansen said.

Lang said that for the state to begin to chip away at the problems within childcare, it must stop treating only the symptoms of the problem without also addressing the main issue at hand.

鈥淚f somebody鈥檚 bleeding, you put a Bandaid on them,鈥� Lang said. 鈥淏ut then you鈥檙e going to ask, 鈥榃hy are you bleeding? What caused that?鈥� 鈥�

She said she wishes legislators would try to look at the issue through the eyes of someone who works in childcare.

鈥淚 wish that every legislator would spend one day in a childcare program, whether it鈥檚 family-based or center-based to be just there seeing what it鈥檚 like, what the issues are, what the challenges are,鈥� Lang said. 鈥淪itting in a room of one-year-olds or in a family childcare program where you have two babies, a three-year-old and a five-year-old all running around at the same time needing you.鈥�

Lang said even though things seem hard now, she still holds out hope for conditions to change in the future.

鈥淥ver the next five years,鈥� Lang said, 鈥渋f we are actually as communities and as legislators and as education entities sitting together and discussing what needs to change, and making plans then enacting them, we鈥檒l be in a good place.鈥�

This story originally appeared in , a digital newsroom covering business and the economy in Missouri.

鈥淲hat we want is that, if and when families need it, there鈥檚 childcare that鈥檚 available, that works for their needs, that鈥檚 affordable and high quality,鈥� said Anne Hedgepeth, senior vice president of policy and research at Child Care Aware of America. 鈥淲e鈥檙e seeing a lot of gaps in that promise right now.鈥�

To get federal childcare funding, states have to put a minimum amount of their own money into the system as well. But of state funding for childcare and preschool in fiscal year 2026, conducted by Child Care Aware of America, found that seven states 鈥� Arkansas, Idaho, Missouri, Nevada, Rhode Island, West Virginia and Wyoming 鈥� don鈥檛 spend any money above that bare minimum. And a handful of states don鈥檛 spend more of their own money on preschool than what is strictly required: Arizona, Idaho, Montana, New Hampshire, South Dakota, Utah and Wyoming. Idaho and Wyoming find themselves on both lists, putting nothing extra into either system. 

The lack of additional investment has a lot of root causes, from political hesitance to the realities of state budgets, which must be balanced every year, Hedgepeth said. In part, she said, the problem stems from the end of federal funding from the American Rescue Plan Act, which infused billions of dollars into the system and allowed states to make but has since disappeared. Other constraints include a reduction in tax revenues and cuts to federal programs stemming from the Republicans鈥� One Big Beautiful Bill package that passed last year. 

No matter its source, the lack of funding creates 鈥渁 frustration for parents and families and childcare providers on the ground,鈥� Hedgepeth said. Without more state investment, legislatures are unable to improve the system by, for example, expanding their subsidy programs to reach more families 鈥� or even to serve all eligible ones 鈥� or reimbursing providers the amount it actually costs to care for children instead of at lower rates. That has led to over a dozen states recently instituting or expanding waiting lists for childcare subsidies, leaving parents to try to pay for care out of pocket. The waitlists hurt providers, too, if they can鈥檛 enroll new families, which can lead to closures of classrooms and even entire programs. 鈥淭he whole system suffers,鈥� Hedgepeth said. 

State spending disparities have also created an uneven national system that leaves parents better or worse off depending on where they live. The study analyzed total investments for each child under age 5 for 37 states and found that spending ranged from less than $500 per child under age 5 to more than $5,000 per child. Eleven states spend between $1,500 and $9,900 per child, with Washington, D.C. spending the most. 

鈥淲e do have really different experiences state-to-state, based in part, on what states are putting into their childcare and early learning systems,鈥� Hedgepeth said. That creates frustration for families, especially those who move between states and have to navigate such different systems. But it hurts everyone. 鈥淚t also really presents a challenge when we think about having an overarching goal when it comes to child development and support of our earliest learners,鈥� she said. Children arrive at kindergarten with a variety of readiness levels depending on what was available to their families before then, she pointed out. That necessitates instituting 鈥渁 more robust floor鈥� so that there is a baseline across the whole country.

Hedgepeth sees a silver lining: In the states that are failing to spend more of their own funding, 鈥渢here is room for these states to do more and maybe even an appetite.鈥� Some of them signaled in their recent legislative sessions that they want to invest more, she said. of governors talked about childcare and early childhood education in their state of the state addresses this year. She also noted that, since the pandemic, all states are at least fully meeting the federal match requirement for childcare funding, even if many aren鈥檛 going above and beyond. There were some years before 2020, mostly in 鈥渆xtraordinary circumstances,鈥� such as a recession or budgetary challenge, when some states did not even spend that much, she said.

Even so, some states are moving in the wrong direction. Child Care Aware of America found that six states 鈥� Florida, Kansas, Kentucky, North Carolina, New Hampshire and Rhode Island 鈥� decreased how much of their own money they spent on childcare and preschool in fiscal year 2026 compared to fiscal year 2025. West Virginia invested in childcare in fiscal year 2025 but then failed to do so in fiscal year 2026. 

According to from Child Care Aware of America, this lack of state spending has led to the first decline in the number of licensed childcare centers in several years. In the years directly after the height of the pandemic, between 2021 and 2023, childcare supply experienced 鈥渞obust growth,鈥� Hedgepeth said, after states made investments that 鈥減aid off in terms of making it possible for childcare programs to open.鈥� But between 2024 and 2025, the number of licensed centers declined by 1%. 

Hedgepeth cautioned that the data is messy and the drop is 鈥渧ery, very small.鈥� Still, she said, 鈥淚t is very clear to us that we are not moving in the direction we need to be moving.鈥� of American children already live in childcare deserts, according to a report from the Center for America Progress. In states that aren鈥檛 spending enough for providers to be able to open and operate with some semblance of financial stability, 鈥渢he supply trend is going to continue in the wrong direction,鈥� she said. 

This is especially concerning given that state budgets are about to enter a particularly rough patch. The One Big Beautiful Bill Act enacted the to the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program and Medicaid in history, cuts that state budgets have to absorb. The possibility that states will feel forced to further pull back from childcare and early childhood education funding in order to cover for some of those reductions is 鈥渧ery much on the horizon,鈥� Hedgepeth said. While some states started to worry about the problem in their most recent sessions, next year鈥檚 legislative sessions are where the cuts are likely to really hit home, she said. 鈥淲e鈥檙e looking at a tough several years.鈥� 

Congress can act by increasing funding for childcare programs, something it has with . 鈥淚t鈥檚 very clear that the gap is there and it needs to be closed,鈥� Hedgepeth said. 鈥淲e have a very direct call to action here, which is, 鈥楲et鈥檚 make investments to make sure we grow the supply for childcare.鈥� 鈥�

Tucked in New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani鈥檚 sprawling universal childcare plan is a little-talked-about milestone: In September, the city will open what appears to be the first free daycare for municipal workers in the country. 

The center, called , is a pilot program that could prove to be a model for cities across the country that are childcare curious, but not ready to take the big universal swing. 

Housed in a renovated space on the first floor of the David N. Dinkins Municipal Building in Manhattan, home base for more than 2,000 city workers, the Little Apple will offer free care to the kids of full-time staff. All workers in the Department of Citywide Administrative Services (DCAS), a city government support agency, can also take advantage of it regardless of their work location.

The center will be small 鈥� just 40 seats for children ages six weeks to 3 years old. To pay for it, the city budgeted about $1.5 million, or $35,000 per child.

鈥淭his is what Wall Street could call a good investment,鈥� Mamdani . 鈥淲e know that after housing, the cost of childcare is what is pushing working families out of this city.鈥� 

DCAS Commissioner Yume Kitasei told The 19th said the solution came about as a retention strategy, responding to the needs workers shared. In surveys, workers enthusiastically embraced the idea. One worker described access to free childcare as 鈥渓ife-changing.鈥�

That鈥檚 probably not hyperbole. Childcare affordability is a national problem that has only grown more acute. Childcare costs an average of nationwide; in New York for an infant at a center it鈥檚 closer to on average. Paying for a daycare now vies with housing costs as , so much so that some parents have had to move or . 

Cities, meanwhile, have been since the pandemic. Benefits like childcare, which some cities and private companies have dabbled with, can help address the quality-of-life issues that are pushing workers out of jobs. 

鈥淭his is a great time for us to sort of be thinking about: How can we make our jobs even more attractive to people and also retain the city workers that we have?鈥� Kitasei said. 鈥淭his is one piece of that puzzle.鈥� 

Kitasei added that a 鈥渉ealthy鈥� number of staffers applied for The Little Apple and the department expects to fill its 40 childcare seats. Anyone who doesn鈥檛 get a spot will be put on a waitlist.

There is an appetite across the country for childcare solutions that could help bring down costs for certain workers, and cities are already taking on creative fixes. 

Several already have childcare centers in municipal buildings or for city employees, including , , and , Colorado, though none of them are free like New York鈥檚. In Chattanooga, Tennessee, the county school district and a local childcare center known nationally have partnered to provide childcare for the children of teachers inside unused classrooms in schools. Boone County, Missouri, is . 

In the private sector, and closed longstanding childcare centers they operated on their campuses in recent years, but efforts continue elsewhere. Patagonia has operated at its California headquarters since the 1980s, a move it argues has lowered turnover from employees who use the site by 25%. Overstock.com also has an at its Utah headquarters. Both are subsidized, not free.听

鈥淎s cities in every region of the country compete with the private sector and other municipalities to attract and retain workers and elected officials, ensuring access to childcare offers an opportunity for local governments to build a representative workforce and invest in the future of their communities,鈥� said Quincy Midthun, an outreach specialist with the Mayors Innovation Project at the High Road Strategy Center, a think tank focused on solutions to social problems.

The Little Apple, and New York City broadly, reflect a when it comes to childcare. 

The announcements of universal childcare in New York City and in the last year received an enormous amount of attention across the country. Both places took an idea that for many years was floated as a pipe dream 鈥� treating childcare similarly to public education 鈥� and turned it into reality. In New York, it鈥檚 one of the few issues that Mamdani, a Democratic socialist, and Gov. Kathy Hochul, a centrist Democrat, . 

Voters are also hungry for more solutions: In poll after poll, they assert that spending money on childcare is a . 

Emmy Liss, who heads Mamdani鈥檚 childcare office, said childcare is at a 鈥減olitical tipping point.鈥� 

鈥淲e’re in this moment where folks across all political, socioeconomic, demographic spectrums recognize that childcare is essential, that childcare is something families are struggling to access, and know that the market economics of childcare don’t work without public investment,鈥� Liss said. 鈥淲e see recognition of that.鈥�

With Little Apple, New York is testing what it looks like to commit to its promises of free care for all, but doing it first for its own employees. 

鈥淚f we are asking folks to report to work in person in parts of the city where childcare is expensive, as it is all over the city, I think that we have to recognize that childcare is an important part of how we keep people in the workforce,鈥� Liss said. 

Mamdani and Hochul have been working to make childcare universally available to children in the city through a phased rollout set to conclude in four years. For 2-year olds, the mayor announced that will be available in the fall in four largely low-income areas of the city. Another 12,000 are planned for 2027. For 3-year-olds, about 2,000 new seats will be added in the fall, as well. The city has an existing universal childcare program for 4-year-olds. 

Universal childcare as Mamdani envisions it will cover kids ages 6 weeks to 5 years with a price tag of about $6 billion annually, making it the most expensive pillar of his affordability agenda. Mamdani is expected to push to fund the program with a tax increase on the wealthy, a strategy Hochul for, though the state is . Mamdani has not yet unveiled what his universal childcare program would look like for infants and young toddlers.

How New York City鈥檚 program rolls out and its sustainability are being closely watched by proponents of universal care, who argue it’s also an anti-poverty measure.

鈥淲e know that other places are watching as we try different things out, including the work at the Little Apple,鈥� Liss said.

In New York City, 21% of working parents experienced some kind of childcare hardship in 2024 that forced them to forgo care or use inadequate care, particularly families living in poverty, single mothers and Black parents, from Robin Hood, an anti-poverty organization, and Columbia University鈥檚 Center on Poverty and Social Policy.听

An average of 3,400 2- and 3-year-olds were pushed into poverty between 2022 and 2024 specifically due to the cost of childcare, a from the same organizations found. An estimated 4,100 2- and 3-year-olds would be lifted out of poverty each year if they had access to universal 2-K and 3-K education. That would reduce poverty for this age group .听

Rebecca Bailin, the executive director of the parent organizing group New Yorkers United for Child Care, said the problem has reached such a fever pitch that thousands of parents started to organize around the issue in 2023 and helped push the agenda that was central to Mamdani鈥檚 election. 

Bailin, who has a 1-year-old, said she can now depend on a 3-K program when her child turns 3 and likely a 2-K program, as well 鈥� a savings of about $100,000. The 2-K program Mamdani is rolling out will also be full-day care rather than partial-day care that wraps up around 2 p.m. like the existing 3-K program, addressing a top ask from parents.

鈥淧eople are stoked,鈥� Bailin said. 鈥淧eople feel like they can stay in the city.鈥� 

The Little Apple is a small part of the larger effort, but, 鈥渋f we want to retain people, we have to do this,鈥� Bailin said. 

鈥淭his is something we want to see scaled. If city workers can’t afford to live here, that鈥檚 a real problem,鈥� she continued. 鈥淭his is really critical and we need this for everybody.鈥� 

was originally reported by Chabeli Carrazana of .

The law鈥檚 passage followed nearly two decades of groundwork and an eight-year advocacy campaign led by Let鈥檚 Grow Kids, a local organization focused on building broad public and political support for childcare reform. The mission? To achieve high-quality, affordable childcare for the whole state. 

A from New America chronicles the years of advocacy and organizing that paved the way for Vermont to pass Act 76, including the incremental legislative strategy that developed bipartisan support; efforts to build a coalition of stakeholders; and the strategic pivots and political organizing that were instrumental in passing the law. By recounting Vermont鈥檚 roadmap, the report鈥檚 author, Rebecca Gale, who has been covering childcare in the state for years, shares lessons learned to highlight what鈥檚 possible when it comes to state-led childcare reform. 

Here鈥檚 a look back at Gale鈥檚 reporting on some of the key actions and policy changes that have led to progress in Vermont.

While childcare has gained visibility in political campaigns, it鈥檚 more often a secondary issue, rather than a key priority for candidates. That may be starting to change. In April, Aly Richards, who led Let鈥檚 Grow Kids for nearly a decade, announced her bid for governor. In an interview with Gale, Richards discussed why the governor鈥檚 office might be the best next step for someone who knows how central quality childcare is for families 鈥� and states 鈥� to thrive.

Let鈥檚 Grow Kids, a nonprofit organization formed in 2015 to improve Vermont鈥檚 childcare infrastructure, sunset its operations in October 2025. According to its CEO, it was always intended to be dismantled after a decade, and the sunset strategy was critical to its success in spurring change. Here鈥檚 an inside look at how the organization鈥檚 efforts drove progress that led the state to make childcare more accessible and affordable, and why the time-sensitive nature of Let鈥檚 Grow Kids was key to its success.

Act 76, a law which passed in Vermont in 2023, has been a game changer for many of the state鈥檚 childcare providers, offering a notable financial boost. For some, it鈥檚 doubled their income. The law, which was designed to increase access to high-quality childcare for families and to support the state鈥檚 early care and education workforce, has had a number of successes in its first year of implementation. Here鈥檚 a look at how family childcare providers in the state have been impacted.

In June 2023, Vermont鈥檚 legislature overrode Republican Gov. Phil Scott鈥檚 veto to approve a number of state-wide priorities, including $125 million to shore up its childcare infrastructure. The state鈥檚 successful effort followed more than a decade of advocacy and grassroots organizing focused on strengthening its childcare system. The law, , expanded childcare subsidies to reach more families and increased wages for providers. Supporters view Vermont鈥檚 approach as a national model for expanding affordable, accessible child care and strengthening the workforce.

In June 2023, Vermont鈥檚 Republican Gov. Phil Scott vetoed a bill to strengthen the state鈥檚 childcare system, but even after the governor鈥檚 veto, the state legislature had sufficient support to consider an override. Richards, CEO of Let鈥檚 Grow Kids, said the decision to veto could be traced back to a campaign promise not to raise taxes. Without the payroll tax increase, the program could not afford to pay providers more. 鈥淭he Governor agrees childcare is essential but won鈥檛 raise taxes. Those two things cannot live together. The solution is public investment. We know this is hard work. That is why we have a bipartisan movement. We are making hard choices together, but we are doing so responsibly,鈥� Richard said.

As the COVID-19 pandemic wreaked havoc across the globe, many states across the U.S. were navigating childcare setbacks. But in May 2021, after years of advocacy and organizing around strengthening childcare, Vermont passed , key legislation to reform childcare in the state. Despite the groundswell of political will for the program, Vermont still faces major funding hurdles. Gale offers a look into the state鈥檚 progress and challenges.

On Friday, New Hampshire Gov. Kelly Ayotte signed into law, which allows retirees taking care of children to access the state鈥檚 childcare assistance program.

For eligible families, the NH Child Care Scholarship Program provides funds for childcare through direct payments to daycare and out鈥搊f鈥搒chool time providers for children up to 13 years old, and through 17 for a child with disabilities.

SB 608 requirement for kinship caregivers who are retired and at federal retirement age. Previously, parents and guardians were required to be working, looking for work, in a training program, or in school. Families still have to meet state income eligibility requirements, which require them to make 85% or less of the state median income to qualify.

The law also requires the state to ask the federal government if family care support services are 鈥渁n allowable service鈥� under the Acquired Brain Disorder, Choices for Independence, and Community-Based Service waiver programs.

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. New Hampshire Bulletin maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Dana Wormald for questions: info@newhampshirebulletin.com.

California is doing something about diaper insecurity for its residents. Gov. Gavin Newsom that the state will provide 400 free diapers to families with newborn babies, beginning with hospitals that predominantly serve low-income households, before expanding more broadly.

Diaper need is a serious challenge for many families. of U.S. households with children under age 4 in diapers report diaper insecurity, according to a nationally representative study from the nonprofit National Diaper Bank Network. An infant typically goes through diapers in a day. At , the annual diaper cost for one baby can run roughly $1,000 during the first year. These costs hit during a period when families are often due to the combination of baby-related costs and employment challenges driven in part by America鈥檚 .听

The consequences can be harmful: When parents can鈥檛 afford enough diapers, they may turn to alternatives like using plastic bags or towels to make their own diapers, or reusing wet or soiled diapers. These practices can lead to severe diaper rash and urinary tract infections. In my work, I have spoken to childcare providers who describe the phenomenon of 鈥淢onday morning rash,鈥� when babies arrive after having diapers stretched over the weekend.

Cloth diapers present an alternative that can save parents a lot of money, but they for many families because they require up front costs, need frequent laundering 鈥� which can increase utility bills 鈥� and importantly, because many center-based childcare programs won鈥檛 allow them.  

In fact, many childcare providers require parents to provide disposable diapers, and if they鈥檙e unable to do so, they may not be allowed to drop their children off. In of Connecticut diaper bank users, more than half of parent participants who relied on childcare programs reported missing work due to a lack of diapers, with an average of four missed days per month.

While the long-term solution to diaper need likely lies in ensuring all families have access to reliable and well-paying jobs, a statewide program like California鈥檚 Golden Gate Start can provide a strong preventative intervention that can set families off on the right foot, helping them leave the hospital with one less worry while they try to figure out how to care for the beloved, squalling creature that鈥檚 coming home without an instruction manual. In practice, the 400 diapers, which come in varying sizes, should cover about a month鈥檚 supply.

California is not the first state to try to tackle diaper insecurity. Illinois has, since 2023, been utilizing Diaper Dollars, a statewide initiative that sends out a monthly $40 e-card to eligible families that can be used to purchase diapers at various stores, and the idea has since spread to Ohio. In 2024, Tennessee to families enrolled in the state鈥檚 Medicaid system, although the program is being as the state legislature tries to shore up healthcare budget holes. 

California鈥檚 model, though, may have the most straightforward delivery system. Diaper Dollars has faced challenges because the stipends can only be used at participating stores and some major retailers don鈥檛 currently accept that form of payment, while Tennessee struggled with coverage because it delivered the benefit via pharmacies, and left many families lacking options. California鈥檚 use of hospitals is innovative, though it does mean only a one-time infusion of diapers versus an ongoing supply.

Despite the fact that California鈥檚 program seems like a clear win, it has . While plausibly driven by animus toward Newsom, a , commentators have focused on the fact that a nonprofit with connections to Newsom鈥檚 wife, Baby2Baby, is involved in the administration of the free diapers. Some see Newsom鈥檚 free diaper program as politically flashy but economically tokenistic, that giving new parents 400 diapers does little to solve the real reason California feels unaffordable 鈥� especially the state鈥檚 severe housing shortage and high cost of living. Others suggest routing diapers through a nonprofit and hospitals may cost taxpayers more than simply handing families cash directly.

This argument almost entirely misses the point. While it鈥檚 always worth watching the implementation of a benefit to make sure the government is working efficiently, the question on the table is whether there is a public interest in helping all parents and babies get off to a strong and healthy start. As conservative analyst Patrick T. Brown in his Family Matters Substack, 鈥渆ven if the program design could theoretically stand to be improved, it hardly deserves the scorn being directed at it. … Sometimes a program can be good without being perfect; and sometimes we should do a better job resisting the temptation to hold our political opponents鈥� ideas to a higher standard than our own side鈥檚.鈥�

Indeed, American families would surely welcome a race among states to figure out how to most effectively support them in securing an adequate diaper supply. Babies need diapers, but especially as the cost of living continues to rise, not every American family is in a position to provide them. California is taking action: That in itself is worthy of praise 鈥� and one way or another, there will be important lessons to learn.

This mismatch between families鈥� current realities and ideal scenarios begins early 鈥� as soon as their children are born, when the parental leave they are able to take is often less time than they want. 

It may not be altogether surprising that parents in the United States are not satisfied with their leave, care and work options. After all, it is one of the only developed nations that a national paid-leave program for new parents, and in this country is unaffordable and inaccessible to many families. 

Still, these findings add an important dimension to the conversation about raising children in America: The survey is nationally representative and the largest-of-its-kind, reaching about 5,500 parents and primary caregivers with children from birth to age 5, including nearly 3,000 parents with household income below 200% of the federal poverty level or about $66,000 or less for a family of four. 

But it鈥檚 more than that, said Alyson Silkowski, senior policy adviser at the New Practice Lab, a team focused on improving economic outcomes for American families with young children, and one of the authors of the report. 

鈥淭here鈥檚 a lot we know about what鈥檚 not working,鈥� Silkowski said of earlier data and surveys on families. 鈥淲e were keen to add to this conversation about parenthood in America 鈥� what it is parents actually want as they think about these early years.鈥�

The simplest answer to what parents want, they found, is more time and more money. 

Nearly three in four parents said they want more quality time with their children, such as playing, being outside and traveling. Instead, they feel much of their 鈥渇ree鈥� time is spent doing housework such as cooking and cleaning. These findings hold across income levels, geography, race and ethnicity.

More than half of parents 鈥� 55% 鈥� said they wanted more time off with their child after they were born, and that鈥檚 true for both moms and dads. 

鈥淣either are getting what they want,鈥� Silkowski noted. 

Priscilla Welsh, a mom of two living in a suburb of Denver, lost her job while pregnant with her first child a few years ago after the company that employed her went out of business. When their son was born, Welsh was not working, and her husband, who is self-employed, 鈥渢ook a pause鈥� from work to be at home with his family, she shared. 

鈥淚t was a rougher period of very tight finances with our firstborn,鈥� she said. 鈥淵ou want to snuggle your newborn and feel relaxed, but it was top of mind for me 鈥� how little money we had.鈥�

When Welsh had their second child, in 2025, her husband was able to take advantage of Colorado鈥檚 state paid parental leave program, which was approved by voters in 2020 and became available to families in early 2024. He was able to take 12 weeks of paid leave to be at home with his wife, toddler and newborn son, which Welsh described as 鈥渁mazing.鈥� 

As for money, the New Practice Lab found that financial concerns seem to be leading families to choose work and childcare arrangements that do not reflect their preferences. 

Nearly nine in 10 parents said they want to work some amount, including 91% of dads and 85% of moms, but 75% said their current work arrangement is not one they want. 

Welsh has not returned to the workforce since she lost her job during her first pregnancy, but she would like to if she can find the right position, she said. Ideally, she鈥檇 work one day a week in an event-planning role. She loves the challenge-and-reward cycle of paid work, and she also thinks it would be good for her as a parent. 

鈥淚 want to miss them,鈥� she said of her sons, who are 2.5 years and 10 months old. 鈥淸Working] would help me miss them and be a better mom when I鈥檓 around them.鈥�

She added: 鈥溾�淏eing a mom is just one challenge after another after another. But there鈥檚 no big reward. It鈥檚 like, 鈥楶otty training is over!鈥� But no, potty training is never over.鈥� 

In her paid jobs of the past, Welsh would work really hard to complete a task or a project, then get appreciation and acknowledgement for it, she said 鈥� 鈥渞ather than being a parent, where you鈥檙e never finished.鈥� She thinks that returning to the labor force would 鈥渟tretch鈥� her in a good way.

The main reason she isn鈥檛 working now is because she isn鈥檛 looking 鈥� because she doesn鈥檛 think that what she is seeking is even out there. 

鈥淧art of me just doesn鈥檛 believe it exists, or that I鈥檇 be paid high enough that it would be worth my time,鈥� she said. 

Many moms 鈥� and some dads 鈥� with young children seem to share Welsh鈥檚 desire for more flexible, part-time work. 

Of the parents who said they prefer to work, 30% of moms and 64% of dads said they want to work full-time, compared to 28% of moms and 15% of dads who want flexible work and 25% of moms and 12% of dads who want part-time work.听

About a third of respondents said they preferred to care for their children themselves in their ideal scenario, while 19% wanted a combination of care, 18% wanted another parent to do the caregiving, 15% wanted formal settings, 11% wanted a relative or friend, and 5% wanted a nanny or sitter.听

鈥淭here wasn鈥檛 a single solution that crossed the 50% threshold,鈥� noted Amira Choueiki Boland, chief of staff at the New Practice Lab and an author of the report.

Boland also acknowledged that many families seem to have modest expectations for what can change about their circumstances 鈥� whether it鈥檚 more parental leave or more satisfying work and childcare arrangements. 

鈥淲e鈥檙e conditioned to what we think is possible,鈥� Boland said, recalling how 鈥渁stounded鈥� she was to observe the system of support in place for colleagues who took parental leave when she worked in Canada. 鈥淸We should be] opening up our aperture to what other societies have figured out to make this work better.鈥�

Mary Moody bought Silver Bluff Kids Early Learning Center in 2023, one of in western North Carolina at the time. The owners cited insufficient childcare subsidy funding.

Today, the Canton center, where around 75% of children rely on child care subsidy funding, is facing the same challenge, Moody said.

鈥淭he price of groceries, the price of supplies and materials, our insurance costs, like everything has increased 鈥� except our subsidy reimbursement rates,鈥� she said.

Childcare programs need more subsidy funding, advocates say, to make ends meet and serve low-income working and student parents. Advocates are asking for $101 million this short legislative session to increase the rates facilities receive through , which helps afford care.

鈥淚t鈥檚 about stabilizing the childcare sector right now, because before we can even think about expanding childcare programs, we have to sustain what we have,鈥� said Leanna Martin, director of early childhood policy and research at nonprofit .

Since the state legislature passed a full budget in 2023, the state has experienced a net loss of 262 licensed programs, according to from the Gov. Josh Stein鈥檚 office.

In March, Stein鈥檚 鈥渃ritical needs budget鈥� for the rest of the fiscal year.

Legislators went home last fiscal year without passing a full budget. Both the and proposals included around $80 million per year in subsidy funding to update rates.

Without increased subsidy funding, childcare will continue to become less accessible and more expensive, said Dan Rockaway, president of the and CEO of Sounds and Colors, which has four childcare centers in Wake and Orange counties.

鈥淚t鈥檚 what keeps parents in the workforce and classrooms open,鈥� Rockaway said. 鈥淏ut to truly work, subsidy rates also need to be better aligned with the actual cost of providing high-quality care, otherwise the gap continues to grow and access remains out of reach for too many families.鈥�

鈥業n free fall鈥�

Many childcare programs have had to make up for the loss of pandemic relief funding, which ran out in March 2025. The state encouraged programs to use that funding to increase teachers鈥� wages. When the money ran out, providers have had to find other ways to fill the gap and retain staff.

In Moody鈥檚 case, she has chosen not to hire an extra 鈥渇loater鈥� in order to maintain her staff鈥檚 wages. Instead, her and her assistant director fill in to maintain required child-to-staff ratios when a teacher is out.

鈥淭hat makes things really challenging now, really tight, and it has been since March of last year,鈥� she said.

Moody said she could raise tuition rates, but she knows parents cannot afford to pay more. Since her program is operating a waitlist, she has considered opening another center in the area to meet the demand.

鈥淏ut again, that鈥檚 the problem, is the funding,鈥� she said. 鈥淚 mean, the funding just isn鈥檛 there.鈥�

, which Stein established last year, has been studying funding and policy solutions to high costs and low access.

The group in January 2026, including creating a statewide subsidy floor, providing childcare for childcare employees, and offering childcare to public sector workers. The group has also discussed creating an endowment that multiple entities may contribute to.

Incremental changes will not be enough to recruit and retain teachers, said Henrietta Zalkind, director of the Down East Partnership for Children, a local Smart Start partnership serving young children and families in Nash and Edgecombe counties.

鈥淭he system is in free fall,鈥� said Zalkind, a long-time early childhood advocate. 鈥淎nd we need to acknowledge where we are.鈥�

She said direct funding to increase teachers鈥� wages would make the largest difference in the short-term, pointing to of education-based wage supplements from the from nonprofit Early Years. Child care teachers in North Carolina made an average of $14.20 an hour in 2024, .

What difference would higher subsidy rates make?

Right now, the rates programs receive cover less than half of the actual cost of care, according to from Candace Witherspoon, director of (DCDEE).

Higher subsidy rates would help child care programs relying heavily on the program keep their lights on, Martin said.

鈥淚t brings consistency into the system 鈥� and reduces that market volatility to ensure providers receive a reliable baseline that more closely reflects the cost of care,鈥� she said.

The $101 million ask would establish a floor rate for infants and toddlers based on a and increase rates for 3- to 12-year-olds based on . The floor rate would mean all facilities serving infants, 1-year-olds, and 2-year-olds would receive, at minimum, the average statewide rate based on age and quality level.

The based on location, quality rating, and age. Martin pointed to Randolph County, which receives $867 per infant in a five-star setting. In neighboring Davidson, programs receive $1,236 for serving the same age child at the same quality level. A floor rate would increase rates in Randolph County by $600 per child per month, Martin said.

Advocates in called for a floor for all ages. This session鈥檚 ask prioritizes care for infants and toddlers because it is the most expensive and hardest to access across the state. Establishing a floor would nearly double the amount many rural providers receive to care for the youngest children, Martin said, and send about $27 million to programs in rural communities.

鈥�(The request) is a practical, feasible approach that鈥檚 going to have the greatest impact on our childcare providers,鈥� she said. 鈥淭he increased reimbursement will allow them to reinvest into their staff, into their operations.鈥�

Increasing rates will also make it more likely that programs will participate in the program, which is voluntary, said Rockaway, president of the NC Licensed Child Care Association and CEO of Sounds and Colors.

鈥淚f subsidy doesn鈥檛 go up, then childcare centers are either forced to close if they鈥檙e heavily subsidized 鈥� or child care centers that are on a mix of subsidy and private parents can increase their rates, but then will take fewer subsidy children,鈥� he said.

What about waitlists?

Meanwhile, thousands of families are waiting for subsidies to afford care. , 55,166 children were receiving subsidies and 8,319 children were on waitlists.

Enrollment is slightly up and waitlists are slightly down , when 54,676 children were served and 10,892 children were on waitlists.

Local agencies administering subsidy funds had to start waitlisting families in fall 2024 when federal pandemic relief funding ran out, according to DCDEE in an emailed statement to EdNC:

During the pandemic, states received American Rescue Plan Act (ARPA) funding. This extra funding helped North Carolina pay for childcare subsidies and keep waitlists lower. This federal funding ended in September 2024. In order to comply with federal requirements, which do not allow the removal of vouchers from children already participating in subsidized programs, North Carolina instead had to slow enrollment into the programs which led to an increase in the waitlists for potentially eligible children.

Overall, the total available funding decreased significantly from June 2024 to September 2024鈥攆rom $617,789,488 to $557,023,832. This decrease in funding has reduced the number of children served through the subsidized child care program.

In order to tackle those waitlists, it has to make financial sense for facilities to participate in the program, Martin said. NC Child has done research on steps the state could take to eventually reimburse providers at the actual cost of care. This year鈥檚 ask is the first of four steps, eventually totaling $380 million per year.

鈥淚nvesting in the subsidy not only sustains the programs now, but it鈥檚 really sustaining our future, and it鈥檚 an economic imperative and an economic investment,鈥� Martin said.

This first appeared on and is republished here under a .

Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham has no regrets about universal childcare.

As she approaches the end of her second term in New Mexico鈥檚 top office, she acknowledges there are some things she would have done differently. In a recent interview, she called 20/20 hindsight a 鈥渧ery powerful tool鈥� that not enough politicians put to good use.

Moving the state toward a free childcare system 鈥� open to all New Mexico families regardless of income 鈥� isn鈥檛 on that list, however. The issue has turned into one of the defining public policy issues of Lujan Grisham鈥檚 tenure 鈥� which will come to an end later this year. The state鈥檚 heavily Democratic Legislature, initially wary of the program, has since voiced support and created a funding stream to continue the initiative for the next five years.

Still, the future of New Mexico鈥檚 free, universal childcare system is uncertain: Democratic candidates seeking the governor鈥檚 office have promised to double down on the initiative, while the Republicans question its fairness and financial feasibility 鈥� with one going so far as to file a lawsuit seeking to invalidate the rules underpinning the expansion.

Lujan Grisham defended her focus on childcare, asserting the state鈥檚 free, universal system will be a 鈥済ame changer鈥� for healthy child development and economic growth.

鈥淚n childcare, I really think we have done it as right as you can,鈥� she said.

鈥榊ou have to start there鈥�

Less than 20 years ago, most New Mexico lawmakers would have dismissed the idea of a universal childcare system in the state as more punchline than policy, said House Speaker Javier Mart铆nez.

鈥淧eople would have laughed at us if we talked about universal childcare back then,鈥� the Albuquerque Democrat said.

In 2011, Mart铆nez was fresh out of law school, working as a community organizer for immigrants rights. He and his colleagues started to notice a pattern: Many of the immigrant families they worked with attended organizing meetings with their young children in tow.

鈥淲e started thinking: What is the future of our organizing? And we landed on early childhood,鈥� he said.

Organizers and policymakers started to converge around a plan to secure voter approval of a constitutional amendment to draw on the state鈥檚 Land Grant Permanent Fund 鈥� then about $11 billion and now nearly $39 billion, according to an April report 鈥� to pay for a rapid expansion of early childhood programs. The proposal divided Democrats at the time. Mart铆nez said his frustration over the Legislature failing to send the issue to voters led him to run for office in 2014.

It took years, but that plan worked. In 2019, Lujan Grisham 鈥� then newly sworn in as governor 鈥� signed into law a bill to create the Early Childhood Education and Care Department, based on a plan proposed by Sen. Michael Padilla, an Albuquerque Democrat and longtime advocate for early childhood education.

The next year, the governor signed the Early Childhood Education and Care Fund into law with an initial investment of $320 million. That trust fund has grown to more than $11 billion, State Investment Council documents show.

The Legislature in 2021 approved a resolution to allow voters to determine whether to pull 1.25% more each year out of the Land Grant Permanent Fund, which long has benefited public schools, to boost both K-12 education and early childhood programs. Voters in 2022 overwhelmingly approved the constitutional amendment, which now sends more than $250 million a year from the growing investment fund to early childhood initiatives.

Eligibility for state childcare assistance with no copays also has expanded 鈥� growing to include families living at or below 400% of the federal poverty level by 2022. That eligibility limit for subsidized care 鈥� $132,000 for a family of four in 2026 鈥� covered the large majority of families in the state.

鈥淭here are very few states anywhere that really even thought about a way to create … a revenue stream so that you can start to make this affordable for parents 鈥� because you have to start there,鈥� Lujan Grisham said.

Women leading both of New Mexico鈥檚 legislative and executive branches also 鈥渃ontributes mightily鈥� to the state鈥檚 policy focus on childcare, she added.

Overwhelmingly, the work of childcare falls on women. Women make up about 95% of the early childhood workforce, with Black and Hispanic women working in childcare at a higher rate than the workforce at large, according to U.S. Department of Labor data from 2024. Research from the Center for the Study of Child Care Employment at the University of California, Berkeley, found 14% of New Mexico childcare workers are immigrants.

Meanwhile, women 55% of the seats in the Legislature, outpacing the national average by more than 20 percentage points, according to data from the Center for American Women and Politics. Women hold 57% of New Mexico鈥檚 statewide elected executive positions.

There鈥檚 a connection between the women working in New Mexico鈥檚 early childhood education system and the women who work for them in state government, Lujan Grisham said.

鈥淢ostly women in childcare, mostly women in pre-K, women majority in the Legislature, women majority in statewide offices 鈥� I think there鈥檚 a lot of synergy there in the state about putting families first,鈥� she said.

Childcare costs, benefits

As any parent will tell you, childcare doesn鈥檛 come cheap.

That鈥檚 true even when the state of New Mexico is paying the bill.

This year鈥檚 House Bill 2 鈥� the state budget bill for fiscal year 2027 鈥� sets aside more than $1.2 billion for the Early Childhood Education and Care Department. That sum, a little over 10% of the state budget, includes $215 million for childcare assistance.

Lawmakers made sure during this year鈥檚 legislative session the free, universal childcare system will be financially stable for the next five years. Senate Bill 241, signed into law in March, will allow the state to draw up to $700 million from the early childhood trust fund over five years, in addition to setting up guardrails to ensure lower-income families are 鈥渇irst in line鈥� for assistance if the state鈥檚 economy takes a turn for the worse, Mart铆nez said.

Lujan Grisham acknowledged free, universal childcare is an expensive proposition 鈥� 鈥減ublic education is expensive, if it鈥檚 universal,鈥� she said 鈥� but she sees it as a boost for New Mexico鈥檚 economy and a balm to the state鈥檚 child welfare challenges.

The governor can recount the objections some New Mexicans have to free childcare: 鈥淚f people can afford to pay, they should. It should not be universal. … It doesn鈥檛 make sense to me. It feels like a giveaway.鈥�

But she argues an adequately resourced, universal system will inspire workers and companies to move to New Mexico, while allowing more parents to join the workforce.

That鈥檚 particularly true for essential workers like police officers and nurses, who often paid top-dollar prices for overnight or weekend childcare, Lujan Grisham added.

Meanwhile, quality childcare contributes to reduced family stress, calmer households, and long-term cognitive and academic benefits for kids.

While no-cost childcare for all families represents a major cost to the state, Mart铆nez said the policy will stick around 鈥� largely as a result of lawmakers being 鈥渞eally judicious鈥� in planning and setting up the program鈥檚 funding mechanisms.

鈥淎s long as I鈥檓 speaker, this is not one of those programs that are willy-nilly going to get axed by the whims of the political winds,鈥� he said. 鈥淚t took 16 years to get us here, and we will ensure that we deliver on that promise in perpetuity.鈥�

鈥榃e have to get it right鈥�

New Mexico will elect a new governor in November 鈥� and the next person to inhabit the state鈥檚 top office might not choose to prioritize early childhood education in the same way Lujan Grisham has.

Both Democrats in the governor鈥檚 race 鈥� former Congresswoman and Interior Secretary Deb Haaland and Bernalillo County District Attorney Sam Bregman 鈥� in recent interviews voiced their strong support for the state鈥檚 free, universal childcare initiative. They have promised, if elected, to keep it going, in addition to bolstering the state鈥檚 early childhood workforce through increased pay and expanded training programs.

When her child was young, Haaland said, childcare felt cost-prohibitive; she remembered hiring a babysitter just one time in her entire 鈥渓ife as a single mom.鈥� She said she mopped floors and cleaned bathrooms at an Albuquerque preschool cooperative to get a discount on her child鈥檚 tuition.

鈥淯niversal childcare would have changed my life,鈥� she said.

She described the state鈥檚 push toward a free, universal childcare system as a 鈥渨orthy investment鈥� that would create economic and educational opportunities for adults while improving academic outcomes for kids. Her affordability policy proposes cutting the red tape involved in revitalizing a disused storefront or building 鈥� including by turning it into a childcare center.

鈥淚t鈥檚 better for our economy. It鈥檚 better for our workforce. It鈥檚 better for our kids,鈥� Haaland said. 鈥淚 just think it would be a valuable asset for our state.鈥�

Haaland voiced her support for ensuring childcare workers have avenues for career advancement and better pay.

鈥淭hey deserve to make a sustainable living. … You can鈥檛 raise a child on minimum wage in New Mexico, so we absolutely need to do more to make sure that people can make sustainable wages,鈥� she said.

A father of three grown children, Bregman said his family pieced together childcare by counting on family members 鈥� particularly his wife 鈥� to watch the kids. With the introduction of the free, universal system, he said, 鈥渢imes have changed.鈥�

He argued quality early childhood education has the potential to yield long-term benefits for New Mexico children, who have long suffered from higher-than-average rates of poverty and lower-than-average academic performance.

If elected governor, Bregman promised to build on the promise of free childcare. He said he鈥檇 want to conduct a kind of census of the childcare industry to better understand workforce recruitment and retention strategies, quality improvement initiatives, and whether the state鈥檚 existing supply of childcare slots meets demand 鈥� including in rural and tribal communities.

鈥淲e have to get it right,鈥� Bregman said. 鈥淲e鈥檙e obviously spending a lot of money on it, but more importantly, we鈥檙e talking about the most important asset we have 鈥� our children.鈥�

GOP might 鈥榩eel back鈥� scope

Republicans running for governor, however, aren鈥檛 sold on the program.

Former Rio Rancho Mayor Gregg Hull and Albuquerque businessman Doug Turner voiced similar concerns about free childcare for all. Both said they support childcare assistance for needy families, but they expressed concerns about the financial sustainability and fairness of a program in which families that can afford to pay for childcare don鈥檛 have to.

鈥淚 think the state has a role to play in helping people who need help 鈥� and I think it needs to be done in an intelligent way [to] make sure that the programs aren鈥檛 abused,鈥� Turner said.

He also noted the current workforce can鈥檛 meet the childcare demand. 鈥淲e have a gap that we can鈥檛 really close very quickly,鈥� he said.

If elected, Hull said, 鈥淢y first step as governor is going to be to immediately evaluate the viability and the long-term sustainability of the program. … If we need to peel back the scope of it in the short term until we figure it out, then we need to peel that back.鈥�

He said he plans to work with staff of the Legislative Finance Committee on an 鈥渋n-depth dive鈥� into the childcare supply and demand 鈥� and how the state plans to make up the difference between the two.

鈥淭his is going down a rabbit hole that can get out of control and be far more expensive than I think anybody ever thought it could be,鈥� Hull said.

Duke Rodriguez, another Republican seeking the seat, took his objections a step further: He filed a against Lujan Grisham, with an eye toward invalidating the rules of her universal childcare expansion.

Rodriguez, joined by state Sen. Steve Lanier, R-Aztec, and Sandoval County father Zachary Anaya in filing the lawsuit, argues Lujan Grisham鈥檚 executive branch essentially went about the universal childcare expansion in the wrong way by creating the regulations in November, several months before the Legislature voted to approve funding for the program.

Rodriguez also has raised concerns the true costs could come in far higher than the state鈥檚 projections 鈥� potentially billions of dollars 鈥� and New Mexico can鈥檛 rely on federal funding.

鈥淚t will be 100% borne by tax revenues and appropriated by the Legislature,鈥� he said.

鈥淲hatever program we ultimately adopt … has to be built to last, not built to simply sound good,鈥� Rodriguez said. 鈥淚t would be terrible to make promises of access when the capacity is missing.鈥�

A state judge in the 2nd Judicial District Court ruled late last month in Rodriguez鈥檚 complaint that Lujan Grisham鈥檚 administration must pause the program or present an argument for why the initiative should not be permanently halted. A hearing on the matter is scheduled June 11.

Rodriguez called the ruling a victory.

Lujan Grisham, however, slammed Rodriguez in a statement on Facebook, calling him a 鈥渢hird-tier Republican candidate for governor鈥� and describing his complaint as 鈥渇rivolous鈥� and a 鈥渄espicable attempt to mislead New Mexico families and generate headlines for a campaign that is going nowhere.鈥�

She wrote, 鈥淯niversal child care is in effect and it is NOT being shut down, despite what this desperate candidate claims.鈥�

While Rodriguez expressed his support for assisting needy families, he said in an interview Lujan Grisham鈥檚 free, universal system 鈥渟ounds charming, but [is] probably unlawful.鈥�

鈥淚 think providing this kind of support for our New Mexico families is a truly valid aspirational goal,鈥� he said, 鈥渂ut an aspirational goal should not be confused with unenforceable rules and regulations that would put providers at risk, that will put families at risk, and, most importantly, will put children at risk.鈥�

This first appeared on .

In 2025, one-third of states had a waitlist or a freeze on applications for childcare assistance for most families, through the Child Care and Development Block Grant, according to new data published in a from the National Women鈥檚 Law Center.听

The number of states with a waitlist or freeze had increased from the prior year 鈥� from 13 in 2024 to 17 in 2025. But perhaps more concerning, said Karen Schulman, the center鈥檚 senior director of state childcare policy, is the total number of children on those waitlists. 

Between February 2024 and February 2025, the number of children on state childcare waitlists nearly doubled, to 225,000, according to the NWLC, which collected data from state childcare administrators across the 50 states and Washington, D.C. 

Those waitlists only grew as the months wore on. By the second half of 2025, more than 400,000 children were on waitlists in those states, marking a 78% increase from February. In the months since the data was collected, at least five more states, plus Washington, D.C., have implemented waitlists, and two more began freezing intake, according to NWLC. 

鈥淎 range of factors are pulling at states,鈥� Schulman said, 鈥渟o you have more families needing help but a strain on resources that provide that help.鈥� 

Some states are struggling to adjust to the end of pandemic-era funding, the last of which in September 2024, and many states are trying to balance tight budgets while also planning ahead for federal funding cuts to Medicaid and SNAP, she explained. Meanwhile, rising costs have changed many families鈥� financial circumstances, and more may be seeking out assistance. 

Plus, Schulman said, some states have increased the reimbursement rates paid to providers in an attempt to get more of them to participate in the subsidy program; that has redirected some of the dedicated funds for the program.  

It鈥檚 not a surprise that the CCDBG program, which is the main source of federal support for families struggling to afford childcare, is failing to reach everyone who qualifies for it. As of this year, it is to be serving only about one in six of all eligible children, due to inadequate funding. 

While the 400,000 children on waitlists make up a small slice of the total population of eligible children, that number is significant because it represents the families who have expressed a need for the benefit and are being denied it or told it will be delayed, Schulman explained. She also noted that the number of families seeking help is very likely underestimated because of complexities with data tracking. California maintains waitlists at the local level, rather than at the state level; Colorado has waitlists in some counties and frozen intake in others; and Georgia, although it doesn鈥檛 use the term 鈥渇rozen intake,鈥� effectively has a freeze in place since it only serves families meeting priority criteria. 

Whether it鈥檚 a waitlist or a freeze, “There are tremendous impacts for a family who is waiting for assistance,鈥� Schulman said. 

While families are waiting for a childcare subsidy, they may have to stretch their budgets to pay for care out of pocket. That could mean putting off other bills, such as rent and utilities, or struggling to afford food. 

鈥淭hey鈥檙e just meeting their basic needs if they have to pay for childcare themselves,鈥� Schulman said. 鈥淭hey might have to patch together unstable arrangements that could fall apart at the last minute and put their job in jeopardy. They may not be able to go to work at all, which could put them in even greater financial straits.鈥�

All of these outcomes, she said, could have impacts on the family鈥檚 future financial, emotional and physical health. 

Meanwhile, early care and education programs in low-income areas, where many families rely on subsidies to afford childcare, may face another set of repercussions. They could end up cutting already-low staff wages, Schulman said, or go out of business, putting their enrolled families in a bind. 

鈥淭here鈥檚 just a ripple effect throughout the whole community, affecting the economy of the community, the workforce of the community, whole neighborhoods,鈥� Schulman said. 

Kim Kofron, executive director of early childhood education at Children at Risk, a Texas-based statewide advocacy organization, said that one of the challenges is that families who join a waitlist may incorrectly believe that they鈥檒l soon circulate off it. 

Anecdotally, Kofron said, she hears that waitlists in Texas are about two years long. (The state had more than 110,000 children on its waitlist as of February 2025, according to the NWLC.)

鈥淒o they patch together some type of childcare with neighbors and friends? Do they go to a subpar childcare program because that鈥檚 what they can afford? Or do they turn down the job because 鈥� it鈥檚 cheaper to not work and not pay for childcare?鈥� Kofron said, outlining the options for waitlisted families. 

She added: 鈥淭here鈥檚 a lot of questions right now from providers of, 鈥業s it worth it? Is it worth taking subsidies when I can鈥檛 get more kids off the waitlist?鈥欌��

These outcomes are not theoretical for RB Fast, founder of Westwood Academy, an early care and education program in Denver. 

She remembers receiving an email in fall 2024 notifying her that one of the counties she serves was . (In Colorado, waiting lists and freezes are decided at the county level.)

鈥淚 really thought it would be a couple of months,鈥� she said. 鈥淚 was not ready for it to be semi-permanent and extended the way it has been.鈥�

Soon, she learned that two more counties would also be implementing a freeze. 

Back then, Fast鈥檚 program, which is licensed for 30 slots, was fully enrolled. She estimates that about two-thirds of those families paid with subsidies. Today, her program is underenrolled, with 22 children, and only three of those families pay with subsidies 鈥� two got in before the freeze began and the third is a child living with a foster family who was granted a temporary subsidy. 

For the remaining families, some manage OK, but others scramble each month, sending panicked emails asking if they can pay late or use a friend鈥檚 credit card for this month鈥檚 tuition. 鈥淵ou can tell they鈥檙e juggling to try to get tuition paid,鈥� Fast said.

She has also seen firsthand the way some families pull together substandard childcare arrangements in the absence of public assistance. Fast knows of a family that had to start leaving their toddler with the great-grandmother while the parents go to work. 

鈥淚鈥檓 sure she loves that child very much 鈥� but at 80, are you in place to give an optimal environment to a 2-year-old?鈥� said Fast, noting the level of attention and activity a toddler requires. 鈥淚t鈥檚 not about an inconvenience for one family or a handful of families,鈥� she said of the waitlists. 鈥淚t affects employers, extended families [and] children.鈥�

Fast is in the process of opening her second location, in a nearby suburb of Denver. That program will not be accepting childcare subsidies, she said. Nor will any future program she opens. 

鈥淚t doesn鈥檛 feel worth it to me,鈥� she said. 

Despite having room to serve more children, Middletown day care owner Peggy Fuentes often has to turn away families in desperate need of care. Each of her toddler classrooms has 10 students 鈥� the state caps class sizes for that age group at 12 鈥� but to fill the remaining seats, she鈥檇 have to hire another employee. That鈥檚 because a decades-old state regulation says day care classrooms have to have one adult for every five children between 18 and 36 months old.

With operating costs climbing across the board, , Fuentes said it simply isn鈥檛 feasible to pay another salary to accommodate just two more children.

鈥淚 have an inventory of childcare spots that I鈥檓 reluctant to use because it is cost prohibitive,鈥� said Fuentes, owner of On My Way Early Learning and Childcare Center, which serves around 240 children under 13.

New York state has some of the strictest staffing requirements in the country 鈥� stricter, in fact, than New York City鈥檚. As state leaders allocate billions of dollars to address the childcare shortage in this year鈥檚 budget, a new state law could ease those requirements and unlock new day care seats at no additional cost to providers 鈥� but only if the state agency that oversees childcare decides to act on it.  

In December, Governor Kathy Hochul signed legislation eliminating a provision that has prohibited the state Office of Children and Family Services from relaxing childcare staffing ratios. The new law leaves it to the agency to actually change the ratios; if it did so, the same number of workers could care for more children.  

State Senator James Skoufis, who introduced the bill in 2024, told New York Focus that adjusting the ratios is 鈥渕ore critical than ever鈥� amid the state鈥檚 ongoing efforts to scale up its childcare sector and provide more affordable care to working parents.

Childcare advocates who oppose the change are concerned having the same number of staff supervising more children would increase the risk of accidents and injuries and fail to address a root cause of the state鈥檚 childcare crisis: low wages for workers.

Supporters counter that looser ratios are consistent with set by the National Association for the Education of Young Children, a professional membership organization that promotes high-quality early childhood education, and that alignment with the group鈥檚 guidance would offer flexibility to providers who already operate with razor-thin profit margins.

So far, OCFS has not indicated whether it plans to update the regulations. In a statement provided to New York Focus, OCFS spokesperson Daniel Marans said the agency is 鈥渃urrently assessing the viability of the requested ratio change, with the goal of supporting childcare providers without compromising our commitment to child safety.鈥� The law does not impose a deadline for OCFS to make the switch.

More than 60 percent of New York鈥檚 census tracts are classified as a 鈥渃hildcare desert,鈥� meaning that there are three or more children under 5 waiting for every available slot, according to the . Meanwhile, more than 16,000 children are specifically as a result of staffing shortages that have led programs to operate under capacity. While that鈥檚 not necessarily related to staffing ratios, some think easing them could help address the shortage.

鈥淲e can provide more resources to counties and to providers all we want, but if we don鈥檛 provide the very common sense flexibility that these providers require in order to effectuate creating more seats, then the money is only going to go so far,鈥� said Skoufis.

Skoufis introduced the bill after providers, including Fuentes, expressed their frustrations to lawmakers over being held to tougher ratios than their counterparts in New York City, where staffing requirements are set by the city Department of Health and Mental Hygiene. Day care providers in the five boroughs must have one staff member for every five children between 12 and 18 months and one for every six children who are 2 years old. In the rest of the state, it鈥檚 1鈥�4 and 1鈥�5, respectively. The discrepancies are even wider for older children.

Assemblymember Andrew Hevesi, who sponsored the bill, believes aligning ratios with New York City could help thousands of those families access a seat without burdening providers or taxpayers with additional costs.

鈥淐hildcare providers are operating on such slim margins that they frequently worry about going out of business,鈥� Hevesi said. 鈥淲e were looking for a way to give them some breathing room in an incredibly difficult climate without costing anybody any money.鈥�

Dede Hill, vice president of policy at the Schuyler Center for Analysis and Advocacy, a social policy and advocacy organization, has a different perspective. 鈥淥ne thing that makes childcare in New York state so high quality is because we have low ratios 鈥� and that鈥檚 certainly not something we want to step away from,鈥� she said. Hill is a member of the Empire State Campaign for Child Care, which advocates for universal childcare.

鈥淚 don鈥檛 think staffing ratios are the solution to the tremendous issues we have related to supply,鈥� said Hill. The key is more investment in the workforce, including higher pay for childcare workers, she said.

One reason providers are facing significant financial strain is that the state鈥檚 reimbursement level for its , which covers nearly all of the cost of childcare for low- and middle-income families, isn鈥檛 enough to provide high quality care, Hill said. With providers forced to absorb the shortfall, many are unable to offer adequate wages: In 2025, the annual average salary for childcare workers in New York , lower than 96 percent of other jobs.

Fuentes, who has owned her day care center in Orange County for 17 years, said she currently has to choose between raising tuition for all children in order to pay another employee and waitlisting families even though there is ample space to serve them. If OCFS chose to align statewide staffing ratios with New York City, she said, she could enroll around 15 more children without hiring additional staff.

鈥淭here鈥檚 a childcare crisis in New York,鈥� she said. 鈥淚f we can鈥檛 use our full supply of seats, then that crisis is just going to continue.鈥�

For Heidi-Jo Brandt, president of a union representing more than 8,800 providers outside New York City, the flexibility doesn鈥檛 seem worth it. Some revisions to standards may be appropriate, such as the current 1鈥�2 ratio for children under 2 in home-based care, she said, but a broader relaxing of staffing ratios could put children at risk. Research shows inadequate supervision is the main cause of injuries in childcare settings, including , , and from bottle warmers.

鈥淲hile it could have a tremendous impact statewide, our concern is always for the safety of children,鈥� said Brandt.

Some research indicates that high staff-to-child ratios and smaller group sizes are critical for children鈥檚 health, safety, and development, but data on the safety outcome of ratios like New York City鈥檚 is limited.

In recent years, as the childcare industry has reeled from a pandemic-driven dip in enrollment and rise in operating costs, have proposed loosening their childcare staffing ratios, increasing maximum group sizes, and relaxing other regulations to meet demand. Many states set ratios based on guidance from the National Association for the Education of Young Children; New York City鈥檚 ratios are roughly in line with the group鈥檚 recommendations.

Meanwhile, New York state has some of the most stringent ratios nationwide. It is that uses the restrictive ratios recommended by the American Academy of Pediatrics and the American Public Health Association for 3-, 4-, and 5-year-olds. Even New York City鈥檚 staffing ratios remain stricter than those in many other states.

Skoufis first introduced the bill after then-OCFS Commissioner Suzanne Miles-Gustave informed him that aligning statewide ratios with New York City would require legislation. At the time, he said, OCFS officials 鈥渕ade it crystal clear鈥� they wanted to pursue the changes, though he鈥檚 less clear on their position today.

In a January letter to current OCFS Commissioner DaMia Harris-Madden, Skoufis argued that it is 鈥渇inancially unreasonable鈥� to require a 1鈥�5 staff-to-child ratio for 18- to 36-month-olds with a maximum group size of 12.

Hevesi said that he believes the agency should 鈥渁ct sooner rather than later鈥� given the potential benefits.

鈥淢y instinct is that there鈥檚 going to be support to look at this and see what鈥檚 appropriate 鈥� but my role was just to take the handcuffs off and now they are free to do whatever they feel is appropriate,鈥� he said.

Buffalo day care owner Emily Thrasher pointed out that New York City and state regulations differ on other aspects of childcare: The city also has more lenient classroom space requirements than the rest of the state, as well as different age group definitions that determine other regulations. For example, New York City defines a toddler as a child between 12 and 24 months old, while New York state鈥檚 definition is 18 to 36 months.

Thrasher said full alignment with New York City鈥檚 standards would allow her small business to generate hundreds of thousands of additional dollars annually. That, in turn, would enable her to serve more families.

鈥淚 can鈥檛 even imagine how much that would compound for larger day care centers,鈥� she said. 鈥淲e could help more families, open more slots, pay our staff more. 鈥� The changes seem small, but it would make the biggest difference.鈥�

This story originally appeared in , a nonprofit news publication investigating power in New York. .

Effective July 13, the Administration for Children and Families will several Biden-era that sought to create more predictable, reliable payments to childcare providers. These include paying providers based on a child鈥檚 enrollment, rather than their attendance, which protects them against financial losses from unplanned events such as illness and family travel, as well as making subsidy payments in advance, rather than reimbursing providers the following month.

Both practices help to stabilize the industry by giving programs consistent revenue that allow them to plan and budget month over month, providers and experts said. 

Although the requirements will be rescinded, states will still have the option to pay based on enrollment and in advance of services 鈥� just as families who pay privately for child care have long done. There is nothing in the new rules to prevent states from continuing or starting those payment practices, noted Helene Stebbins, executive director of the Alliance for Early Success, a nonprofit that supports early childhood advocates across the 50 states. 

鈥淚t doesn鈥檛 require it, but it doesn鈥檛 prevent it from happening,鈥� she said. 鈥淵ou can 100% still do it.鈥�

But without the requirement, it鈥檚 likely that some states will reverse course. Already, three states 鈥� , Ohio and 鈥� have paused efforts to implement or extend enrollment-based pay, noted Daniel Hains, chief policy and professional advancement officer at the National Association for the Education of Young Children. 

鈥淚t鈥檚 one of those things that, absent that requirement, and given the fiscal situation states are in, states are not going to prioritize these changes if they’re not required to,鈥� said Hains, 鈥渁nd that鈥檚 going to have a negative impact on providers and, ultimately, families.鈥�

Currently, about now pay providers based on enrollment, according to an analysis from the First Five Years Fund that was published in March, while the other half still pay based on attendance. At least 10 states are paying providers up front for childcare subsidies, rather than in arrears, according to policy tracking from NAEYC. 

The particulars of how and when a provider gets paid can seem like a technicality, but to an early care and education program operator, that may be the difference between financial solvency and ruin. 

The administration first announced these proposed rule changes in early January, before opening up the issue to public comments. NAEYC included more than a dozen provider voices in its to the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, which oversees ACF.

A program director in Louisiana explained why the Biden-era policies help to keep her in business.

鈥淒uring cold and flu season, if childcare providers were only paid based on attendance rather than enrollment, many of us simply would not survive the winter,鈥� the director wrote. 鈥淢ost of our families have multiple children, and when one child gets sick, it often spreads through the entire household. Enrollment-based pay is the only model that reflects the real cost of maintaining stable staffing, ratios, and operations.鈥�

A program director in Kansas wrote, 鈥淐hildcare is a tough job. Providers don’t need any additional obstacles. 鈥� Having to wait for reimbursement for a month or more can have a significant impact on a provider’s financial well-being in their program.鈥�

And a director in Maine pointed out that a child whose spot is funded by subsidies should not be treated any differently than one from a family who is paying private tuition. 鈥淲e cannot predict attendance,鈥� she wrote. 

The Maine director鈥檚 point is one that motivated the Biden administration鈥檚 2024 rules, Hains said. The in 1990 establishing the Child Care and Development Block Grant, which authorizes the CCDF, sought to have states鈥� subsidy payment practices 鈥渞eflect generally accepted payment practices of childcare providers鈥� who receive payments privately from families, to maximize choices among low-income families seeking care, Hains explained. The Biden rules to get states back in compliance with that original intent. 

Stebbins, of the Alliance for Early Success, said she couldn鈥檛 think of a single other industry that operates in the way that early care and education does. 

鈥淚t鈥檚 Business 101,鈥� she said. 鈥淚 paid for two kids in childcare. I always paid in advance. I paid if they were sick or we went on vacation. Why is this such a big leap?鈥�

Now that this issue is being returned to the states, she said, it鈥檚 on policy advocates and the early childhood community to help make the case to state leaders why enrollment-based pay and prospective pay are so essential. 

鈥淚t鈥檚 good for the field 鈥� because it creates a stable, predictable source of income, and it is aligned with how private pay works in the industry,鈥� Stebbins explained, laying out the argument. 鈥淚t treats kids who are on subsidy 鈥� low-income children 鈥� just like everybody else.鈥� 

Those outcomes, she added, have ripple effects across communities and entire states. 

鈥淎 stable industry is good for the kids and the programs. There鈥檚 less turnover and uncertainty about income,鈥� she said. 鈥淚t鈥檚 good for the state economy because it allows parents to work.鈥�

On the other hand, attendance-based payments may disincentivize programs from accepting families who pay with subsidies altogether, said Casey Peeks, senior director for early childhood policy at the Center for American Progress, a left-leaning think tank. 

The enrollment-based pay and prospective pay are only two of the 鈥渇our critical levers to improving the sector鈥� that the Trump administration is rolling back, Peeks said. The third is the use of grants and contracts to provide direct childcare services, which allow states to enter into agreements with providers to reserve slots for certain populations of children. The reversal of that practice may mean that some families, particularly those with infants and children with disabilities, could have more trouble finding slots for their child. And the final lever is capping the maximum amount a family can pay out-of-pocket for childcare, which the Biden-era rule set to 7% of household income, based on federal affordability standards. 

The co-pay limit isn鈥檛 perfect, Peeks acknowledged, but 鈥渋t gives this peace of mind to know how much you鈥檙e going to pay,鈥� she said. 

In Ohio, one of the that has not yet capped co-pays at 7%, the limit is 27% of income, which can be crushing for some families. 

鈥淚 think knowing how much of a burden this [childcare] expense is 鈥� it rivals mortgage payments and rent payments 鈥� to take away a lever that exists for affordability and offer no alternatives puts families who are already struggling in a really difficult spot,鈥� Peeks said.

Nancy Burnside has devoted three decades to caring for children. At age 46, she jokes that she tried to leave the industry several times to pursue careers in retail and event planning, but she always came back to early childhood education.听

In 2015, Burnside returned to her home state from Georgia and reopened her parents鈥� Kosciusko childcare center, now called 3 Steps Daycare. She knew running the family business would be more of a passion than a lucrative job, but she never imagined things would be so hard. 

鈥淢y mom worked 16-hour days,鈥� Burnside said. 鈥淚 grew up in this industry 鈥� But this is the worst I鈥檝e seen it.鈥�

Over the last year, 75 of the 200 children attending her daycare dropped out. Those kids were all on the state鈥檚 voucher program, which helps low-income families access childcare that makes working possible. Burnside is losing $28,000 a month, hasn鈥檛 taken a salary in two years and is providing free care for five children whose families cannot pay, as well as discounted care for an additional seven children. 

Burnside鈥檚 center is suffering like 89% of centers recently from the Mississippi Low-Income Child Care Initiative. One year after the state ran out of pandemic-era funds that propped up a fragile system, hundreds of childcare providers across Mississippi struggle to stay open while thousands of parents remain on a waiting list for vouchers. Last year saw the greatest number of closures in nearly a decade, as .  

Out of 229 centers surveyed in the report, more than half reported having to terminate staff as a result of the pause, and nearly half reported caring for children whose parents weren鈥檛 paying. 

鈥淲hen you walk through, everybody says, 鈥榊our building is full.鈥� I know it鈥檚 full 鈥� that鈥檚 because I鈥檓 not charging,鈥� Burnside said. 

Despite and advocates, the Mississippi Legislature failed to allocate any money toward the state鈥檚 childcare voucher program. 

If the state doesn鈥檛 put up money for the program, centers will continue to close.

Burnside can鈥檛 fathom why Mississippi doesn鈥檛 prioritize early childhood education, especially in a crisis of this magnitude. She said there is a misconception that her work is babysitting. She said she has only ever thought of her center as a learning institution. It鈥檚 where children master life skills as simple as tying their shoes and as fundamental as making their first friends. 

鈥淭his is where they start,鈥� Burnside said. 鈥淚 don鈥檛 know anything else more important.鈥�

Darren Brewer, a single father born and raised in Kosciusko, knows firsthand the importance of quality childcare. Brewer pays out of pocket for the care his 2-year-old daughter receives at Burnside鈥檚 center, but he believes he may qualify for vouchers now that his family is down to one income. He hopes to apply once the waiting list is resolved. Brewer applauds the center鈥檚 staff for recognizing early symptoms of ADHD and autism in his son, now 5, and for referring him to further testing. 

鈥淚t helped us with the doctors to know what to do and all that,鈥� Brewer said. 

Brewer recognizes the importance of that early intervention, along with the countless birthday parties, graduations and everyday acts of love that have taken place at the center. 

鈥淢s. Nancy helps more people out than anybody in this town,鈥� Brewer said. 

A potential solution that could be 鈥榟uge鈥�

Mississippi鈥檚 parents and childcare providers have one last hope for restoring money to the voucher program 鈥� a funding model that advocates proposed last year. That model would put unused money from the federal program called Temporary Assistance for Needy Families toward the childcare voucher program. 

The Mississippi Department of Human Services is the agency overseeing the voucher program. For months, officials there said it was not possible to use more TANF money than the state already devoted to childcare. Currently, Mississippi transfers the maximum 30% of TANF funds to the state-run voucher program. 

However, advocates have pointed to other states that have legitimately and successfully transferred additional money by creating a revenue stream that utilizes TANF funds separate from the 30% limit. 

In January, department officials and said they were 鈥渆xploring鈥� the funding model. 

Now, Mark Jones, chief communications officer at MDHS, says the agency is finalizing a plan to use advocates鈥� model. The department has not made an official announcement. Jones would not say how much money his department would allocate or how many families the additional money would serve. 

Jones estimates that $60 million is needed to resolve the waiting list. Before the Legislature decided against it, lawmakers to the voucher program. Advocates say that while any amount will help, families and educators will continue to suffer if the state doesn鈥檛 put up the full amount. 

鈥淎s long as we have that waiting list, we know that children, working parents and providers are going to continue to struggle,鈥� said Matt Williams, director of research at the Mississippi Low-Income Child Care Initiative. 

Still, Williams believes any allocation of money through this new TANF model would help establish the framework for the state to access more funds for the voucher program in the future. He said the implementation of this funding model would be a 鈥渉uge, positive development.鈥�

At the height of the crisis, the department reported a waiting list of 20,000 families. On April 22, Jones amended that number, saying it included duplicates and that there are currently 9,400 families waiting for vouchers. 

Even when the system is not in crisis, it is a far cry from reaching all the people for whom it was designed. Many families don鈥檛 know they qualify, or they may fall off the program due to red tape. 

Experts in Mississippi do not have solid estimates about how many eligible families go without care. But across the country, the voucher program eligible families, leaving far more without needed help in covering childcare costs. 

Meanwhile, Burnside doesn鈥檛 think she can make it past January if the families she works with don鈥檛 regain lost vouchers. She knows that closing would be an enormous loss for her community, where her center has been a lifeline for generations.  

Today, she serves many of the children of Kosciusko natives who attended the center when her parents owned it. She鈥檚 watched parents dropping off their kids become grandparents dropping off their grandkids. 

鈥淚鈥檓 like, 鈥業 bet you didn鈥檛 think you would never come back on this road,鈥欌�� Burnside laughed. 鈥淏ut they do.鈥�

If her business is forced to shut down, she does not know where those caregivers will go to continue working and supporting their families.

This first appeared on and is republished here under a .