In December, Colorado Gov. Jared Polis made waves by his intention to opt his state into the program, becoming the first Democrat to do so and setting the stage for his Democratic peers. Three other Democratic governors 鈥斅燭ina Kotek of Oregon, Michelle Lujan Grisham of New Mexico and Tony Evers of Wisconsin 鈥� have that they won鈥檛 opt in.聽

So the question remains: Will most Democrats stay the course and reject federal support for聽school choice? Or will they follow Polis鈥檚 example, bucking the traditional party line? How they proceed may have profound impacts on Democrats鈥� electoral chances this year.

As approved by Congress last summer, the program allows donors to receive a $1,700 federal tax credit for money given to organizations providing scholarships for private school tuition, tutoring and other education costs for families whose annual income is at or below 300 percent of their area鈥檚 median income. The Internal Revenue Service is currently drafting guidance for administering the tax credit, and states are evaluating whether to participate.

In addition to Polis, have either opted in or declared their plans to do so. One Democrat, North Carolina Gov. Josh Stein, vetoed an opt-in bill but said he expects to sign up after he reviews the IRS rules.

Jorge Elorza, CEO of Democrats for Education Reform (DFER) and former mayor of Providence, has been pushing Democratic governors to opt into the program. This is part of a marked change in DFER鈥檚 positioning on private school choice, which Elorza casts as a turn in the right direction for a party that has, according to DFER鈥檚 , lost its lead with voters on education. For Democrats concerned about being out of touch with the majority of voters on school choice, this decision represents a 鈥渓ifeline,鈥� he told me. 鈥淚t is a convenient off ramp so that we can not only talk about K鈥�12 education policy in a new way, but also take an important step in the direction of choice.鈥�

The main argument he uses to get them on board, he said, is that 鈥渋f a state does not opt in, then by default, the first $1,700 in every single federal taxpayer鈥檚 taxes is going to leave your state.鈥� Because it鈥檚 a federal tax credit, Californians are every bit as eligible to donate as Floridians. But because states have to opt in, California鈥檚 children aren鈥檛 eligible to receive scholarships unless Gov. Gavin Newsom or the state legislature decides to participate. Elorza believes the decision for Democrats is a 鈥渘o brainer.鈥�

John Schilling, a school choice advocate, offered another argument: 鈥渋t鈥檚 all additive.鈥� Because it鈥檚 a tax credit, 鈥渋t is adding K-12 resources, which are going directly to parents and students. It does not affect what the federal government or what state governments provide for K鈥�12 education.鈥� And since the law allows public school students to benefit from the scholarships, tutoring or afterschool activities, Schilling sees little reason why Democratic governors wouldn鈥檛 opt in. He too called it a 鈥渘o-brainer.鈥�

Not everyone agrees. Thomas Toch, the director of the Georgetown University think tank FutureEd, argues the decision to opt in could be 鈥渧ery problematic鈥� for governors, especially if they can鈥檛 target scholarships to students from low-income families or provide much oversight of private schools. Because there are so many unanswered questions, Toch hopes governors will 鈥渨ait until they understand in detail what the parameters of the program will be鈥� before they opt in or out, which won鈥檛 be until the IRS releases its rules later this year.

Another concern is a perennial one for school choice opponents: that private schools can discriminate against students, including LGBTQ kids. Jon Valant, director of the Brown Center on Education Policy at the Brookings Institution, said the tax credit is effectively a 鈥渂ackdoor voucher program鈥� that states 鈥渁ctually have very little control over.鈥� Democrats might be wary of opting into a program 鈥渨here, for example, they can do very little to protect against some discriminatory behaviors.鈥�

Such concerns are why Robert Enlow, president and CEO of the school choice research and advocacy organization EdChoice, believes governors in states on 鈥渢he harder sort of left鈥� 鈥� he mentioned California, Massachusetts and Connecticut 鈥� may choose not to opt in. Toch added: 鈥淚n some states, especially where teacher unions are influential, there鈥檚 going to be a lot of pressure to just say no for no鈥檚 sake.鈥�

Advocates argue that school choice, and particularly the scholarship tax credit, is popular. In September, DFER released showing that 64% of voters wanted their governor to opt into the program, including 61% of Democrats and 59% of Independents, with even stronger showings among Hispanic and Black voters. Enlow also pointed to done by EdChoice and Morning Consult showing that 65% of adults and 75% of school parents support tax-credit scholarship programs. With numbers like these, 鈥渙pting in is not just popular, it is overwhelmingly popular,鈥� DFER鈥檚 Elorza said.

Yet in 2024, voters in three states 鈥� Colorado, Kansas, and Nebraska 鈥� pro-school choice ballot measures. Elorza chalks these defeats up to 鈥渃oordinated campaigns that raise a parade of horribles that will materialize鈥� if these measures are adopted. Coordinated campaigns or no, those ballot measure defeats are surely going to give fodder to opponents of the tax credit scholarship program.

For now, most Democratic governors seem for the IRS rules. As a spokesperson for Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro put it in an email: 鈥淭he Shapiro Administration is awaiting federal guidance to address key questions about how this program would work, including which students will be eligible, how this federal initiative will interact with existing programs, and more. We look forward to reviewing that guidance.鈥� The offices of the governors of Illinois, Michigan, California and Michigan did not respond to requests for comment.

Toch applauds the wait-and-see approach: 鈥淢y argument is that the devil is in the details, and the political leaders in both parties should scrutinize the details carefully and not commit to a program unless it serves valuable public policy ends.鈥�

The question for Democratic governors facing re-election is simple: After a decade of declining student achievement, will voters want a massive change in how education is delivered? Or will they prefer a more cautious approach that maintains stricter oversight?

But across the country, when it comes to education, voters rejected those policies loudly and firmly. As the founder of Red Wine & Blue, a community of over 600,000 diverse suburban women, I hear from women all the time who don鈥檛 want right-wing extremist groups coming into their school districts to impose their vision of so-called parents鈥� rights. The vast majority of moms believe in America’s public schools, want to work with their children’s teachers to make education better and are sick of a vocal minority wasting time and resources on culture war chaos. 

But I don鈥檛 just say this because it鈥檚 what I see in my group chats and hear in conversations at the bus stop. Of the common-sense candidates 鈥� those standing up to attacks on history lessons about race and age-appropriate sex ed 鈥� who were supported by my organization in school board races across the country, 69% won. And in some states, that figure is even higher: 78% of our 45 candidates won in 15 Michigan school districts, and 86% of our 14 candidates won in six Virginia districts 鈥� an especially gratifying result given that Virginia became ground zero for the uproar over so-called Critical Race Theory in 2021.

Meanwhile, in North Carolina, Mo Green, a Democrat and former superintendent of Guilford County Schools, won the statewide race for superintendent of public instruction over homeschooler Michele Morrow. Morrow was a Republican Moms for Liberty candidate who has described public schools as 鈥溾�� and urged people not to send their children to them; called for the ; and demanded military intervention to keep then-President Donald Trump in power on Jan. 6, 2021. Trump may have won the presidential race in North Carolina, but Morrow鈥檚 slogan, 鈥淢ake America鈥檚 Schools Great Again,鈥� clearly didn鈥檛 resonate with the majority of voters who want to build up their public schools, not tear them down.

It鈥檚 true that different parents and families have different values and concerns 鈥� and that’s okay. If there’s a book you don’t want your kids to read, then don鈥檛 let them read it. I believe in providing students with accurate, age-appropriate sex education, but I also believe in allowing parents to opt their kids out if they alone want to have those conversations. But I don’t think one parent should be able to take those opportunities away from everyone else’s kids. American public schools should be, at their core, places where all students should feel supported and safe. And while extremists have come in from outside communities to gain power, divide and control people, most voters want none of it. 

If you zoom out and examine other election results, you see similar trends. Republicans spent at least on political ads attacking the trans community 鈥� including trans children who attend public schools 鈥� on issues ranging from sports to health care. But there is no evidence that these ads swayed voters at the ballot box. In fact, an found that a majority of likely voters (including a plurality of Independents, by a 23-point margin) thought they were “meanspirited and out of hand.” Likewise, a of voters in eight Senate battleground states found that those who saw the ads found them “intensely off-putting” and that they failed to impact candidate support. 

In four states 鈥� including three that voted for Trump 鈥� voters rejected Republican priorities for education. Ballot measures to expand voucher programs, which shift money from public to private schools, failed in Colorado, Kentucky, Nebraska. In Florida (the home of Moms for Liberty), voters defeated a state constitutional amendment to make school board elections partisan.

MAGA politicians will ignore these rejections at their own peril. Many parents remain concerned about their students and the state of the public schools. And when I sit down and talk to them, we almost always realize that we have far more in common than what separates us. We don鈥檛 want a loud minority telling us how to raise our children. We don鈥檛 want books about Anne Frank or Martin Luther King Jr. to be banned. We certainly don鈥檛 want kids to be bullied just because of who they are. It’s time to tune out the claims of MAGA mandates and get to work with teachers and administrators for the good of all students.

WASHINGTON 鈥� During Donald Trump鈥檚 first term as president, he was reluctant to speak boldly about school choice.

That鈥檚 according to Kellyanne Conway, an aide to the president back then, and one of his former campaign managers. 鈥淗e would say 鈥楢ren鈥檛 we the ones who say it [education] is local? Why would the president of the United States bigfoot all that?鈥欌��

Expect that reticence to be a thing of the past, Conway told the audience  devoted to promoting the benefits of school choice 鈥� from  in the style of programs in West Virginia and Arizona to charter schools and . On the campaign trail, Trump already has been vocal about his embrace of parental choice. 鈥淲e want federal education dollars to follow the student, rather than propping up a bloated and radical bureaucracy in Washington, D.C.,鈥�  at a rally in Wisconsin last month.

(To be sure, Trump did  near the end of his first term offering states the opportunity to use federal money to create school choice programs. When I looked into it a few years ago, I couldn鈥檛 find any state that had taken him up on the offer.)

Conway urged participants at the post-Election Day gathering to speak a certain way in their advocacy to lawmakers going forward. 鈥淟ead with solutions not problems. The problems can be the second part of the sentence, or maybe the second paragraph.鈥� The panelists 鈥� including the founder of a group of charter schools for students with autism in Arizona, the leader of a private school for boys in Alabama and the head of a foundation that supports microschools 鈥� were all winners of , fueled by  and run by the Center for Education Reform.

She also urged the crowd not to make school choice about teachers unions, 鈥渨hich is fun to do, especially this week but it doesn鈥檛 educate another child.鈥� (The National Education Association, the nation鈥檚 largest labor union, generally has opposed private school vouchers and has been celebrating the . 鈥淭he decisive defeat of vouchers on the ballot across multiple states speaks loudly and clearly: The public knows vouchers harm students and does not want them in any form,鈥� NEA President Becky Pringle said in a statement.) 

Lawmakers who need convincing aren鈥檛 holding out just because of union pressure, Conway said. In Texas, for instance, rural lawmakers worried about the effect of vouchers on their schools  or torpedoed plans in that state that would allow parents to use public money for private school tuition. Republican Gov. Greg Abbott helped elect enough new members in place of those rural holdouts, however, that .

The school choice event at the Ronald Reagan Building in D.C. was notable for the range of people it featured, including parents and pastors, people who are white, Black and Latino, and several Democrats, including Colorado Gov. Jared Polis and state Sen. Anthony Hardy Williams of Pennsylvania. Some of the speakers told stories about opening their own charter schools and private schools. They urged the president-elect to take action on choice, including allowing  for children in low-income families to follow those kids to private schools or other settings outside public schools.

In Congress, with Republicans taking hold of the Senate and expected to retain control of the House, lawmakers already have proposed legislation that has, until now, mostly been a nonstarter. Sen. Bill Cassidy of Louisiana, who is likely to become chair of the committee that oversees education in his chamber, introduced  this session that would give families and corporations tax credits if they contribute to groups that give scholarships to students to attend private or parochial schools. It would target students whose families earn no more than 300 percent of the area median gross income. Cassidy鈥檚 wife, Laura, runs a charter school for children with dyslexia in Baton Rouge.

鈥淚 think that there鈥檚 going to be a real opportunity to promote innovation in school choice,鈥� Cassidy said. 鈥淭here is great promise in this administration, and I am looking forward to working with them.鈥�

This story about  was produced by , a nonprofit, independent news organization focused on inequality and innovation in education. Sign up for .

In most states, young people overwhelmingly supported pro-abortion ballot measures, even while voting for GOP President-elect Donald Trump at the top of the ticket, according to a new data analysis of young voters in the 2024 election.

Although young people listed the economy and jobs as the most important issue in the election, abortion came in at number two. This was particularly significant given that more than a dozen states had ballot measures related to protecting or codifying access to abortion rights,

In all states for which Tuft University鈥檚 , had reliable data, young voters ages 18-29 overwhelmingly voted in favor of these reproductive rights measures, even as they moved right from the 2020 election, voting for Democratic Vice President Kamala Harris by much slimmer margins or 鈥� in Florida and Missouri 鈥� pulling the lever for Trump. 

In Florida, over half (52%) of young voters cast their ballot in favor of ending the state’s six-week abortion ban, despite voting for Trump by a 10-point margin.

Youth activist and chairman of the Jayden D鈥橭nofrio saw this play out live on Florida State University鈥檚 campus on the last day of early voting when he shuttled students to their polling place via golf cart. 

He said he heard from countless young Republicans who voted for Trump 鈥� whose Supreme Court nominees were largely responsible for overturning the constitutional right to an abortion 鈥� yet also supported Amendment 4. If the ballot measure had passed, it would have established a statewide constitutional right to abortion before fetal viability.

鈥淭he first two, three times, it’s like, 鈥極h, OK, that’s interesting. You’re voting for Republicans, but you’re voting yes on four,鈥欌�� he told 社区黑料. 鈥淎nd then after like the first three times, it was just like, 鈥極K, holy crap. You know, how many of you people are there?鈥� 鈥� 

He largely blames the state Democratic party for this disconnect, arguing they failed to message, motivate, or educate youth voters 鈥渙n where we stand on this issue and where Republicans stand on this issue, and as a result, [young Republicans] voted antithetical to their own beliefs.鈥� 

He added that this mismatch was particularly prominent among young people who told him Trump was pro-choice as well.

Harris garnered 43% of the overall vote in Florida, and the ballot measure received 57.2% of the vote. The amendment ultimately didn鈥檛 pass because it didn鈥檛 reach Florida鈥檚 60% threshold. Most states require a simple majority. 

This overwhelming support of pro-abortion rights ballot measures, despite a movement to the right generally in 2024, matches and previous , which found 53% of all young voters identify as pro-choice.

Ruby Belle Booth, a researcher at CIRCLE, said it鈥檚 further evidence of an emerging trend in which young conservatives and Republicans are consistently more liberal than older ones on a few key issues such as climate change and abortion.

鈥淲ith this more conservative electorate, it doesn鈥檛 mean that they鈥檙e more conservative on every single issue,鈥� she said.

Rhea Maniar, a Harvard University freshman and former chair of the said she wasn鈥檛 expecting the 鈥渕agic wand鈥� miracle鈥� of a Harris win in her home state, but she was cautiously optimistic about the ballot measure.

Ultimately, she was left disappointed by her party鈥檚 inability to hit the 60% mark and encouraged leaders to reevaluate their approach to the youth vote generally. 

鈥淭here has to be a reason why folks are willing to put Trump on the top of their ticket and then still vote for abortion,鈥� she said. 鈥淎nd I think Democrats are really going to need to take a hard, long look at what鈥檚 happening.鈥� 

The 鈥榝rat boy vote鈥�

Youth turnout this year (42%) was lower than the historic turnout in 2020 鈥� more similarly mirroring that of 2016 鈥� except in the battleground states, where it was much closer to the 50% mark. 

鈥淲hat the turnout in the battlegrounds really shows,鈥� said Booth, 鈥渋s that when young people are engaged in elections and when there鈥檚 a lot of investment in engaging young people in elections they learn to feel like they can make a difference. They feel like their voice matters and they have resources that young people in a lot of other states don鈥檛 have.鈥�

The young people who did turn out to vote were significantly more conservative. Young voters backed Harris overall by a mere 4 points (51% to 47%) but gravitated toward Trump compared to 2020, when they gave President Biden a much larger margin (+25). 

The youth electorate was more Republican than 2020 by 9 percentage points, whereas Democratic-identifying youth dropped by five points. It鈥檚 not yet clear if this indicates an ideological sea change among the youngest generation of voters or a shift in who turned out to vote, said Booth.

鈥淚t just goes to show that there鈥檚 so many different kinds of young people out there with so many different priorities,鈥� she said, 鈥渁nd I think for a long time people just assumed that all young people were liberal voters and this election proved that that was not the case. And that鈥檚 something we鈥檝e been saying for a really long time 鈥� but I think not everybody has been listening.鈥�

One thing she believes is clear this early: young voters were driven by issues. Forty percent of young people chose the economy and jobs as their top issue, and those who did so were about 20 points more likely to vote for Trump. Abortion came in second place, followed by immigration in third 鈥� a shift from 2022 when immigration was ranked lower. 

This appears to be a driving factor in the movement toward Trump, who throughout his campaign and is now planning for . Young voters who listed immigration as their top issue supported Trump by a 70-point margin.聽

Early data suggests the migration overall is largely attributable to young men, who supported President Joe Biden over Trump by six points, but voted for Trump by a 14-point margin this time around. Among young white men, that margin ballooned to 28 points.

Black and Asian youth overwhelmingly voted for Harris over Trump by the largest margin 鈥� about 50 points 鈥� while young white voters favored Trump overall (54% to 44%).

The largest shift for any racial or ethnic group of youth between the 2020 and 2024 elections were Latinos, who favored Harris by a 20-point margin this year but went for Biden by a 49-point margin. Young Latino men were 14 points more likely to identify as Republican than they were four years ago, though they still were more likely overall to identify as Democrats.

Youth organizer D鈥橭nofrio, who identifies as 鈥渏ust as a regular, straight white dude who’s 19 years old in Florida,鈥� said he鈥檚 seen this dynamic play out among his male friends, the majority of whom are Republicans.

He said he鈥檚 started to notice that despite supporting some liberal issues 鈥� such as abortion rights 鈥� many of these young men have been of hyper-masculinity that 鈥渕akes them feel good,鈥� which Trump and the Republican party have successfully tapped into.

His peers see Trump going on conservative talk shows, like The Joe Rogan Experience, or engaging with Twitch streamers or billionaire businessmen like Elon Musk. Meanwhile Democrats, he said, are not meeting this demographic where they are, nor do they understand how to talk to them. 

Ultimately, he said, Democrats must recruit strong messengers, with relatable information that they get out on the platforms young men actually engage with.

鈥淚t鈥檚 the frat boy vote,鈥� he said. 鈥淵ou know, embracing it is unfortunately the way to do it. But by embracing it, you can actively change their minds on it and show that we鈥檙e regular people [who aren鈥檛] trying to destroy or dilute their vote.鈥�

Correction: Young male voters favored President-elect Donald Trump by a 14-point margin this year. An earlier version of this story had that number at 28, which is the margin by which young white male voters favored Trump.

You can鈥檛 tell them the economy is great when they鈥檙e paying $4 for a dozen eggs.

You can鈥檛 tell them the job market is strong when they can鈥檛 find work.

And you can鈥檛 tell them their assigned public schools are delivering for their kids when they can plainly see outcomes that don鈥檛 align with those promises.

For years, families have been told that the one-size-fits-all public education system would prepare their children for the future. But more and more parents, particularly in historically underserved communities, are demanding options. They鈥檙e recognizing that choice empowers them to find the right educational fit for their child 鈥� a fit that meets individual needs, talents and goals and that鈥檚 responsive to their cultural values and expectations.

As election results poured in last week, NBC political commentator Chuck Todd specifically for record Republican gains among Latino voters.

These families 鈥� like all families 鈥� want a voice in their children鈥檚 education. They want to feel their tax dollars are funding schools that prioritize quality and accountability. In a diverse state like Florida, and in states across the nation, parents from every background are expressing this desire for choice.

School choice opponents have somehow convinced themselves that its purpose is to undermine the traditional public school system.

Trust me, that was the furthest thing from my mind when I set out to reform Florida鈥檚 education system as a first-term governor 25 years ago.

We wanted to make sure families had options if they needed them. No parent should be forced to keep their child in a school that isn鈥檛 serving them well. School choice is about opening doors, not closing them. It鈥檚 about opportunity, accountability and the recognition that one model doesn鈥檛 work for every student. It鈥檚 about a rising tide of achievement that lifts all boats. 

And we didn鈥檛 just focus on school choice: We implemented a strong school system and early literacy reforms that propelled Florida鈥檚 schools forward. While other states debated reforms, we took action to ensure students would gain essential skills in reading, setting them up for lifelong learning success. Today, these reforms serve as a model for other states.

As school choice has become more accessible, Florida’s public schools also have improved. Greater competition has raised the bar across the board, proving that giving families choices strengthens 鈥� not weakens 鈥� the educational system.

According to a recent by the American Enterprise Institute, Florida is 鈥渢he single best state in which to be a low-income public school student.鈥�

Florida also recently was the third-most diverse state in the nation, with 1 out of 5 residents born in a foreign country and only 36% born in the state. Diversity is our strength, and our education policies reflect our commitment to each child, regardless of their background or zip code.

We鈥檝e built an education landscape for everyone because we believe everyone deserves access to quality schools. School choice doesn鈥檛 divide communities; it strengthens them by respecting families’ unique needs and aspirations for their children. This movement isn鈥檛 about ideology. It鈥檚 about progress and ensuring that all children, in every neighborhood, have access to an education that meets their needs.

Policymakers should take the lessons from this election and recognize that families are sending a clear message: They want the freedom to choose an education that works for their child. 

For those who continue to stand against school choice, it鈥檚 time to listen. Families have rejected one-size-fits-all solutions, and they don鈥檛 want you to tell them what you think is best for them. They want the opportunity to find the right educational path for their kids, and it鈥檚 up to policymakers to continue to break down barriers that stand in their way. 

When Donald Trump told Elon Musk one of his first acts as president would be to 鈥渃lose the Department of Education, move education back to the states,鈥� he was invoking a GOP promise that goes back to President Ronald Reagan and the department鈥檚 founding.

Yet through multiple Republican administrations, including Trump鈥檚 first term, the U.S. Department of Education has persisted.

That hasn鈥檛 stopped Democrats from sounding the alarm that Trump鈥檚 views epitomize the GOP鈥檚 bad intentions for public schools. The fact that the Republican Party鈥檚 platform , as does the , has only .

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鈥淲e are not going to let him eliminate the Department of Education that funds our public schools,鈥� Vice President Kamala Harris said to thunderous applause in her speech at the Democratic National Convention, where she placed the department alongside prized institutions and programs like Social Security, Medicare, and the Affordable Care Act.

The department has become a 鈥渒ind of trophy鈥� in a larger debate about the meaning of public education, said Rick Hess, director of education policy studies at the American Enterprise Institute.

In fact, he said, 鈥淭he Department of Education actually has very little to do with that debate. Abolishing it doesn鈥檛 advance school choice and keeping it doesn鈥檛 do much for traditional district schools. But it鈥檚 become a symbol of which side you鈥檙e on in that debate.鈥�

So, what exactly does the U.S. Department of Education do? Why do so many conservatives want to see it go away? Why has it survived? And what would it take for that to actually happen?

The U.S. Department of Education: a brief history

The federal government spent money on education and developed education policies . But the U.S. Department of Education didn鈥檛 become a stand-alone agency until 1980, when it split off from the U.S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare.

President Jimmy Carter advocated for the creation of the department to fulfill a campaign promise to the National Education Association. Congress passed the Department of Education Organization Act in 1979. Some Democrats and the American Federation of Teachers opposed the idea, due to fears about and concerns that it would cater to the NEA鈥檚 interests.

Reagan, Carter鈥檚 successor, campaigned on abolishing the brand-new department. But Reagan鈥檚 first education secretary, Terrel Bell, commissioned the landmark report 鈥淎 Nation at Risk: The Imperative for Educational Reform,鈥� warning that America was losing its competitive edge. It advocated for a strong federal role to ensure students received a high-quality education.

鈥淚f the federal government is coming out with a report that shows all the things that need to be fixed and at the same time, we鈥檙e backing out of it, those are not compatible positions,鈥� said Michael Feuer, dean of George Washington University鈥檚 Graduate School of Education and Human Development.

The U.S. Department of Education does a lot of things, and . Its biggest K-12 programs by dollar amount . Some of its most high-profile and controversial work involves enforcing civil rights protections. The department also plays a major role in distributing financial aid for higher education.

The department is . Before the infusion of pandemic relief dollars, the federal government only covered about 8% of K-12 educational costs. In recent years, it鈥檚 been closer to 11%. But isn鈥檛 necessarily easy.

Why do conservatives want to end the Department of Education?

Some of the dislike is purely ideological.

For conservatives, less government is better. Education is not mentioned directly in the U.S. Constitution. And a new department overseeing functions that remain mostly the purview of local government is low-hanging fruit.

Under Democratic administrations, the department has also sided with more progressive approaches to education and to civil rights enforcement.

The Obama administration, for example, told schools that if they suspended or expelled Black students at much higher rates than other groups, that could be a sign they were . Critics said the rules pushed schools to adopt laxer disciplinary policies that made schools less safe. . (The Biden administration has not reinstated them.)

More recently, the Biden administration issued Title IX rules that provide greater and more explicit protections for LGBTQ students 鈥� .

Jonathan Butcher, a senior fellow at the Heritage Foundation, said states have been a source of innovation, like charter schools and educational savings accounts. The federal department not only distracts states from efforts to improve education but creates unnecessary bureaucracy.

All the while, achievement gaps based on race and poverty haven鈥檛 gone away, Butcher noted, though .

鈥淲e have ample evidence that it is not serving its purpose,鈥� Butcher said of the department. Abolishing it, he added, is 鈥渃onsistent with both the interest in smaller government and the interest in doing what鈥檚 right for kids.鈥�

What does Trump say about abolishing the Department of Education?

In his , the social media platform previously known as Twitter, Trump said the U.S. had a 鈥渉orrible鈥� education ranking at the bottom of developed countries while spending the most.

It鈥檚 not totally clear what sources Trump was using. On , the U.S. ranked sixth in reading, 10th in science, and 26th in math among 81 countries. show , especially . The U.S. does spend , including many that score better on key measures.

Trump said some states won鈥檛 do well, but many would do a better job on their own while spending less money.

鈥淥f the 50, I would bet that 35 would do great, and 15 of them or 20 of them would be as good as Norway,鈥� Trump told Musk. 鈥淵ou know Norway is considered great.鈥�

He said the federal government could provide 鈥渁 little monitor. You want to make sure they are teaching English, as an example. Give us a little English, right?鈥�

Trump鈥檚 campaign did not respond to a request to elaborate on the candidate鈥檚 plans.

How would abolishing the Department of Education work?

Abolishing a federal department would require an act of Congress, just as creating one does. It likely would also , which the idea doesn鈥檛 have.

U.S. Rep. Thomas Massie, a Kentucky Republican, has to abolish the department 鈥� but the bill has failed to gain traction.

Despite that, Massie said his proposals were serious. 鈥淒amn right I want to terminate the Department of Education,鈥� he said in a statement. 鈥淧ublic education in America has gone downhill ever since this bureaucracy was created.鈥�

The Heritage Foundation鈥檚 Project 2025, widely seen as a blueprint for a future Trump administration 鈥� 鈥� lays out a much more detailed plan that considers necessary steps from Congress and the executive branch.

For example, the plan says civil rights enforcement should move to the Department of Justice, educational data collection to the U.S. Census Bureau, and support for Native American students to the Bureau of Indian Affairs.

Butcher acknowledged that BIA schools don鈥檛 have a good track record. But he argued that the agency was better positioned to work on improving educational outcomes.

Meanwhile, Project 2025 says Title I funding for high-poverty schools should be turned into vouchers and then phased out over time, while money from the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act should be given directly to parents.

On a podcast earlier this year, Lindsey Burke, the Heritage Foundation鈥檚 director of the Center for Education Policy and author of Project 2025鈥檚 education chapter, of simply abolishing the department.

But she said the executive branch could take certain actions on its own, such as ending student loan forgiveness programs and not enforcing the new Title IX rules.

Ending the Education Department now 鈥榩art of the conversation鈥�

Hess, of the American Enterprise Institute, said he doesn鈥檛 oppose eliminating the department, but the idea has become a kind of 鈥渂oogie man or quick fix鈥� that鈥檚 become a on the federal role in education.

鈥淪o much of the culture war that reached a boil during the pandemic focused on schools and colleges, which made the department more contested terrain and made education more contested terrain,鈥� he said.

He鈥檚 skeptical that a future Trump administration would get any closer to eliminating the department than the first one did. And a could make it even harder to make dramatic changes via executive order, Hess said.

Feuer, of George Washington University, thinks the department has made positive contributions, despite some flaws, and wants to see it stick around. An unfriendly administration could dramatically cut funding or eliminate programs without eliminating the department. That鈥檚 the wrong debate to have when , he said.

鈥淚f we now take this really important moment and get everyone fighting about maintaining the department, instead of keeping our eyes on the kids and the teachers and doing some good work, that would be a really unfortunate distraction,鈥� he said.

Butcher acknowledged that it鈥檚 鈥渁 big, ambitious idea,鈥� but said it鈥檚 also a serious one. Past efforts, he said, lacked willpower and an advocate who prioritized it.

He was encouraged when every candidate in Republican presidential primary debates last year (except Trump, who did not participate) said they .

鈥淲e have made it a part of the conversation,鈥� Butcher said.

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鈥淒oomed.鈥� 鈥淏affled.鈥� 鈥淪cared.鈥� 鈥淗appy.鈥� 鈥淚 don鈥檛 care.鈥� 鈥淲e are so cooked.鈥�

Those were the reactions to the presidential election result that students scrawled on a white board Wednesday morning inside Joshua Ferguson鈥檚 11th grade government class at Ypsilanti Community High School in Michigan.

Before he knew that former President Donald Trump had won a second term, Ferguson thought he would do a lesson on disinformation in politics. Instead, he gave students room to talk. The most important piece of this lesson, he said, was for his students to feel safe and heard.

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鈥淚 think that鈥檚 my job as a teacher,鈥� he said.

Educators across the country awakened Wednesday to the , then headed into school buildings where students were feeling everything from elation to shock to despair. Some had carefully scripted lesson plans at the ready. Others, like Ferguson, scrapped what they prepared and simply listened.

For civics and social studies teachers who had been monitoring the 2024 presidential election, Wednesday presented both a pedagogical challenge 鈥� and opportunity. Chalkbeat reporters fanned out to schools across the country to see how teachers approached this monumental day.

This story was reported by Caroline Bauman, Gabrielle Birkner, Hannah Dellinger, Jessie Gomez, Dale Mezzacappa, Amelia Pak-Harvey, Carly Sitrin, and Alex Zimmerman.

鈥榃hy do people keep voting for Trump?鈥�

Ahead of his 7:30 a.m. social studies class Wednesday, teacher John Winters had prepared a worksheet to spur conversation.

鈥淎s you know, [fill in the blank] has been elected as the next U.S. President,鈥� the sheet read. 鈥淧lease share your thoughts, feelings, concerns, questions, etc.鈥�

His students at Philadelphia鈥檚 Murrell Dobbins Career & Technical Education High School didn鈥檛 need much prompting.

鈥淗e IS a convicted felon and should鈥檝e never been allowed to run ever again,鈥� wrote one student.

People 鈥渄on鈥檛 want to see a girl/woman be the president,鈥� wrote another.

鈥淲hy do people keep voting for Trump? Especially people that he doesn鈥檛 even like and is racist towards?鈥� still another wrote.

The responses conveyed dismay and fear among some at the 800-student technical school, which is 89% Black and located in the city鈥檚 lowest income ZIP code.

At the end of the class, one junior held back to talk to Winters. Anxiety, even fear, was written all over his face as he struggled for words.

He asked a series of questions, like how many bills a president could pass and how an impeached president could be elected again. Winters answered but sensed there was something larger the boy wanted to know.

鈥淚 was born here, but I鈥檓 scared for my parents,鈥� he said. 鈥淭hey鈥檙e from Haiti. It鈥檚 bad there right now.鈥�

Winters reminded him that strongly Democratic Philadelphia has been a sanctuary city, meaning it doesn鈥檛 always cooperate with the federal government in enforcing immigration law. He told the young man to clarify with his parents their status. But then, reluctantly, he added: 鈥淚 can鈥檛 lie, it鈥檚 a concerning situation.鈥�

The boy put his head down, and slowly walked to his next class.

A rightward shift, especially among boys

At The Global Learning Collaborative, a high school situated in the deep-blue Upper West Side of Manhattan, students reacted to Trump鈥檚 victory with a mix of fear, ambivalence 鈥� and support.

More than 70% of the school鈥檚 students are Latino, and many expressed alarm over Trump鈥檚 anti-immigrant rhetoric. But there was still a sizable number of students who supported the Republican candidate during a mock election held during a Wednesday morning assembly: 136 students voted for Vice President Kamala Harris, while 70 supported Trump.

Junior Alix Torres said she has undocumented relatives and worries about his promise to .

鈥淚 woke up kind of angry this morning,鈥� Torres said, noting that she helped persuade some family members to vote for Harris. 鈥淚 hope he hears the public and chooses to not go through with that. We built this country.鈥�

Others at The Global Learning Collaborative said they supported Trump or didn鈥檛 have a firm opinion of him; nearly all were under 10 years old during his first presidency.

Senior Sara Otero, who is 18, voted for the first time on Tuesday, casting a ballot for the former president. A devout Christian, Otero said she believed Trump would preserve religious liberty, though she hadn鈥檛 followed the election closely.

鈥淚 wasn鈥檛 as educated as I wish I was on the whole thing,鈥� she said.

Harris decisively won New York City, but . Civics teacher Martin Gloster said he has seen a rightward shift in political attitudes in his classroom.

鈥淚 think teenage boys are really attracted to that strongman presence,鈥� he said.

Gloster said he has struggled with teaching contemporary politics, including the presidential debate in which Trump Haitian immigrants were eating cats and dogs. In a class that discussed the debate, one student had faced an arduous journey emigrating from Guatemala, while others were more sympathetic to Trump.

鈥淚t鈥檚 difficult because obviously I play it down the middle 鈥� Trump is just a different thing,鈥� Gloster said. 鈥淚鈥檓 learning on the fly. I don鈥檛 have all the answers.鈥�

Taking lessons from Gore鈥檚 2000 concession speech

When Reid Stuart arrived for his first class on Wednesday, he had three goals for students: Give space to process this huge political moment, impart tools to 鈥� and watch Al Gore鈥檚 concession speech from 2000.

鈥淚t鈥檚 an incredible speech, by a Tennessean, after a tense moment that calls for unity,鈥� said Stuart, who teaches at Crosstown High School, a diverse public charter school in Memphis, Tennessee. 鈥淚t feels relevant.鈥�

His students in AP Human Geography settled into class, some joking with each other about the election and others speaking somberly.

Before watching , Stuart asked: What did his students expect from a conceding presidential candidate?

鈥淭o show respect to the other candidate.鈥� 鈥淭o show respect for the system.鈥� 鈥淭o actually concede,鈥� students chimed in.

Stuart then asked, 鈥淚f you are Al Gore, how are you feeling?鈥�

鈥淐heated.鈥� 鈥淢ad.鈥� 鈥淯naccepting of loss.鈥� 鈥淏itter.鈥�

Gore, a Democrat, gave his speech more than a month after the 2000 Election Day and after .

Stuart asked his students what they thought of Gore鈥檚 delivery and message.

鈥淚 think he was being sarcastic,鈥� said one student. 鈥淟ike you could tell he didn鈥檛 really believe what he was saying, and felt like he should have won, but he still called for unity and respect.鈥�

As other students in the room nodded in agreement, Stuart said: 鈥淭his is a hallmark of a free and fair election, that the person who lost, can get up there and offer a unifying message, even if he is bitter. Right?鈥�

He noted that later Wednesday. 鈥淚 encourage you to watch it,鈥� he told students. 鈥淪ee if she has the same message of unification and moving forward, even though you can guarantee she is feeling deeply about the loss.鈥�

An election that turned on grocery prices and utility bills

Philadelphia social studies teacher Charlie McGeehan prepared for every election outcome 鈥� but, he admitted to his students Wednesday morning, 鈥渢his is not what I expected.鈥�

When he went to bed Tuesday night before midnight, McGeehan had anticipated explaining to the juniors and seniors in his classes about how long vote counting can take. About how we might not know the outcome of the election for several days. About the role deep-blue Philadelphia would play in deciding the election.

By the time he woke on Wednesday, that plan was moot. So, he figured, let鈥檚 just give the students 鈥� many of whom had spent long hours working the polls the day prior 鈥� space to decompress.

Together, they combed through the election results guided by students鈥� questions like 鈥淗ow was the polling yesterday so surprising?鈥� 鈥淲hich state did the race ultimately come down to?鈥� and 鈥淒oes Kamala Harris have any path to winning at all?鈥�

To that last question, McGeehan was straightforward: 鈥淣o, she doesn鈥檛.鈥�

Many of McGeehan鈥檚 students at the Academy at Palumbo are first- or second-generation Americans or immigrants. On notecards, students laid out their more personal fears, ones they didn鈥檛 necessarily want to share with the class.

鈥淎s a woman and a child of an immigrant, I鈥檓 honestly scared鈥� read one. 鈥淚 saw a post saying how Trump pledged to launch mass deportation鈥� which makes me feel like not researching more because of how much more sick stuff I might read,鈥� said another.

One said 鈥淚 feel great because Trump鈥檚 [positions] align with what I want. Especially with the issues of censorship, grocery prices, and utility bills.鈥�

鈥楰ind of a very depressing day鈥�

Nehemiah Legrand tried to eat dinner Tuesday but couldn鈥檛 finish. She was glued to her phone. She was up until 3 a.m.

The 13-year-old student at Enlace Academy, a pre-K-8 school in the International Marketplace area of Indianapolis, is an American citizen by birth whose parents are legally living in the country. The family fled Haiti after her older brother was kidnapped in 2020 amid the country鈥檚 political turmoil.

Still, Trump鈥檚 campaign rhetoric around immigration scared Nehemiah 鈥� and made her fear that her family would be deported.

鈥淚 just feel like today 鈥� it doesn鈥檛 feel normal,鈥� she said, sitting in the school鈥檚 hallway on Wednesday, looking out the window at the rain. 鈥淧eople are not talkative or none of that. It鈥檚 very, very strange. It鈥檚 kind of a very depressing day. Because everyone just doesn鈥檛 know what鈥檚 going to happen next, and you can tell everyone is stressed.鈥�

The presidential election has over her and her classmates at the school, where many students come from Latin America and Haiti. At this school, students have to grow up fast. Many carry trauma from their immigration to the United States, said lead social worker Hailey Butchart.

Now, students like Nehemiah are preparing for what the next four years with Trump 鈥� whose platform includes deploying 鈥渢he largest deportation operation in American history鈥� 鈥� will mean for them.

鈥淎 lot of the students I speak with have had a family member that has been deported, and they live with that fear as well,鈥� Butchart said.

The power of social media in elections

On the morning after Election Day, Zy鈥橝sia Weathers rolled over in bed to grab her phone on a nearby nightstand and scrolled through TikTok.

But instead of seeing videos of makeup reviews or the latest trends, Zy鈥橝sia鈥檚 feed was filled with women and girls crying about the outcome of Tuesday鈥檚 election and the potential impact on female reproductive rights.

鈥淧eople were even saying, like, very vague things, like, just thinking the worst of the worst,鈥� added Zy鈥橝sia, 17, a senior at KIPP Newark Collegiate Academy.

Throughout the school day Wednesday, Zy鈥橝sia and her peers talked about other videos they saw, like people celebrating former president Donald Trump鈥檚 reelection and others questioning what his victory would mean for the nation.

Zy鈥橝sia is also the president of her school鈥檚 Student Government Association, and on Wednesday, the group met to discuss the presidential outcomes. Yanibel Feliz, the advisor of the group, walked students through an exercise to discuss the election process, the outcome, and the effect of social media.

Some students said they were shocked about Trump鈥檚 victory because they had seen much support for Harris on social media.

鈥淪ometimes, social media might paint a picture of how elections will go,鈥� said Trinity Douglas, a junior at the school, during class. 鈥淏ut it has a big effect on our generation.鈥�

鈥業鈥檓 afraid what will happen to my family鈥�

The icebreaker in Joel Snyder鈥檚 government classes on Wednesday was to respond to the prompt: 鈥淚 am feeling 鈥� because 鈥︹��

The responses were wide-ranging and included students who were enthusiastic about the election outcome and those who were disappointed the U.S. would not, after all, elect a woman as president.

In the few minutes they were given, students took pencil to paper and wrote that they were 鈥渟hocked鈥� to hear how well Trump did with Latinos, 鈥渇urious鈥� at what they saw as sexism in the results, and 鈥渃oncerned鈥� that America had once again elected a man whose flaws and felony convictions are, by now, well known.

Some answers hit closer to home. 鈥淚 am feeling uneasy,鈥� one student wrote, 鈥渂ecause I鈥檓 afraid what will happen to my family who are undocumented.鈥�

Standing at the front of his class at 脕nimo Pat Brown Charter High School in the Florence-Firestone neighborhood of South Los Angeles, the teacher reminded his students that whether or not they are U.S. citizens, they have 鈥渢he duty to be the protectors of democracy and of each other.鈥� Snyder teaches about 140 students across five government classes, including one AP course. Of the roughly 600 students enrolled at 脕nimo Pat Brown, almost all of them are Hispanic 鈥� their families hailing from Mexico, Guatemala, and elsewhere in Latin America.

Snyder also asked his students to write down one issue that they care about and how they think Trump鈥檚 election might impact it. The students chose abortion rights, the economy, constitutional norms, and, again and again, immigration. They shared their fears of mass deportations and stories of family members who had waited years for green cards they may never get.

鈥淢y main concern is how, even despite being a citizen, I still won鈥檛 be protected because my parents are immigrants,鈥� Natalie, 17, a student in Snyder鈥檚 AP U.S. Government and Politics class, told Chalkbeat.

This was originally published by Chalkbeat. Chalkbeat is a nonprofit news site covering educational change in public schools. Sign up for their newsletters at .

LGBTQ youth advocacy organizations are reporting sharp increases in calls to suicide prevention hotlines, with the overwhelming majority of callers saying the election is the source of their fears. In addition to teens and children, the groups say that in recent days they have also been contacted by unprecedented numbers of families and teachers.

Starting Nov. 3, the number of crisis-service calls, texts and online chats received by The Trevor Project increased 125% over the week before, with an additional spike 鈥渂eginning Nov. 5 approximately around midnight ET,鈥� an organization spokesperson told 社区黑料. Trevor also reported a 200% rise in the number of callers who specifically mentioned the election. 

After former President Donald Trump鈥檚 re-election, Trevor posted an advisory note at the top of : 鈥淭revorText and TrevorChat are currently experiencing long hold times due to the election. If you need immediate assistance, please call the TrevorLifeline at 1-866-488-7386.鈥�

The organization has a number of online resources for youth, caregivers and educators, including guidance on , a and . 

鈥淭he Trevor Project wants LGBTQ+ young people to know that we are here for you, no matter the outcome of any election, and we will continue to fight for every LGBTQ+ young person to have access to safe, affirming spaces 鈥� especially during challenging times,鈥� CEO Jaymes Black said in a statement to 社区黑料. 鈥淟GBTQ+ young people: Your life matters, and you were born to live it.鈥�

The , which typically receives 3,700 calls a month, logged 2,146 between Nov. 3 and 6 alone. Young people generally make up the vast majority of contacts, but the rate of calls from parents, grandparents and teachers concerned about someone in their family or class jumped from less than 7% of all contacts to 28% during those three days. 

鈥淢ost of the time, we take calls from kids in crisis who don’t have supportive families, who are afraid of being evicted or afraid of being outed,鈥� says Lance Preston, the organization鈥檚 executive director. 鈥淧arents are now calling us about, 鈥榃hat am I going to do? What if this turns into a situation like Texas, where if I support my child, I’m going to be investigated by CPS?’ Teachers reaching out and saying, 鈥榃hat if I am a supportive ally and my school decides that I [shouldn鈥檛 have a] license anymore? Is this election going to create a situation where I could lose my job?鈥� 鈥� 

The weekend before the election, Rainbow鈥檚 hotline took a call from an Alabama 16-year-old who reported he was part of a four-teen suicide pact, Preston says. His colleagues were able to intervene to stop the plan.  

鈥淭hey had decided that if Trump won the election, that they were going to kill themselves because that meant that the United States people did not want them here and did not want their existence to be accepted,鈥� he says. 

鈥淚’m so thankful that that young person reached out to report that, because we were able to get to the other kids, get their parents involved and do some mitigation and get them some help. But that would have been four kids that we would have lost. That is unacceptable.鈥�

Last winter, the number of calls to Rainbow Youth from young Oklahomans more than tripled after transgender teen Nex Benedict died by suicide following months of in-school bullying. The suicide occurred in February, after a fight in a girls鈥� restroom that Nex had been forced to use under a new state law.

Nine in 10 callers reported bullying in their school, Preston said at the time. Since the start of this calendar year, the organization has heard reports of nine LGBTQ teen and nine adult suicides in the state. It now operates a crisis support center in Oklahoma City. 

The Southern Equality Project, which to families in the 25 states that have banned LGBTQ youth health care, also reports a 鈥渟light uptick鈥� in requests from families of trans youth: 鈥淢any of the requests specifically mentioned fears about Trump, a national ban or needing to leave the country for care,鈥� says Communications Director Adam Polaski. 

Because young people have no experience advocating for and securing LGBTQ rights, Preston says, they are particularly vulnerable to political rhetoric. 鈥淭hey didn鈥檛 fight for these rights,鈥� he says. 鈥淭hey were born with them, and now they are seeing them taken away.鈥�

He and other advocates say they expect the volume of calls to stay high through at least February, as a second Trump administration presumably begins acting on campaign promises to end gender-affirming care and curtail in-school LGBTQ protections throughout the country. 

鈥淭he best thing for us to do is to accept where we are, but also to send a positive message to these young people that we may be heartbroken, but we’re not broken,鈥� he says. 鈥淲e need to be putting that positive message out there that we need them to stay with us. They have an army of allies behind them, and we’re going to get through this.鈥�

The outcome was widely expected in a deep blue state where the last Republican governor left office in 1993. Meyer for the Democratic nomination in a three-way primary decided Sept. 10. 

Education analysts have watched the race for two reasons. The new governor will be under pressure to lead the state鈥檚 General Assembly into acting on a quarter-century of recommendations from task forces and commissions on reforming Delaware鈥檚 Jim Crow-era school funding system. 

Created decades ago to ensure affluent, white communities would continue to get a disproportionate share of education dollars, the finance formula sends more money to districts that already enjoy bigger budgets thanks to higher property taxes. As Delaware鈥檚 population has diversified, the inequities have deepened. Near-unanimity about the scope of the problem has not translated to the political will to boost state funding.

In 2020, Carney settled a lawsuit brought by the ACLU on behalf of the Delaware NAACP and a coalition called Delawareans for Educational Opportunity, in part by agreeing to commission an American Institutes for Research study to determine exactly how underfunded Delaware鈥檚 schools are. 

Earlier this year, the researchers reported that  would cost $500 million to $1 billion. After the report鈥檚 release, lawmakers created a planning commission to figure out how to raise revenue and right inequities, with an eye toward releasing recommendations in October 2025 for a new funding system to take effect in 2027. Not everyone is convinced the timeline is not simply another instance of kicking the can down the road. 

Now, policy wonks are watching to see whether Meyer鈥檚 long experience in K-12 education will translate to political urgency. The governor-elect started his career as a Teach for America corps member at a Wilmington charter school, where virtually all students were impoverished and the inequitable distribution of resources left teachers to struggle. 

During the campaign, Meyer released a detailed, 18-page education platform that included specific proposals for reforming both the state funding system and county-level taxes.

鈥淔unding cannot change overnight but must increase with urgency,鈥� the plan noted, pledging to 鈥淏etter align our state鈥檚 funding system with the AIR report鈥檚 recommendation of an additional increase of $3,400 to $6,400 per pupil.鈥�

This story was published in collaboration with Headway, a new initiative at The New York Times. Chalkbeat and Headway have been to educators and high school students since February. We have heard from more than 1,000 students and 200 teachers across the nation.

This presidential election year, young Americans are navigating a chaotic world of information, often with limited tools to distinguish what鈥檚 credible, what鈥檚 questionable, and what鈥檚 downright false.

A found that while many young people can detect images generated by artificial intelligence with ease, they struggle to differentiate news from commentary and advertisements and regularly encounter conspiracy theories on social media. Eight in 10 respondents said they believed at least one of those conspiracy theories.

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and their peers told us that they regularly encountered false information online about the election between Vice President Kamala Harris and former President Donald J. Trump. Some teachers have dedicated and fact-checking.

And many students have told us they have gained confidence in spotting falsehoods. We asked more than 1,000 students about what tips them off that a piece of information might be false or misleading, what鈥檚 their approach to verifying information, and what advice they have for other teenagers. Here鈥檚 what we heard.

Responses have been edited and condensed for length and clarity.

How teens know if information is sketchy, made up or manipulated

鈥淚f the content I鈥檓 seeing is triggering an extreme emotional reaction in me 鈥� rage, fear or joy, to name a few 鈥� without offering nuanced context, it leads me to think that it might be designed to mislead. When I encounter something that seems absolutely certain about morally and politically complex topics, such as the Israel-Hamas war, without acknowledging alternative views or uncertainties, I suspect it鈥檚 oversimplifying reality to push an agenda.鈥�

鈥� Sena Chang, 18

College freshman at Princeton University in New Jersey

鈥淎rticles that sound sketchy, made up, or manipulated are a red flag. Some media sources get rid of the bits and pieces of context that make a situation understandable. And media outlets sometimes contradict each other. Check and cross-check media. When a true piece of media spreads like wildfire, some media outlets will try and get attention from the situation and end up spreading lies about the situation. That鈥檚 why I find most articles about popular controversies annoyingly eye-rolling.鈥�

鈥� Antonette Davis, 14

Freshman at Central High School in Philadelphia

A single source doesn鈥檛 cut it for verifying what鈥檚 true

鈥淚 verify my information by getting it from multiple sources, not just people online who are crediting the original article I read. I also look at the information presented in the article from the perspective of a person who doesn鈥檛 know anything about the topic and see if the article and the ideas presented still make sense.鈥�

鈥� Yoni Zacks, 17

Senior at the Blake School in Minneapolis.

鈥淢ore often than not I look it up on Google and read about it on a more reliable website. For example, if an article makes a claim about a piece of legislation, I try to find the full text of the cited legislation to better understand what it鈥檚 saying.鈥�

鈥� Olivia Garrison, 17

Graduated in 2023 from Davidson Academy in Reno, Nevada

鈥淭here鈥檚 a tool called Google Reverse Image Search that I use to check the origins of viral images or memes to see where they first appeared and if they鈥檝e been repurposed out of context. During events like the presidential debate, I also looked at multiple websites offering real-time fact-checking like The New York Times to help contextualize what I was hearing and identify when what the candidates were saying was misinformation.鈥�

鈥� Sena Chang

鈥淭o verify information, I try to listen directly to candidates or their campaigns. I find this is the easiest way to understand the candidate鈥檚 policy plans, opinions on certain issues, and overall decorum. While commentary can be helpful, it often includes opinions that make me perceive certain things a certain way. Therefore, I find it important to directly hear from a political candidate first. Afterward, I listen to and watch video media with commentary. It helps me compare my understanding to someone else鈥檚 and clarify things I might not have fully understood.鈥�

鈥� Meghan Pierce, 18

Freshman at the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign in Champaign, Illinois

How young people navigate a world of misinformation

鈥淎s a teenager, I get a lot of my information from social media. I know many other teenagers get their information this way, too, so my word of advice is to be aware of the algorithm and how you鈥檙e fed information usually from one side. You鈥檙e not getting the complete story, so do your research instead of trusting one source!鈥�

鈥� Emma Luu, 17

Junior at Pine Creek High School in Colorado Springs, Colorado

鈥淐heck anything you think is misleading with a quick search and cross-check if it鈥檚 legitimate or not.鈥�

鈥� Arnav Goyal, 14

Freshman at Olentangy Liberty High School in Powell, Ohio

鈥淏ecome aware of media bias, and do your best to consider different perspectives and stay open-minded while being aware of media bias.鈥�

鈥� Lucas Robbins, 17

Senior at Mandela International Magnet School in Santa Fe, New Mexico

鈥淢y (unpopular) take is that fact-checking is easier than it seems. 鈥� 鈥婼ocial media serves as an integral egalitarian news source where anyone can create and share primary source information no matter where they live in the world. However, using social media as a sole source of information can be dangerous. Sometimes even recognizing satirical news sources is hard 鈥� I have been a victim of thinking The Onion was a real news source. You don鈥檛 have to research every single headline you ever see. The internet can be an overload of information at times, and choosing to disconnect is a skill young people need. However, if you see something that raises eyebrows, understanding the context is just a Google search away.鈥�

鈥� Kush Kaur, 17

Freshman at Collin College in McKinney, Texas

Teenagers are inundated daily with a mix of credible information and fake news. Out of necessity, they鈥檙e sharpening their instincts to identify misinformation and building skills to verify or debunk it. Their advice is clear: Stay mindful of algorithmic influence, avoid relying on a single source, and remember that it鈥檚 OK to step back when it all feels overwhelming.

Need more insights? Explore the resources below.

Caroline Bauman is the deputy managing editor for engagement at Chalkbeat. Reach her at cbauman@chalkbeat.org.

Erica Meltzer is the national editor at Chalkbeat, where she covers education policy and politics. Reach her at emeltzer@chalkbeat.org

This was originally published by . Chalkbeat is a nonprofit news site covering educational change in public schools. Sign up for their newsletters at .

When immigration agents raided chicken processing plants in central Mississippi in 2019, they arrested nearly 700 undocumented workers 鈥� many of them parents of children enrolled in local schools.

Teens got frantic texts to leave class and find their younger siblings. Unfamiliar faces whose names weren鈥檛 on the pick-up list showed up to take children home. School staff scrambled to make sure no child went home to an empty house, while the owner of a local gym  for kids with nowhere else to go.

In the Scott County School District, a quarter of the district鈥檚 Latino students, around 150 children,. When dozens of kids continued to miss school, staff packed onto school buses and went door to door with food, trying to reassure families that it was safe for their children to return. Academics were on hold for weeks, said Tony McGee, the district鈥檚 superintendent at the time.

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鈥淲e went into kind of a Mom and Dad mode and just cared for kids,鈥� McGee said. While some children bounced back quickly, others were shaken for months. 鈥淵ou could tell there was still some worry on kids鈥� hearts.鈥�

have occurred in the past, with in an effort to deter unauthorized immigration. If former President Donald Trump wins a second term and enacts his hardline immigration policies, could become a much more common occurrence affecting millions of children and their schools.

If reelected, Trump has in U.S. history, at his disposal from to. Trump and his running mate, Ohio Sen. J.D. Vance, have to  about the parents of U.S. citizen children.

But any such plan inevitably would sweep up parents of school-age children, leaving educators with the responsibility of providing food, clothing, counseling, and more to affected students. Educators who have been through it before say schools that serve immigrant communities should prepare now. have at least one undocumented parent.

On top of that, it鈥檚 unclear if Trump would seek to undermine the  that during his last presidency in an attempt to protect immigrant students and their families on school grounds.

Trump has shown willingness to target immigrant children

Trump frequently aims his rhetoric and policy proposals at the children of immigrants.

Last year, for children born in the U.S. to undocumented parents, and he has at the U.S.-Mexico border. He has not ruled out deporting women and children as part of his mass deportation plan.

鈥淲e鈥檙e gonna look at it very closely,鈥� he said in an , even as he acknowledged that images of families being loaded on buses would make it 鈥渁 lot harder.鈥�

Both  and have characterized immigrant children as being burdens on schools who are overcrowding classrooms and taxing teachers with their language needs. Top aides to Trump tried for months during his first administration to give states the power to block undocumented children from attending public school, , and an influential conservative think tank is if Trump wins a second term.

Immigrant rights advocates worry that Trump would seek to end a that has treated schools as 鈥溾�� or 鈥溾�� areas where immigration agents are not supposed to surveil families or make arrests, except in extraordinary circumstances, so as not to deter children from going to school.

鈥淓nforcement actions undertaken in these locations have a ripple effect,鈥� said Heidi Altman, the director of federal advocacy at the National Immigration Law Center. 鈥淚t鈥檚 very frightening for communities when we think about the possibility of a Trump administration, both in terms of enforcement at and near protected areas, like schools, but also the impact on schools and access to education.鈥�

The Trump campaign did not respond to questions about whether the former president would seek to carry out immigration enforcement activities at or near schools as part of his mass deportation plan. But Project 2025, a policy playbook , calls for rescinding any memos that identify 鈥渟ensitive zones鈥� where immigration action should be limited.

And even when immigration enforcement happens off campus, it can still have far-reaching effects on children and schools.

Kheri Martinez was just 13 when her mother was swept up in the 2019 Mississippi raids. She was one of around 1,000 children whose parents were arrested that day. A family friend picked Martinez up early from school, and she later learned from her dad 鈥� who was working out of state on a construction job 鈥� that her mother had been detained.

The seventh grader bottled up her own fears and told her two little sisters, who were a toddler and early elementary schooler at the time, that their mom was working overtime. For dinner, they ate pizza dropped off by worried family friends. That night, Martinez climbed into her parents鈥� bed with her sisters, hoping the blankets that smelled like their mom would comfort her.

鈥淓ven though I don鈥檛 know if Mom is going to come home today,鈥� she told herself, 鈥渁t least I鈥檇 have something closer to me, I鈥檒l feel like she鈥檚 here.鈥�

Her mom came home crying at 4 in the morning 鈥� on humanitarian grounds while their cases proceeded 鈥� and Martinez finally felt like she could breathe.

At school the next day, there were whispers that the school would be targeted for violence and that the government was going to come back and take kids away. It felt like everyone at school was 鈥渙n alert.鈥�

鈥淭he Hispanic kids, we were just kind of out of it,鈥� Martinez said. 鈥淲e weren鈥檛 us for a little bit.鈥�

Immigration raids take heavy emotional toll on kids

What Martinez experienced is not uncommon among children whose parents have been caught up in immigration raids. Multiple studies have documented the sweeping psychological, emotional, and financial toll that such operations have on children and their families.

Researchers from the nonprofit Center for Law and Social Policy found that the Mississippi raids were especially traumatic for the children whose . Many saw their parents handcuffed and shoved into white vans on their way home from school, prompting screams and uncontrollable crying.

Children 鈥渃ontinued to suffer emotionally鈥� for weeks and months, the research team wrote, and even kids who鈥檇 been reunited with their parents showed signs of post-traumatic stress and separation anxiety. Some kindergartners started wetting the bed again, and toddlers regressed in their speech. It was common for kids to come home from school, drop their backpacks, and spend the rest of the day sleeping. Older kids often took on more housework, child care, and paying jobs so they could contribute to their households.

Similarly, how earlier immigration raids in three states affected some 500 children whose parents were arrested.

Those children were most likely to experience emotional distress, but fear also spread to children who worried their parents would be 鈥渢aken鈥� next. Story time often turned to talk of the raids and got emotional, teachers said. Some kids internalized their parents鈥� disappearance as an abandonment. Some children ate less and lost weight, while others started acting out or had trouble sleeping.

鈥淪ome parents said that, months after the raids, their children still cried in the morning when getting dropped off at school or day care, something that they rarely used to do,鈥� the report found. 鈥淐hildren were said to obsess over whether their parents were going to pick them up from school.鈥�

With breadwinners in detention, many families fell behind on rent. Three-quarters of the parents said they struggled to buy enough food after the raids. Housing instability forced some kids to change schools multiple times. The experience 鈥渟apped the attention of some children and affected their academic performance,鈥� researchers found.

For Martinez, it took a year for school to feel normal again. She often felt like she was on edge, 鈥渙n the lookout鈥� for another raid.

鈥淚t hurt me for a while,鈥� Martinez said.

How schools and families can offer support to kids

School leaders say it鈥檚 difficult to plan for an immigration raid. Agents usually do not give schools any prior warning. But schools that serve immigrant communities can take certain steps in advance.

鈥淲e practice for fire drills and tornado drills, bus evacuations, and sad to say nowadays we practice for active shooters. There鈥檚 not many drills for ICE raids,鈥� McGee, the former Scott County superintendent, said. When 鈥渇amilies are separated, and you鈥檙e responsible for how do these kids get home and who takes care of them, it helps to have a little insight that: Hey, you need to be prepared.鈥�

in their communities say it鈥檚 especially important to develop an emergency protocol for how children should be signed out at school if their approved caretaker is not available to pick them up. Identifying a potential temporary shelter for students 鈥� whether at a school, a local church, or a community center 鈥� is also helpful.

McGee and his team met daily with the principals of schools where many children were affected by the raids to ask how teachers and students were doing. The district also provided materials to help teachers talk about the raids in class and explain to kids who weren鈥檛 affected how their classmates may be feeling.

鈥淲e didn鈥檛 get into the political struggle of why this happened, or why that happened, should it happen, should it not happen?鈥� McGee said. 鈥淥ur job is to care for kids.鈥�

For Martinez, the care two teachers showed her was especially helpful. They each pulled her aside to talk about what happened, and told her to let them know if she needed more time to complete assignments.

鈥淚 was very appreciative of that,鈥� Martinez said. 鈥淚t made me feel like: 鈥極h, they understood.鈥欌��

Her family also came up with a plan for exactly what they would do and where they would go if another immigration raid happened, which helped to ease some of the anxiety. Martinez knows, for example, that if her family has to sell their belongings and move back to Mexico that she would stay in the U.S. to finish her college degree.

鈥淵ou鈥檙e going to carry something that is not yours, but we don鈥檛 have any option,鈥� Gabriela Uribe Mejia said she told her daughter. 鈥淪he said: 鈥楧on鈥檛 worry, I understand, I know what to do.鈥� But she鈥檚 a young girl.鈥�

Still, immigrant rights advocates worry about the long-term effects on children and families.

Lorena Quiroz, who directs the Mississippi-based Immigrant Alliance for Justice and Equity, was among the community organizers who went door to door asking families if they needed food, legal assistance, or other support in the wake of the Mississippi raids.

Quiroz knows affected families who were torn apart by drinking and fighting, and teens who dropped out of school. Mothers still feel ashamed of the weeks they spent wearing an ankle monitor, visible for everyone to see under their traditional Maya skirts. Adults still tear up when they drive past the poultry plants.

People talk about it 鈥渓ike it鈥檚 yesterday,鈥� Quiroz said. 鈥淚magine that happening everywhere.鈥�

This story was originally published by Chalkbeat. Chalkbeat is a nonprofit news site covering educational change in public schools.

While Americans of voting age struggle to navigate the political landscape, educators, parents and community leaders must also attend to the needs of the next generation. Today鈥檚 K-12 students will be tomorrow鈥檚 voters, legislators and civic leaders, and teachers play an essential role in helping them develop the knowledge, skills and attitudes they will need to fulfill their civic responsibilities.

The role of social studies teachers in fostering civic learning is obvious, but educators in all subjects can contribute to building a more informed and responsible citizenry. Science teachers, for instance, can help students about climate change, vaccines, even Vitamin C. Math teachers can provide strategies for the accurate interpretation of statistics or charts. From the earliest grades, teachers are responsible for helping students learn to interact constructively with their peers, be open to ideas that might differ from their own and apply a critical lens to information they receive. This all directly relates to civic learning and engagement.

At the same time, educators face challenges associated with cultivating responsible citizens, including the increasing politicization of school curricula. In a recent Education Week of principals, nearly a third cited the political, controversial nature of civics as a barrier to teaching it. In Wisconsin, educators increasing political pressures and restrictions on teaching about elections. Moreover, opportunities for high-quality civic learning are deeply , with young people in marginalized communities lacking access to experiences that promote civic readiness. These disparities almost certainly contribute to differences in performance on of civic learning. 

Our team at the American Institutes for Research wanted to understand educators鈥� opinions about schools鈥� responsibilities for supporting students’ civic learning and the conditions that might influence their teaching in this area. In late 2022, when schools were confronting ongoing challenges such as COVID-19, systemic racism and the role of social media, we a nationally representative sample of K-12 public school teachers in all subject areas about their views on civics education. 

More than 80% of respondents said it was very important or essential for schools to help students develop civics-related knowledge, skills and attitudes, including a commitment to democracy and an ability to engage effectively in civic life. For the most part, these data

points were consistent across subjects, grade levels and geographical locations, even on complicated topics such as the lasting impact of slavery.

These results indicate that most teachers are committed to fostering civics learning. They

also point to several actions that policymakers and education leaders could take to

help advance schools鈥� civics goals:

• Offer better professional learning. Although 84% of teachers said they feel it is very important or essential for schools to promote a commitment to democracy, only half reported being very or extremely confident in their ability to teach this topic. Sixty percent of respondents agreed that they needed more professional learning in this area.
  
• Provide guidance on navigating restrictions on civics-related instruction. About 30% of respondents said they had received directives from district or school leadership to limit discussions about political or social issues. By comparison, 70% cited pressure to show progress on standardized tests in other subjects as a significant barrier to teaching civics.
  
• Communicate more clearly about state standards. Academic standards can communicate states鈥� goals and encourage instruction aligned with those goals 鈥� but only if teachers are aware of them. Although has standards related to civics, 47% of surveyed teachers reported not knowing whether their own states had them. State and district leaders should help teachers of all subjects understand and implement standards related to civic learning.

The results from our survey make it clear that teachers nationwide believe schools should foster students鈥� civic development, but that they need additional support to do this effectively. It is in the interest of all Americans to help ensure that educators have the resources, guidance and autonomy they will need to fulfill this critical responsibility. Our findings add to a growing body of research that suggests a need for standards, assessment systems, professional learning and instructional guidance that help teachers of all grade levels and subjects integrate civic content into their instruction in ways that are nonpartisan and grounded in evidence. 

Misinformation and disinformation will continue to threaten political and civic engagement, but by supporting teachers today, policymakers and education leaders can help them ensure that tomorrow鈥檚 voters can handle it.

Policy experts note that public opinion about a particular topic is deeply shaped by at the time. These frameworks are frequently contested through implicit and explicit messages that go out through media, as well as topical debates in the political arena. The political scientist Deborah Stone puts it this way: 鈥淚deas are at the center of all political conflict. Policymaking, in turn, is a constant struggle over the criteria for classification; the boundaries of categories, and the definition of ideals that guide the way people behave.鈥�

A classic example . When nuclear power was primarily seen as a new source of cheap energy, it drew a great deal of support. When it became seen as an environmental danger 鈥� influenced by real-life accidents like Chernobyl and Three Mile Island, as well as fictional media portrayals 鈥� public support cratered. Today, some environmentalists are trying to intentionally insert a third frame whereby nuclear power is seen as in reducing greenhouse gas emissions that drive climate change; they face an uphill battle.

Or take a question closer to child care鈥檚 wheelhouse: public schools. While schools inarguably serve a child care function (sorry, ), that is not generally seen as their primary purpose. Instead, schools are defined by their educational impact. Whether that education is at successful careers, civic engagement, personal self-actualization or something else certainly remains contested, but the overarching frame of schools = education is set.

When it comes to child care, America seems to be experiencing what psychologist William James described as the first moments of an infant鈥檚 life: a 鈥渂looming, buzzing confusion.鈥� Particularly in an era when child care is finally getting widespread attention instead of being relegated to a component of welfare, we have yet to answer the questions: what is child care and who is it for? In many cases, we have yet to even ask those questions.

Is child care primarily a work support for parents? Is it child development that helps kids with early learning and growth? Is it a way to reduce family stress and increase family functioning? Is it social infrastructure that connects parents, a la libraries and parks? Is it intended to promote gender equity? Who counts as a valid child care provider? Is the goal to have a minimum level of adequate child care that keeps costs low or to have abundant, first-rate child care settings with well-compensated educators? Heck, we can鈥檛 even agree on definitions: is child care policy about ages birth to 5? Birth to 8? Birth to 13? Birth to 18?

You鈥檙e probably thinking that child care is not just one thing, and that much of the above list is not mutually exclusive. You鈥檇 of course be correct. But 鈥榥ot just one thing鈥� doesn鈥檛 obviate the need, again, for a primary frame. Right now, we鈥檙e not even trying to hash out what that primary frame is, and so we often end up talking past one another.

Comments regarding child care made by Vance and Kamala Harris in recent months illustrate this societal confusion.

In an August Face the Nation , Vance responded to questions about his opposition to  universal child care proposals: 鈥渨hat I’ve opposed is one model of child care. We, of course, want to give everybody access to child care. But look, in my family, I grew up in a poor family where the child care was my grandparents, and a lot of these child care proposals do nothing for grandparents. If you look at some of these proposals, they do nothing for stay-at-home moms or stay-at-home dads. I want us to have a child care policy that’s good for all families, not just a particular model of family, and that’s what I’ve said.鈥�

Harris, meanwhile, the following during an appearance before the National Association of Black Journalists: 鈥渢he state of affairs in our country that working people often have to decide to either be able to work or be able to afford childcare 鈥� they can鈥檛 afford childcare and actually do the work that they want to do because it鈥檚 too expensive, and it doesn鈥檛 actually level out in terms of the expense versus the income. My plan is that no family 鈥� no working family should pay more than 7 percent of their income in childcare, because I know that when you talk about the return on that investment, allowing people to work, allowing people to pursue their dreams in terms of how they want to work, where they want to work, benefits us all. It strengthens the entire economy.鈥�

As you can see, these are not two sides of a coin. This isn鈥檛, 鈥業 think public schools should get more money, you think we should universalize school vouchers鈥� or 鈥業 think there should be a single-payer health care system, you think we should deregulate health care and let the market work it out鈥�. This is one side emphasizing child care as a form of broad-based family support and one side emphasizing child care as a way to strengthen parents鈥� preferred attachment to the labor force. (I do want to emphasize that actions speak louder than words: Vance skipped a Senate vote where his GOP colleagues a bipartisan House-passed expansion of the Child Tax Credit, whereas Harris is second-in-command of an administration that proposed , including child care, in American history 鈥� one that was, again, blocked by Republicans.)
Partially because of child care鈥檚 history, it has been subject to markedly less philosophical scrutiny than other issue areas. Frequently, we hear advocacy groups wanting debate moderators or journalists about their plans for child care. That鈥檚 fine as far as it goes (the recent Vice Presidential debate was on care issues) but I think we鈥檇 get a lot further if we first asked political candidates: Why do you think child care is important? What is your vision for an ideal child care system? I think we鈥檇 get a lot further, in fact, if we first asked ourselves those questions.

He praised a new breed of 鈥減atriot pastors鈥� who are mobilizing the faithful to engage in 鈥渂iblical citizenship鈥� by voting and getting involved on school boards. He鈥檚 among the far right religious who say former President Donald Trump is God鈥檚 choice for president and that Christians should not only participate in government and politics, but .

Republican leaders have spent a lot of energy this year putting those words into action. Much of the spotlight has been on Oklahoma state Superintendent Ryan Walters, who mandated that schools stock classrooms with Bibles. Louisiana passed a law requiring schools to post the 10 Commandments in classrooms, the subject of , while the Texas Education Agency has proposed a reading curriculum that includes stories from the Old and New testaments. 

But the question of whether those ideas will resonate with Christian voters on Nov. 5 is harder to answer.

One suggests they might not. On a long list of concerns influencing Christians this election, public schools ranked near the bottom, with less than 30% choosing it as a reason to vote for a presidential candidate. The economy and border security topped the list for at least 60% of voters. 

A lot of churchgoers are 鈥渟till leery of bringing Christianity overtly into public institutions,鈥� said George Barna, who runs the Cultural Research Center at Arizona Christian University, a small conservative college outside Phoenix. 鈥淭hey are more likely to desire the freedom to believe and practice their faith of choice, with their family, as they desire, without government intrusion.鈥�

His recent poll suggests that many practicing Christians are so disillusioned by both Vice President Kamala Harris and former President Donald Trump that they may not even vote. Barna estimated that as many as 104 million 鈥減eople of faith鈥� 鈥� and of those, roughly 32 million regular churchgoers 鈥� won鈥檛 show up at the polls. 

Trump tried to shore up his support among the faithful this week during a with conservative pastors, suggesting a failed assassination attempt against him in July was a sign. 鈥淕od saved me for a purpose,鈥� he said. Conservative leaders are counting on Christians to support their preferred candidates 鈥� up and down the ballot. 

Walters co-authored an earlier this year with Steve Deace, a conservative talk show host, and David Barton, whose organization teaches history from a Christian perspective. In grave terms, they urged Christians to vote for Trump if they want schools to embrace their values.

鈥淐hurches and community groups must transform into centers of evangelical activism, educating and equipping members to take a stand in this cultural and spiritual battle,鈥� they wrote. 鈥淭he election ahead is more than a political contest; it is our opportunity to affirm our commitment to our nation鈥檚 Judeo-Christian values.鈥�

But that message doesn鈥檛 always grab voters, said Kendal Sachierri, a conservative Republican running for state Senate in Oklahoma and a former Spanish teacher. A Second Amendment advocate, she defeated an incumbent who to increase penalties for having a gun on school property. 

When she was going door-to-door during the primary, Sachierri said she talked to voters who were unhappy with public schools.

鈥淏ut no one was like, 鈥榃e need Bibles in the classroom,鈥� 鈥� she said. When she taught at聽Newcastle High School, south of Oklahoma City, she had both English and Spanish versions of the Bible available for students. 鈥淒id I ever make a kid use it? No.鈥�

鈥楤iblical foundation鈥�

In local races this year, there have been signs that the public鈥檚 support for candidates who align with fundamentalist Christian groups is waning. School board hopefuls backed by Moms for Liberty haven鈥檛 fared nearly as well in primary races as they did two years ago when they earned school board seats across the country. 

The organization primarily advocates against lessons on gender and sexuality, but their summit last year also featured Tim Barton, David Barton鈥檚 son and Wallbuilders president. He preached that depends on rebuilding its 鈥渂iblical foundation.鈥� 

Whether Christian voters have tired of such rhetoric enough to stay home on Election Day is hard to forecast, said Michael Emerson, a religion and public policy researcher at Rice University. 

鈥淎ttempting to estimate who will vote and who will not is unreliable,鈥� he said. 鈥淎s we have seen in the past, especially with Trump, people often say they are not voting, or not voting for him, to pollsters, but then go ahead and vote for him.鈥�

Christians, in fact, have an on elections, he said. 

That鈥檚 especially true in Texas, where frequently mix. In conservative communities, it鈥檚 almost expected that a candidate鈥檚 platform will include references to Christianity, said Calvin Jillison, a political scientist at Southern Methodist University in Dallas. 

鈥淚f you’re in a red district, you better be able to speak about these issues in a way that you know voters will respond,鈥� he said. 

The state鈥檚 official calls for schools to require instruction from the Bible, and wealthy conservative donors have thrown their support behind candidates who espouse a 鈥溾�� in public schools. 

They include state school board candidate Brandon Hall, a political newcomer who wants to emulate Walters鈥檚 effort in Oklahoma to purchase classroom Bibles.

鈥淭his is amazing. Let鈥檚 do it in Texas!鈥� he wrote on .

For Hall, who identified himself as a pastor in campaign documents but also works for a , promising to promote in schools was a winning strategy. He sailed past a 22-year incumbent in the March primary with over 53% of the vote in a Fort Worth-area district.

Since then, he鈥檚 been busy promoting the Texas Education Agency鈥檚 new K-5 reading curriculum that features Bible stories and emphasizes the evangelism of the nation鈥檚 founding. As 社区黑料 first reported in May, critics say it doesn鈥檛 reflect the religious diversity of Texas students and borders on proselytizing. (Wallnau has on X to ask state board members to vote for it next month.)

鈥淲hy do liberals hate the new curriculum so much? Second graders will learn courage through the story of Queen Esther,鈥� Hall in September after speaking to a community group about the program.

Hall didn鈥檛 respond to voicemails or messages on Facebook 鈥� and hasn鈥檛 participated in candidate interviews with .

鈥淢aybe he鈥檚 not concerned,鈥� considering the makeup of the board has shifted more in recent years, said Rayna Glaser, his Democratic opponent. 

But as she attends campaign events and house gatherings to meet voters, she鈥檚 hoping that Christians will consider what could happen if the public school curriculum becomes subsumed by theology. 

鈥淲e’ve got the Quran. We’ve got the Book of Mormon. Do you want Satan in there? Because I know you don’t want Satanism being taught in school,鈥� she said. 鈥淎s a Christian woman who believes in God and believes the Bible, I feel like if you open [schools] to one, you really have to open them to others.鈥�

Yes, it鈥檚 that serious, which is why Kamala Harris urgently needs to do something she should have done months ago: seize what appears to be a 鈥渞ed鈥� issue and run with it. Make it her own. Send a message to those right-leaning independent voters who still see her as a San Francisco liberal.

Harris has the perfect issue staring right at her: the indisputable fact that in K-12 schools, lag far behind in earning college degrees and enter the workforce frightfully ill equipped for a modern economy.

Many of those failure-to-launch boys turn into failed-to-thrive adults, who today wear red 鈥淢ake America Great Again鈥� baseball hats.

Talking up the problem is a win-win for Harris. Yes, it will anger teachers unions and groups such as the American Association of University Women, who persist in denying the obvious, that boys, not girls, are in trouble.

That public anger is pretty much the point. The louder they protest the better. Besides, most of those teachers and activists already voted early for Harris. And it might help to recenter a race where men are rapidly shifting red while women move into the blue camp. 

Will talking about the boy troubles lose female voters? Not necessarily. College women, for example, can look around their campuses, where they make up as much as 60% of the student body, and sense that imbalance as detracting from their own fuller experience of young adulthood. 

But it just might sway some independent male voters, who clearly worry about Harris鈥檚 true allegiances. Weighing in on the boys, an issue implausibly seen as a red cause (mostly because so many progressives insist that boys don鈥檛 need help) can only help. 

The final win-win: The hardest hit among all males are minorities, the very group Harris is having trouble reaching.

Other than revealing she owns a Glock, Harris hasn鈥檛 sent out any firm signals that she鈥檚 not a San Francisco progressive. And appearing on air with Howard Stern, toying with an interview with Joe Rogan and sitting down for some tense exchanges with Fox鈥檚 Brett Baier doesn鈥檛 cut it.

The boy troubles, an ideal choice for Harris, is not a new issue. My book, was published in 2011, one of several books around that time to lay out the problem.

My research focused on schools failing to teach literacy skills to boys 鈥� in part by pushing literacy at early ages when boys aren鈥檛 ready. Thus, by third grade boys were made to feel like academic underachievers. Understandably, they lost interest in school and dug into video games. Other books focused on the rising rate of fatherless families and the increasing confusion over what it means to be a man, all important contributors to the problem.

Today, the best updates on the gender problems come from author Richard Reeves, who formed the . If anything, the boys’ issues have deepened since my book. Some examples he cites:

• In high school, two thirds of the highest GPA students are girls; two thirds of the lowest scorers are boys.

• In 1972, men were 13 percentage points more likely than women to earn a college degree. Today, women are 15 percentage points more likely to earn a bachelor鈥檚 degree.

• In 1979, the weekly earnings of the typical American man who completed high school was, in today鈥檚 dollars, $1,017. Today it is $881.

• Deaths among working-class men, what鈥檚 often called 鈥渄eaths of despair,鈥� have risen from 60 per 100,000 in 1991 to 191 per 100,000 by 2022.

So how does Harris seize this issue? I鈥檒l leave that to the political pros, but some obvious options include showing up at a college with lopsided gender gaps to demand answers. 

Or, she could visit a rural county health office in a Trumpy state where the suicide rate among working-class men has soared. Unfortunately, that won鈥檛 be hard to find. Again, demand answers. 

Done properly, with gusto, she鈥檒l have her against-the-grain moment, but Harris better act fast. We are two weeks away from what will likely be the closest presidential race in U.S. history and its outcome could turn on whether Harris can reach these disaffected boys-to-men.

In , voters will decide whether to preserve or overturn 2023 legislation that created a private school scholarship program. Initiatives in and , if approved, could pave the way for lawmakers to create vouchers or education savings accounts in the future.

Despite past defeats, “school choice is continuing to gain support across the country with every demographic,鈥� said Ben DeGrow, a senior policy director at ExcelinEd, which supports the expansion of private school choice. 鈥淲e’re only likely to see more states add programs by the end of the decade.”

Over the past two years, several GOP governors and lawmakers have been able to push through education savings accounts, which allow families to use state funds for private school tuition, homeschooling or a combination of programs. Nearly 600,000 students in eight states were enrolled in universal ESA programs in 2023-24, according to , a think tank at Georgetown University. In 2022, only Arizona had a universal program that served about . But it鈥檚 unclear if that momentum will continue at the polls in the face of opponents who argue such programs hurt public schools.

11 measures in 9 states

The questions on school choice are among 11 education-related initiatives on the ballot in nine states this November. Other measures likely to drive voters to the polls include a union-led Massachusetts proposal to relax high school graduation requirements and a asking whether school board elections should be officially partisan. A few measures would impact school funding, including a that would provide $8.5 billion to modernize outdated K-12 schools.

But with enrollment in district schools continuing to  decline, the questions about public funds for private schools have attracted the most attention. 

While Colorado offers charter schools, there are few school choice options in Nebraska and Kentucky. Votes in favor of choice in those states would 鈥渞epresent a significant step forward for families in terms of educational opportunity,鈥� DeGrow said.

But all three states have large rural areas, where resistance to vouchers has traditionally . In states like Texas, Republican lawmakers from rural communities have been the fiercest opponents. Some worry ESAs would prompt more families to choose homeschooling and private schools, forcing public schools to close or consolidate. Others argue such programs don鈥檛 benefit families in rural areas because there aren鈥檛 enough private schools. 

The question is 鈥渨hether rural voters themselves can be convinced to support vouchers,鈥� said Kevin Welner, director of the National Education Policy Center at the University of Colorado Boulder.  

Well-funded conservative organizations, like in Colorado and the in Nebraska, have tried to make the case that voters need to pass school choice to keep up with neighboring states offering more education options for families.

While have mobilized against private school choice, 鈥淚 expect that the money battle will be lopsidedly pro-voucher,鈥� Welner said. 鈥淚t will be interesting to see how much of an effect that money has in shifting popular opinion.鈥�

In Kentucky, Amendment 2 wouldn鈥檛 automatically result in a school voucher program, but  asks voters if they want public funds to pay for education outside of what the law calls a 鈥渟ystem of common schools.鈥�

Until now, Kentucky courts have had the final say over whether the state joins the 29 others with at least one school choice program. In 2022, the said a 2021 law creating tax credits for 鈥渆ducation opportunity accounts鈥� violated the state constitution. A yes vote on the ballot measure would give the Republican-dominated legislature a 鈥渟afe, legal path鈥� to pass a school choice program, DeGrow said. 

Supporters like Republican Rep. Jared Bauman say it鈥檚 time for the state to catch up with neighbors like Indiana and Ohio that offer parents some form of school choice. But , including Democratic , warn that a voucher plan could cost the state as much as $1.19 billion if it reached a scale similar to that of Florida鈥檚 universal program. 

The 鈥渃ommon schools鈥� wording of the constitution has also held up efforts to fund charters. Kentucky has had a since 2022, but in December a state court it unconstitutional. 

In Nebraska, where lawmakers passed a $10 million private school scholarship program last year, Support Our Schools Nebraska, a union-led advocacy group, gathered enough signatures this summer to put a veto referendum on the ballot. 

Like public school supporters in other states, opponents argue that such programs are a drain on state budgets and mostly serve families who already pay for private school instead of the neediest students. But Republican state Sen. Lou Ann Linehan, who sponsored the school choice legislation, that students shouldn鈥檛 have to attend schools that are failing or can鈥檛 meet their needs.  

Finally, in Colorado, a ballot question asks voters if they support adding language to the state constitution that would guarantee children a right to the full array of school choice options 鈥� traditional district schools, charters, private schools, open enrollment and homeschooling. 

Some the measure could invite more government oversight into homeschooling, while Welner predicted it would prompt legal challenges 鈥渂ecause it鈥檚 so vague and yet touches on so many issues.鈥� 

Bond issues, graduation requirements 

Beyond debates over school choice, several other ballot measures affect both education policy and funding. Here is a brief rundown:

Arkansas 

Since 2009, the Arkansas Scholarship Lottery has provided over 720,000 college scholarships, totaling $1.2 billion. But students attending vocational and technical schools haven鈥檛 been eligible for the awards. The legislature placed on the ballot that would change that. 

California

Almost 40% of California鈥檚 public schools fail to meet basic facility standards, according to a from the Public Policy Institute of California. Students often attend schools with unsafe conditions, like gas leaks, faulty electrical systems or structural damage. asks voters to approve a $10 billion bond issue that would provide $8.5 billion for new construction and renovations at district schools, charters and career and technical centers. Local districts would have to provide matching funds. 

After voters rejected a $15 billion bond in 2020, repair projects have piled up, but in addition to renovating schools, districts would also be able to use the funds for . Teachers often can鈥檛 afford to live in high-priced parts of the state, like Los Angeles, San Diego and the Bay Area, which creates recruitment and retention challenges for districts in those metro areas. 

An anti-tax organization, the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association that  the measure doesn鈥檛 make sense at a time when the state is losing enrollment and would likely lead to higher property taxes. 

But Public Advocates, which focuses on the needs of low-income students, is for a different reason. They say the measure should include a sliding scale that allots poorer districts a greater share of the funds. 

Colorado

A proposed on firearms and ammunition would take effect April 1, 2025 and raise roughly $39 million a year. Most of the revenue would fund services for victims of gun violence, but $1 million would go into a school security program for violence prevention in schools as well as staff training and facility upgrades to improve safety. Another $3 million would expand access to youth behavioral health programs. 

Rep. Monica Duran, a Democrat who sponsored legislation to get the measure on the ballot, says the tax doesn鈥檛 infringe on gun owners鈥� Second Amendment rights. But gun lobbyists argue that gun and ammunition purchases are already subject to an 11% federal tax. 

Florida 

School board races have become increasingly partisan, especially since the pandemic, when issues like mask mandates and disputes over curriculum split communities in half. Republican Gov. Ron DeSantis further politicized school board races in 2022 when he endorsed a slate of 30 candidates, 25 of whom won that year in the general election.

Amendment 1, which the legislature placed on the ballot last year, would officially change the Florida constitution to end nonpartisan races and require candidates to state their political party. 

Sixty percent of voters would need to approve the measure for it to pass. If they do, the new provision would apply to elections in 2026. Opponents of the idea argue that education issues have grown overly divisive and that partisan races would who aren鈥檛 registered party members. Proponents say the requirement would increase transparency. 

One former Polk County school board member thinks there won鈥檛 be enough support for the measure to reach the 60% threshold. 

鈥淚 think voters here are actually very tired of the school drama,鈥� said Billy Townsend. 鈥淲hile they tend to vote GOP in state offices, [voters] also tend to prefer non-partisan offices locally. I would bet it falls short of 50%.鈥� 

Massachusetts

Decisions over academic expectations are generally left up to state and local school boards. But in Massachusetts, voters will whether high school students should still have to pass state exams in English, math and science to graduate.

The , the state鈥檚 largest teachers union, led the effort to get the referendum on the ballot. The union argues that teachers spend too much class time preparing students for the tests and that the requirement hasn鈥檛 achieved the results testing proponents want. Under their alternative, students would have to master state standards to graduate.

Opponents, however, say scrapping the requirement would ultimately hurt students and leave them for college and careers. They鈥檝e launched a $250,000 to convince voters to reject the measure. 

New Mexico

New Mexico voters have a strong track record of for capital improvement projects on education facilities. Since 1995, they鈥檝e approved that have been on the ballot. This year, they鈥檒l vote on a that would fund, among other items, furniture, equipment and materials at school libraries, as well as early childhood education centers at both the state school for the blind and the school for the deaf.

Utah

Utah voters will decide on two school funding measures, both placed on the ballot by the legislature. The asks voters to remove a state constitutional requirement that all revenue from income taxes and intangible property, like capital gains and royalty payments, be spent on education, children and people with disabilities.  If the measure passes, the law would only say that the state must provide a 鈥渇ramework鈥� for funding schools.

The state teachers union was initially neutral on the change, but now opposes it. Lawmakers say revenue is up and this change would make budgeting easier.

The measure asks voters to increase from 4% to 5% the cap on investment earnings the state can transfer from the State School Fund to education. Local of parents and educators decide how to spend the funds for purchases like library books or an extra teaching assistant position. Last year, the state distributed over $100 million from the fund.

As the presidential election inches closer, Ohio social studies and government teachers are using this as an opportunity to engage their students in civics education.

The Ohio Capital Journal talked to three current teachers 鈥� elementary, middle and high school 鈥� about how they are incorporating the presidential election into their curriculum.

鈥淭his is just another opportunity that only comes around once every four years,鈥� Westerville South High School Government Teacher Kelley Stocker said. 鈥淭he most rewarding part is knowing that I am helping to create a citizenry that understands how our country works.鈥�

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She typically tries to find current events that tie into what they are learning about in her class to help give real life examples to her students at the suburban high school just north of Columbus.

鈥淵ou have to help them understand how government touches their lives and the real world applications,鈥� said Stocker, who is in her 11th year teaching. 鈥淚 just want them to start to understand why this stuff matters. I always tell them, you know, you can be anything you want to be in (her classroom), except apathetic or ignorant.鈥�

Stocker rearranged her curriculum this semester to cover elections, campaigns, political parties and the First Amendment in a unit called 鈥渢he role of the people.鈥� Before she starts the unit, she sends letters home to the families to let them know she plans on covering the election in class and encourages parents to reach out if they have any questions.

One activity she has her students do is make a .

鈥淚t鈥檚 like doing the (March Madness) brackets,鈥� she said.

When talking politics in the classroom, Stocker has one boundary with her students 鈥� they can talk about issues, not people.

鈥淵ou can say, I don鈥檛 agree with this position, not I don鈥檛 like these people,鈥� she said. 鈥淚 try to separate issues from people.鈥�

Government is a high school graduation requirement in Ohio and Cleveland Teachers Union President Shari Obrenski previously taught high school government and history for more than 20 years.

鈥淚 always enjoyed seeing students at the beginning of an election cycle who have absolutely no interest in what鈥檚 going on that by the time we get to the presidential election, or a big election of some sort, be able to talk about platforms, be able to analyze commercials, be excited about the process and interested in how it was going to turn out,鈥� she said.

Obrenski fondly looks back on her time in the classroom teaching the political process.

鈥淲e would talk about campaign commercials and the techniques that are used in campaign advertising, and having them take a look at different platforms from different political parties, having them analyze their own viewpoints, to see kind of where they line up ideologically with different political parties,鈥� she said.

Some of Obrenski鈥檚 former students have reached back out to her and said they vote because of what they learned in her class.

鈥淚t reinforces that the work is important and reinforces that civic education is important,鈥� Obrenski said.

James Lautzenheiser, an eighth grade history teacher at Crestview Middle School in Van Wert County in Northwest Ohio, said he views teaching how government works as an introduction to citizenship for his middle schoolers.

鈥淚 really like helping kids distinguish between what they think history and government is, and helping them kind of figure out some things for themselves,鈥� Lautzenheiser, who has been a teacher for 15 years, said.

Even though Angel Dyer Sanchez鈥檚 fifth grade students aren鈥檛 old enough to vote, she hopes what they talk about in class will lead to conversations about voting at the dinner table. The elementary school teacher in Columbus City Schools encourages her students to think for themselves when it comes to which candidate they want to win.

鈥淒on鈥檛 just vote because it鈥檚 who your parents or grandparents are voting for,鈥� she said. 鈥淵ou should have your own opinion. 鈥� You should know who you鈥檙e voting for and what they stand for.鈥�

Voting

Stocker keeps voter registration forms, stamps and envelopes in her classroom, so students can come to her if they are ready to register to vote.

鈥淭he only thing they have to do by themselves is we have a mail drop box across the street, and they just have to walk it over,鈥� Stocker said.

In a similar vein, Obrenski helped eligible students register to vote and would teach a unit on voting and the country鈥檚 evolution of voting rights.

鈥淪tudents are often really surprised to know that it鈥檚 only been 100 years since women have had the right to vote,鈥� she said. 鈥淚t鈥檚 inconceivable to them that that鈥檚 possible.鈥�

Sanchez, who is her 20th year of teaching, gives lessons about voting and the three branches of government while encouraging her students to go to the voting polls with their parents.

鈥淚 just want to instill in them early that it is a right, and they need to make sure they take advantage of that right,鈥� Sanchez said.

Lautzenheiser鈥檚 students are excited about the idea of voting.  

鈥淎 lot of them have already expressed that it鈥檚 frustrating that their parents don鈥檛 always vote,鈥� he said.

Only 32% of Ohio鈥檚 18-year-olds are registered to vote as of May, according to the , a nonpartisan organization trying to increase voter registration.

鈥淲hen you look at the types of issues that are on the ballot with the candidates that we have on the ballot, young people are often more impacted by these decisions than other age groups, so it鈥檚 so important for them to see value in the process and to try to get them to go to the polls,鈥� Obrenski said.

Teaching about the election doesn鈥檛 end once the votes are counted. Stocker plans on analyzing the outcome with her class to see how accurate the polls were.

鈥淚f they weren鈥檛 accurate how can we maybe explain that?鈥� she said.

Teaching students media literacy goes hand-in-hand with teaching about the election.

鈥淥ne of my personal goals is that I want them to be able to read the news and understand it,鈥� Stocker said. 鈥淚鈥檓 teaching them all of the things that they need and the tools that they need to be able to think critically about the news, what they read, what they hear, and to be able to understand it.鈥�

Sanchez said she teaches her fifth graders how to identify if a news outlet is a trustworthy site.

鈥淗alf the battle is, are you sure you鈥檙e getting truthful information?鈥� she said.

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Ohio Capital Journal maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor David Dewitt for questions: info@ohiocapitaljournal.com. Follow Ohio Capital Journal on and .

But in mid-2021, dismayed by screaming matches over COVID protocols that often broke out at school board meetings, she decided to meet individually with the board members to discuss her concerns. She found them kind and professional, so she encouraged leaders of her local chapter to do the same thing. 

鈥淚 said 鈥業 think you’d like them,鈥� and they said 鈥楴ope, we don鈥檛 want to do that,鈥� 鈥� Christian recalled. 鈥淎ll of a sudden, I was the bad guy. It was very polarized.鈥�

After initially attending some of their meetings and supporting their cause, Christian cut ties with Moms for Liberty. To her, the moment demonstrated the uncompromising way the conservative group became a force in today鈥檚 Republican party. Keeping divisive issues like sexually explicit books and lessons on racial discrimination in the spotlight was a in 2022 as Moms for Liberty-endorsed school board candidates scored victories across the country, especially in Florida where the organization originated. 

Since then, the group hasn鈥檛 been able to repeat its success at the polls. But there are signs that taking control of school boards isn鈥檛 Moms for Liberty鈥檚 top concern right now. They鈥檙e spending money to mobilize voters for like-minded GOP candidates and Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz, Vice President Kamala Harris鈥檚 running mate, an 鈥渁nti-parent radical candidate.鈥� Max Eden, a senior fellow at the conservative American Enterprise Institute, suggested the group is focused on preparing 鈥渇or the two alternative futures they stand to face.鈥�

鈥淚f Trump wins, I expect that whomever he picks for [education] secretary will be tasked with a strong emphasis on the issues that they care about,鈥� he said. 鈥淚f he loses, there鈥檚 an expectation that Harris will double down hard on social issues from the left.鈥�

Eden described Moms for Liberty鈥檚 recent strategy to join four Republican-led states in over the new Title IX rule as a 鈥渃oup鈥� from both an organizational and membership perspective. The revised regulation extends protections against sexual discrimination to LGBTQ students and gives transgender students the right to use restrooms and locker rooms that align with their gender identity. Moms for Liberty鈥檚 legal move spurred a federal court to issue an injunction, blocking hundreds of schools across the country from enforcing the new Title IX regulations. Moms for Liberty also used the ruling as an opportunity to so they could block the new provisions in more schools. 

鈥極utraged over something鈥�

The success of Moms for Liberty鈥檚 endorsed candidates, however, is still a way to measure the future of a 鈥減arental rights鈥� movement that seeks more control over curriculum and opposes attention to race and social-emotional issues in school.

Former Florida school board members Tiffany Justice and Tina Descovich founded the organization in 2021. At the time, their primary cause was battling mask mandates. But their approach quickly resonated with many disillusioned parents in the wake of COVID school closures and the intense reactions to school equity efforts often labeled as critical race theory.

鈥淚t鈥檚 hard to think of another education advocacy organization that has grown to such national prominence so quickly,鈥� Brookings Institution in March.

In the 2022 election cycle, the group took in , and of its endorsed candidates were elected. But in 2023, the percentage of Moms for Liberty candidates winning school board seats dropped to , in part because other organizations to endorse their own candidates and slow down the group鈥檚 progress. This year鈥檚 results seem on track to mirror last year鈥檚, but the group is not completely out of the running. 

Sue Woltanski, a school board member in Monroe County, Florida, has monitored and Moms for Liberty鈥檚 influence across the state, where it has joined forces with Gov. Ron DeSantis to endorse conservative candidates. A critic of their approach, she called Moms for Liberty members 鈥減eople who have been outraged over something scary at their kid鈥檚 school.鈥�

This year, the group targeted 14 school board races in Florida. Its candidates won just three of the open seats in the August primary. Another five are headed to November runoffs. In a statement, Justice and Descovich counted those candidates who advanced among their victories, saying they were 鈥渢hrilled that Moms for Liberty saw a 60% win rate.鈥� 

But the group鈥檚 tactics 鈥� like reading aloud the most salacious passages from sexually explicit library books at 鈥� often are aimed at making 鈥減eople question whether it’s safe for their kids to go to public schools,鈥� said Woltanski, who defeated one of their endorsed candidates two years ago. Moms for Liberty also embraces private , which continues to in Florida, causing public school enrollment in several districts to decline. 

鈥淚n my little vacation community, if we don’t have high-quality public schools we’re going to just be a resort,鈥� she said. A lot of school boards have conservative members, she added, 鈥渂ut they are still in favor of public education.鈥�

鈥楿s-versus-them mentality鈥� 

Examining Moms for Liberty鈥檚 win-loss record is just one way to measure its impact. Researchers at Michigan State University watched hours of school board meetings to better understand the overall effect of the group鈥檚 presence on rhetoric and behavior during the convenings. 

If Moms for Liberty-backed candidates took the majority of seats following the 2022 elections, they often acted quickly to fire superintendents, place restrictions on books and issue bans on critical race theory or lessons on sex and gender. Members of the public 鈥渢urned out in high volume鈥� to both support and oppose their policies, the researchers said.

鈥淪uccessfully winning a majority of seats on the board seemed to deeply entrench the us-versus-them mentality, leading to increased and divided engagement at meetings in the post-election period,鈥� they wrote. 

But even in districts where Moms for Liberty didn鈥檛 鈥渇lip鈥� the board, the researchers found an overall increase in insults, threats and disorder, like outbursts from the audience, compared to the period between late 2019 and early 2020. 

鈥淚 don’t really think they have any true plans to govern,鈥� said researcher Rebecca Jacobsen. She called their style the 鈥減olitics of disruption.鈥�

There were more displays of anger 鈥� a speaker banging their first on the podium, for example 鈥� and an increase in incidents in which police intervened and removed protesters. Before the pandemic, they found that police only got involved once. But in 2021 and 2022, as Moms for Liberty chapters were spreading across the country, they identified nine board meetings across five school districts where the police intervened.

The Moms for Liberty website urges chapters to push for policy changes, but some critics, like Christian in Florida, say members are more focused on national issues than local concerns, like school safety, bullying and curriculum.

鈥淚 thought they were going to educate moms and dads how to stand up for their children,鈥� she said.

鈥楥lose ties to powerful individuals鈥�

At Moms for Liberty鈥檚 Washington, D.C., summit in late August 鈥� which featured a lengthy conversation between Justice and Trump 鈥� there was no evidence that the group had lost its edge. Despite a poor showing at the polls in Florida, members had other victories to celebrate. 

Three of their leaders, from Naples, from Palm Beach and from Brevard County, had won primary races for Florida House seats and made it onto the ballot in the general election.

鈥淭his is huge for us because it represents the momentum of change we are making across the country as we take our schools back from the union bosses,鈥� the statement from Justice and Descovich said. Justice and Descovich declined 社区黑料鈥檚 requests for an interview.

As the November election approaches, Moms for Liberty has further turned its attention to increasing membership and mobilizing more voters, spending $3 million in , like Arizona and Georgia. With chapters in 48 states, the Brookings researchers said Moms for Liberty still carries a lot of influence.

鈥淸Moms for Liberty] is a well-financed group with close ties to powerful individuals and institutions in conservative politics,鈥� they wrote. The organization 鈥渞epresents a voting bloc that Republican political operatives are actively trying to court in the 2024 elections and beyond.鈥�

WASHINGTON 鈥� U.S. Education Secretary Miguel Cardona announced last month he is launching a 鈥�2024 Back to School Bus Tour鈥� that will include stops in multiple battleground states across the United States as he and other Biden administration officials highlight their work in investing in public education.

While not a campaign event, the Sept. 3-6 tour will take place in the swing states of Michigan, Wisconsin and Pennsylvania, along with stops in Indiana and Illinois. As schools are getting back in session, the department said Cardona, Deputy Secretary of Education Cindy Marten and Under Secretary of Education聽聽will shed light on the administration鈥檚 鈥渃ommitment to helping students and communities recover from the impacts of the pandemic by improving academic achievement and succeed from cradle to college and career.鈥�

Cardona said 鈥渢his year鈥檚 Back to School Bus Tour will remind the American people why the Biden-Harris Administration has unapologetically fought for public education, the foundation of opportunity in this country, and the contrast between our efforts and those who wish to destroy public education,鈥� per a statement.

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The Education secretary added that he is 鈥渓ooking forward to lifting up what鈥檚 working in public education and celebrating the exciting work taking place in our schools and communities to ensure that all students, no matter their race, place, or background, have opportunities to succeed and contribute to our country.鈥�

Cardona and other officials will be talking about some of the Biden administration鈥檚 initiatives in education, such as promoting the importance of regular attendance, providing student debt relief 鈥� including through the Public Service Loan Forgiveness program 鈥� expanding full-service community schools and widening mental health support access at schools.

The department said it has invested more than $357 billion under the Biden administration to 鈥渟trengthen education across America.鈥�

This year鈥檚 tour, with a 鈥淔ighting for Public Education鈥� theme, will kick off in Green Bay, Wisconsin, on Sept. 3. Other stops in the Badger State will include Madison and Milwaukee. The Education Department said White House domestic policy adviser Neera Tanden and Mandy Cohen, director of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, will also be at some of the stops.

Officials will also visit Chicago, Illinois, and La Porte, Indiana.

Cardona and other administration officials will then take the tour to Michigan, with stops in Grand Rapids, Lansing and Detroit. Becky Pringle, president of the聽, will join the tour in Grand Rapids, according to the department. NEA is the largest labor union in the country.

The tour will wrap up in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, and feature U.S. Secretary of Agriculture Tom Vilsack and Randi Weingarten, president of the American Federation of Teachers. Both the聽听补苍诲听聽have endorsed Democratic presidential nominee Kamala Harris, the vice president.

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Iowa Capital Dispatch maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Kathie Obradovich for questions: info@iowacapitaldispatch.com. Follow Iowa Capital Dispatch on and .

This quarter-century of broad agreement notwithstanding, Delaware鈥檚 next governor will inherit the problem, a rising price tag for the fix and, critics complain, no clear political roadmap. 

Six candidates are running. Democrats Lt. Gov. Bethany Hall-Long; Matt Meyer, county executive of New Castle, the state鈥檚 largest county; and Collin 翱鈥横补谤补, World Wildlife Federation CEO and a former Delaware environmental official, will face Republicans Mike Ramone, who is minority leader of the state House of Representatives; retired 9/11 first responder Jerry Price; and businessman Bobby Williamson.

The state鈥檚 last Republican governor left office in 1993, and this year鈥檚 polls again strongly favor Democrats. The current contest, then, will likely be decided by the Sept. 10 primary, in which Hall-Long and Meyer are the front-runners. 

Whoever wins, a recent court case and subsequent legislation commit them to take action. In 2020, outgoing Gov. John Carney settled a lawsuit brought by the ACLU on behalf of the Delaware NAACP and a coalition called Delawareans for Educational Opportunity, in part by agreeing to a small boost in aid for a mushrooming population of disadvantaged students.

The settlement also required the state to commission an American Institutes for Research study to determine exactly how underfunded Delaware鈥檚 schools are. Earlier this year, the researchers reported that would cost $500 million to $1 billion.

鈥淎n alarmingly clear and negative relationship exists between the percentage of low-income students served by schools and the outcomes they achieve for students,鈥� the report declared.

After the report鈥檚 release, lawmakers created a planning commission to figure out how to raise revenue and right inequities, with an eye toward releasing recommendations in October 2025 for a new funding system to take effect in 2027. 

鈥淭he time has come for us to stop kicking this can down the road and start working on real systemic reforms,鈥� state Sen. Laura Sturgeon, one of the Democrats leading the charge. 

But others are decrying the appointment of yet one more panel to study what they say is a well-understood problem. ACLU of Delaware Legal Director isn鈥檛 convinced that the 2027 timeline 鈥� seven years after his organization鈥檚 suit was settled and almost a decade after it was filed 鈥� does not, in fact, just create more delay. 

Reports by a succession of commissions packed with a Who鈥檚 Who of Delaware education advocates, philanthropies and state and local officials were released in , , 2007, , 2015, 2017 and 2021. The only real difference in the new American Institutes for Research report, released this past March, was the price tag. 

A central issue identified over and over: With a few, narrow exceptions, Delaware does not include financial supplements to offset the cost of services needed by children with disabilities, those from impoverished households or English learners. Its unusual 鈥渦nit-based鈥� funding formula is actually set up to send more money to wealthy school systems than to impoverished ones.

The state tallies the number of teachers a district employs, their years of seniority and other credentials and then sends money to pay for enough educators 鈥� at a salary level corresponding to their presumed qualifications 鈥� to reach a staff-to-student ratio, or 鈥渦nit,鈥� spelled out in the law. The staffing ratios apply statewide, but school systems with higher salaries receive more money for each unit.   

Because this means wealthy districts automatically receive more money, those with the most property tax revenue have been able to hire and retain the most sought-after teachers, while struggling, property-poor school systems have no way of competing for faculty or offsetting the costs of poverty. 

All three Democratic candidates and two of the Republicans recently attended an education forum moderated by Marcus Wright, who serves on the board of Seaford School District, an impoverished school system in the southern part of the state. Wright came away concerned about the lack of a plan for moving the reform forward.

鈥淚 thought that there were very broad ideas, but not a roadmap or a game plan,鈥� he says. 鈥淚’ll just say that I expected more.鈥�

Four of the six candidates agree the school finance formula needs fixing, with calling for a 鈥渂ipartisan approach鈥� to the overhaul. The two candidates that do not mention the reform are GOPers Price, who favors and career education, and Williamson, who calls for 鈥溾�� vouchers.

The platforms of all three Democrats tick lots of boxes on educator wish lists, with perhaps the most traditional. Funding reform is near the end of her published roster of priorities, which is topped by expanded early childhood education, universal free school meals, spending on student mental health, higher pay for teachers and smaller class sizes. 

Carney, who is term-limited, left Hall-Long with a mixed record. Under the settlement with the ACLU, he immediately increased supplemental funding for the state鈥檚 most vulnerable students by an amount starting at $25 million in a year in 2020, rising to $60 million annually starting in 2025. It鈥檚 a start, critics concede, but a pittance compared to the $500 million to 1$ billion called for in the AIR report. 

Hall-Long鈥檚 candidacy has been dogged by 鈥� including complaints about payments she may have made to her husband, who has served as her campaign treasurer since she entered electoral politics in 2016.  

Her , , is a former math teacher who in 2016 was elected New Castle county executive. New Castle is Delaware鈥檚 deep-blue northernmost county, home to 60% of the state鈥檚 population, 57% of its voters and the city of Wilmington, where school funding inequities are perhaps the largest. 

Meyer started as a Teach for America corps member at an all-boys charter school in Wilmington, where almost every student was impoverished. The 鈥� in part because of the uneven playing field Delaware鈥檚 various commissions have noted. It closed years after Meyer left. 

As county executive, Meyer was also a defendant in the ACLU suit, which challenged decades of delays in updating the property valuations used to finance local school aid in Delaware鈥檚 three counties. His is the most detailed of all the candidates’, including specifics on reforming both the state funding system and county-level taxes.

鈥淔unding cannot change overnight but must increase with urgency,鈥� the document asserts, pledging to 鈥淏etter align our state鈥檚 funding system with the AIR report鈥檚 recommendation of an additional increase of $3,400 to $6,400 per pupil.鈥�

Because of the inequities with county and property development taxes, some districts are able to send four times as much funding to schools as their neighbors. Any new state aid formula must account for this, Meyer says in his plan.

The third Democrat, , is a former Delaware secretary of natural resources and environmental control. His education platform commits to fully implementing the recommendations in the AIR report, suggesting that one way to fix the system would be to leave the basic 鈥減er-unit鈥� calculation alone and add more funding for challenged students. 

So how will the next governor achieve his or her vision? At the time the state settled the ACLU suit, proponents of the agreement said they thought shifts in state demographics and the composition of the General Assembly might help cement the political will to raise taxes and change the way the money is distributed. One of these shifts is the rapid demographic change in Delaware鈥檚 student population. 

For decades, inadequate and inequitable funding was a problem of the state鈥檚 blue, urban districts. But more recently, education gaps in Sussex 鈥� the state鈥檚 southernmost, red-leaning county 鈥� have widened as the area鈥檚 large poultry processing industry has drawn an influx of Spanish-speaking migrants. Advocates had hoped the shift would drive home the notion that inadequate school resources are not just an urban problem. 

Simultaneously, the 2018 election of a wave of younger, more diverse, left-leaning lawmakers 鈥� among them several people of color who sought elected office to advocate for equity in education 鈥� was supposed to buoy efforts to reform the system. In 2021, spearheaded by the new lawmakers, a bipartisan swath of the General Assembly passed a resolution committing to overhaul the funding formula. This year, some of the same legislative leaders sponsored the bill that . 

The sponsor and co-sponsor of the 2024 legislation, Sturgeon and state Sen. Elizabeth Lockman, declined to be interviewed for this story; Rep. Nnamdi Chukwuocha did not return emails requesting comment, though he did speak at length for a 2021 74 Million piece on the urgency the pandemic鈥檚 academic losses would supposedly lend to efforts to reform the funding system. 

Some are optimistic the new effort will succeed. Zahava Stadler, project director of New America鈥檚 Education Funding Equity Initiative and an expert on Delaware鈥檚 school funding system, says she understands advocates鈥� concerns but is less skeptical than some that the commission announced in July will come up with meaningful reforms. 

鈥淛ust because the AIR report made specific recommendations doesn鈥檛 mean the political system won鈥檛 have to hash them out,鈥� she says. 鈥淪ometimes these reports sit on a shelf and go nowhere, and sometimes they get results.鈥�

Some of the wonkier shifts are already underway, she notes. Property values for local tax purposes, until recently frozen at 1970s and 鈥�80s levels, are now being reassessed every five years 鈥� a significant change, if not a widely understood one. That will raise revenue, she explains, but the state needs to follow up with a system for more equitably redistributing this money so tax-poor districts aren鈥檛 locked out of the gains.

For his part, Bensing, the ACLU director, worries that a general agreement that the system needs fixing without new specifics means more delays. 鈥淚t鈥檚 not politically convenient for our elected leaders to tell voters they are going to increase taxes,鈥� he says. 鈥淏ut that is the right thing to do.鈥�

He wonders whether a new court challenge would add a fresh sense of urgency 鈥� or give recalcitrant elected officials the political cover of a legal threat or edict to blame for changes to the tax system.

Wright has more confidence that in the long run there will be change, but decries the impact of the incremental pace on students. 

鈥淗ow can we compete? How can we fill out classrooms with teachers, with paraprofessionals, with all the people it takes to run a school district?鈥� he asks. 鈥淥ur kids don鈥檛 deserve any less than any other kids.鈥�

The Child Tax Credit isn鈥檛 a subject you鈥檇 expect to receive much attention in the middle of a heated presidential campaign.

Somewhat technocratic in nature, invisible to a large share of the electorate, the benefit was established in 1997 to provide relief to parents while their kids were young. Its reach is impressive, granting to roughly 40 million American households, but it鈥檚 hardly the kind of policy that grows in prominence in the months before Election Day.

If that鈥檚 true, however, no one told Washington.

Both Kamala Harris and Donald Trump have declared their intentions to expand the credit if elected. Republican vice presidential nominee J.D. Vance has openly mused about lifting its value , a commitment that would cost trillions over the next decade. And the U.S. House of Representatives a much more modest extension on a bipartisan basis in January, only to see its progress halted by Republicans in the Senate. 

At the heart of the issue are debates reaching back to the credit鈥檚 origins about who should be its primary beneficiaries: middle-class households or those with little or no income. 

Progressives have long sought to use the CTC as a weapon against inequality; their efforts culminated in 2021 with a temporary expansion that massively cut child poverty for a year, then expired to the disappointment of activists. But conservatives, both in , have feared that increasing the credit鈥檚 size and decoupling it from work requirements could transform it into a cash welfare program of the kind nearly 30 years ago. 

Both parties鈥� long-standing positions are headed toward a harsh deadline, however. Next year, a host of provisions from Trump鈥檚 signature 2017 tax cut will expire, among them a measure that boosted the Child Tax Credit from $1,000 to its present $2,000. Already weakened by inflation, the benefit would be cut in half if nothing is done. With 2025 coming into ever-sharper focus, Republicans and Democrats have both put forward ideas to stabilize the CTC 鈥� the only question is whether either party will hold enough power to enact its vision.

Colorado Sen. Michael Bennet, a Democrat advocating for a more powerful CTC, said in a statement to 社区黑料 that he was glad to hear of Harris鈥檚 recent proposal .

鈥淔or six shining months in 2021, we finally treated children in poverty like they were our children, not someone else鈥檚,鈥� Bennett said. 鈥淚 think that should be our model going into 2025.鈥�

But Robert Greenstein, president emeritus of the left-leaning Center on Budget and Policy Priorities and a veteran of past poverty debates, said he believed that the most probable outcome of this year鈥檚 elections would be a divided federal government, likely necessitating a bipartisan consensus on the credit鈥檚 future. 

The Senate鈥檚 to act on legislation already passed in the House suggested that any move to alter or expand it would have to be tied to other tax cuts favored by the GOP, he added.

鈥淭hey didn’t want to have this negotiated on its own,鈥� Greenstein said. 鈥淭hey want it as part of the negotiations for the extension of the 2017 tax bill, which will occur next year.”

A debate on entitlement

From relatively small beginnings, the Child Tax Credit has grown significantly more generous over time. It was worth just $400 per child in 1997, increasing to $500 the next year. That number leapt to $1,000 per child in the 2001 Bush tax cuts, then to $2,000 in 2017鈥檚 Trump-led law. 

The CTC has simultaneously become accessible to many more people. Initially conceived as a 鈥渘on-refundable鈥� credit (i.e., one that could only be claimed by people who paid a certain amount of federal taxes) it later became 鈥減artially refundable,鈥� such that lower-earning families could collect a portion of it. After 2021, they could receive a credit equal to 15 percent of their earnings over $10,000, a threshold that was lowered successively to $3,000, and finally to $2,500 in 2017. 

Although many of those changes occurred under Republican Presidents George W. Bush and Trump, conservatives remained leery of backing their way into a new, welfare-like 鈥渃hild allowance.鈥�

鈥淔or most of the ’90s and 2000s, you had Democrats who preferred a fully refundable tax credit where what you got didn’t depend on having taxable income,鈥� said Scott Winship, a researcher on family policy for the conservative American Enterprise Institute. 鈥淩epublicans were more focused on giving middle-class families a tax cut and having an earnings requirement.鈥� 

But after their victory in the 2020 elections, Democrats acted almost immediately to transform the CTC into ,supercharging its annual value to $3,600 for children under six and $3,000 for those aged six to 17 and allowing the poorest households to receive its full amount.

The expansion only ran through the end of the year, but many within the Democratic Party have for restoring it, pointing to a national child poverty rate from 9.7 percent in 2020 to 5.2 percent in 2021. While only a few years have passed since the policy was enacted, indicates that the jumbo-sized CTC allowed poor families to spend more in ways that are likely helpful to child development. Its effects were especially large in high-poverty states in the Midwest and Sun Belt, found. 

Yet some of the big-ticket bids to transform the program into a much larger entitlement strike some observers as unworkable. In a recent interview, Vance said he would favor a $5,000 credit per child, which the nonprofit estimated as much as $300 billion annually. Greenstein dismissed the notion as 鈥渨ildly expensive.鈥� 鈥� particularly given that the Ohio senator specified that all American families, including both the poor and the ultra-rich, should be considered eligible recipients.

“Somehow I find it hard to imagine that we’ll have a tax bill next year with a net cost of $3 or $4 trillion over 10 years,鈥� he said. 鈥淪omewhere along the line, fiscal concerns will limit the magnitude.鈥� 

A 鈥榥o-brainer鈥�?

Any further developments on the Child Tax Credit will hinge on the outcome of the upcoming elections.

Trump his running mate鈥檚 proposal, noting that it was during his administration that the CTC grew to its current size. Meanwhile, in her first major address on policy, Harris counter-offered of her own, with parents of newborns receiving $6,000. 

Notably, a bipartisan bill to expand the credit already made it through the House of Representatives this year, . Co-sponsored by the Republican chairman of the House Ways and Means Committee, the legislation would significantly lower the income threshold to receive the CTC鈥檚 full value, above the poverty line. 

Despite its towering margin in the House, as being far less effective than the 2021 expansion by Democratic Rep. Rose DeLauro, a longtime advocate of making the credit more generous. Winship and his colleagues at AEI, on the other hand, argued that the expansion could disincentivize low-income parents from , or even .

Winship said he was 鈥渁 little nervous鈥� that weakening employment requirements could hurt families鈥� chances of escaping poverty 鈥� in the same way, he argued, as the less conditional cash welfare programs of the 1970s and 鈥�80s did.

鈥淭hose programs have work disincentives for the parents, but they also have savings disincentives, marriage disincentives, disincentives for parents against investing in their skills,鈥� he said. 鈥淭hose are the sorts of behaviors that promote upward mobility, and we worry that you’re not actually doing kids a favor in the long run by giving their parents cash without conditions.”

But Keri Rodrigues, the head of the , said the Republicans failed American children when they blocked the deal from passage in the Senate. Rodrigues of her organization, which advocates for families and schools, to gather support for the compromise legislation. They saw some success 鈥� three Republicans voted in favor, including conservative Missouri Sen. Josh Hawley 鈥� but returned home discouraged in the face of a GOP-led filibuster.

Rodrigues called the CTC expansion a 鈥渘o-brainer,鈥� adding that families already squeezed by inflation couldn鈥檛 afford to see the benefit fade as well.

“It transcends geography, demographics, political party,鈥� she said. 鈥淭his is something everyone agrees needs to happen.”

Correction: An earlier version of this story misidentified the affiliation of Keri Rodrigues.

On an evening that had already seen appearances by Bill Clinton, Oprah and a lengthy speakers鈥� list of Democratic Party officeholders, Walz was preceded in Chicago by 15 former members of the Mankato West High School Scarlets, the football team to a Minnesota state title in 1999. Wider and grayer than in their playing days, the two lines of jersey-clad supporters walked onstage to the strains of the Mankato West fight song.

The miniature pep rally was another biographical touch in the Democrats鈥� efforts to introduce the electorate to Walz, an obscure figure outside of party circles just a few weeks ago. The campaign has leaned heavily on the governor鈥檚 years of experience as a teacher and coach, including numerous testimonials from former pupils and . If elected, he would become the first vice president in over 60 years to have previously worked as a K鈥�12 teacher.

In a 16-minute address, Walz credited his students with inspiring him to make his first run for Congress in 2006, a longshot bid that saw him unseat a six-term incumbent. 

鈥淭here I was, a 40-something high school teacher with little kids, zero political experience and no money, running in a deep-red district,鈥� he remembered. 鈥淏ut you know what? Never underestimate a public-school teacher.鈥�

Yet, like most of the convention thus far, the speech ran short on details related to education policy. Walz made little mention of his six-year governing record in Minnesota, where he signed sweeping school funding legislation in 2023 but also for the length of pandemic-related school closures. While delivering a passing shot at Republican vice presidential nominee J.D. Vance for attending Yale Law School, he didn鈥檛 refer to the wave of laws passed in red states that allow public funding to flow to private school tuition. 

Instead, in keeping with attacks launched by speakers through the first three days of the convention, Walz jabbed at Republicans for seeking to review and remove controversial materials from school libraries. As governor, he signed laws both to provide universal school lunches to students and based on ideology 鈥� a combination he trumpeted with one of the night鈥檚 biggest applause lines.

鈥淲hile other states were banning books from their schools, we were banishing hunger from ours,鈥� he said to cheers.

Echoing the Democrats鈥� longstanding commitments to gun safety legislation, Walz further pledged to fight for children鈥檚 鈥渇reedom to go to school without being shot dead in the hall.鈥� Despite his respect for the Second Amendment as a hunter and Army National Guard veteran, he added, 鈥渙ur first responsibility is to keep our kids safe.鈥�

With audience members waving signs reading 鈥淐oach Walz,鈥� the nominee brought the remarks to a close by returning to the theme of teamwork and the beginnings of his leadership on the gridiron.

鈥淚t鈥檚 the fourth quarter. We鈥檙e down a field goal, but we鈥檙e on offense and we鈥檝e got the ball. We鈥檙e driving down the field. And boy, do we have the right team.鈥�

As thoughtful observers , that notion is 鈥� statistically and philosophically 鈥� a red herring. Young people ages 18 to 30 appear likely, at least in terms of numbers and passion about issues, to play a larger role in the 2024 election than has been true in elections over the last several decades.

There is a much more urgent issue to tackle this year than voting participation by young people. The next generation (who, by the way, the 鈥淕en Z鈥� label) does believe that its vote matters. For young people overall, according to from the Institute for Citizens & Scholars, at least 68% of them think their vote counts, but over half (57%) are dubious about democracy itself.

Today鈥檚 youngest voters have never experienced democracy and its political process as the opportunity to voice ideas, be heard, learn from different perspectives, and take part in compromise. For their entire lifetimes, they have seen two corporate parties engaged in polarized gridlock, vicious contention, and social media manipulation, all ruled by a four-year cycle that plays out on a Super Bowl-like stage with unreliable outcomes and even, on Jan. 6, physical violence.

No wonder they鈥檙e inclined not to trust democracy, or at least not to believe those of us in older generations who keep telling them it is a great thing and they should participate. Meanwhile, those of us who are older, who have privilege and influence and who experience the world as working for us, cannot understand the perspective of young people growing up in a world that does not reliably support them. Especially for women, young people of color, and those raised in poverty, it is difficult to imagine that government could ever truly work for them. It is no surprise, then, that from Supermajority found that more than 90% of young women do not believe the government and political system work effectively. For these disenfranchised populations, it is tempting to tap out.

This generation does not want to be told about the power of democracy so much as shown. They need to be able to kick the tires. They need to see it work for them, and they need to be able to engage. Where democracy is concerned, that means giving young people more opportunities, and more preparation, to take part in conversation鈥攖o come to the table, express opinions, field arguments and find solutions.

To be sure, that kind of democratic participation, the participation of voice, requires not just the occasion to speak and listen, but also the skills to do so. Events on college campuses over the past decade 鈥� certainly over the past 10 months, since the outbreak of the Israel-Hamas war 鈥� have made it clear that we have a ways to go in helping them learn and practice those skills. Precisely because they have grown up with a hyperpolarized, dysfunctional political environment and an omnipresent social media culture, they have learned a great deal more about how not to engage, from shouting down speakers to creating no-win situations for institutional leaders to bullying and canceling on their social feeds.

Some of us who grew up in the aftermath of the Civil Rights Movement and the Vietnam War may romanticize college as the time to learn to speak out, debate and engage. But as these recent experiences show, college is now too late for young people to learn these skills.

Instead, we need to begin in middle school to create an environment where young people learn to speak and listen. They will not naturally develop these skills online, where algorithms enable 鈥� even encourage 鈥� them to filter out a range of perspectives. They will not learn them in classrooms where teachers and students alike are afraid to speak up for fear of being canceled or governing speech on controversial issues. And they will not learn as long as they are allowed to think that disagreement with their opinions, especially heated disagreement, is equivalent to physical and mental harm that must be avoided at all costs.

Schools and out-of-school-time programs need new emphases on civic conversation, media literacy and discussion across differences, including both safe spaces and brave spaces in which to experiment. For that matter, the local venues where deliberation starts 鈥� town councils, school boards, even homeowners associations and church councils 鈥� should create seats at the table for young people to observe and take part. This is especially critical in communities where underrepresentation has been a systemic, historic issue. But, in truth, young people raised in any community where their voices don鈥檛 matter will be all the more likely to opt out of participation.

Before we even begin to worry about whether or not young people are voting, we need to double down on whether young people feel heard, whether they know how to make themselves heard in productive ways and whether we know how to listen and respond. Making sure that the next generation knows how the system works, and sees that it can work for them in a very local, personal way, is the best means of getting them to use democracy, rely on it and expect the best from it.

鈥淢y first-grade teacher, Mrs. Wilson, encouraged me when I was her student,鈥� Harris back in 2021. 鈥淵ears later [she] cheered me on when I graduated from law school.

鈥淭his year and every year, we celebrate America’s teachers, who make a lifelong impact on America’s students.鈥� 

Here鈥檚 what else Harris has had to say about Mrs. Wilson: 

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