Maud Maron, who New York City Schools removed for 鈥�derogatory conduct鈥� in June, can now resume her post on lower Manhattan鈥檚 coveted District 2 council. She has also been criticized for making anti-transgender comments against students.聽

In her ruling, federal judge Diane Gujarati also deemed the New York City Department of Education鈥檚  anti-harassment policy 鈥� which was used to remove Maron 鈥� 鈥渃hilled 鈥� expression鈥� and likely violates the First Amendment because of its vague language.

The policy, D-210, is so unclear that it prevents 鈥渁 person of ordinary intelligence 鈥� before such person is subject to investigation鈥� from understanding what conduct is prohibited, the judge wrote.

Schools Chancellor David Banks removed Maron for comments made in the New York Post in which she called an anonymous Stuyvesant High School student author a 鈥渃oward鈥� and accused them of 鈥淛ew hatred鈥� for an op-ed accusing Israel of genocide in Palestine in the student paper.

In December, a 74 investigation revealed Maron also said in a private chat that, 鈥渢here is no such thing as trans kids,鈥� among other disparaging remarks. In response, Banks called Maron鈥檚 behavior 鈥渄espicable鈥� but did not include the anti-trans comments in documents outlining her removal. 

In a text, Maron told 社区黑料 Wednesday she was reinstated because, 鈥渇ree speech still means something in this country. The people who voted for me won today because they were also deprived of their voice by the Chancellor鈥檚 unconstitutional decision.鈥�

The judge鈥檚 decision was issued after Maron and two other parents sued the Department of Education, the education council for District 14 and its leadership for allegedly stifling their speech. Gujarti鈥檚 decision granted an injunction to stop the DOE from enforcing the anti-discrimination policy via removing council members. Their .

Department of Education officials said Gujarati鈥檚 decision makes it more difficult to safeguard children. 

鈥淲e are disappointed by a ruling that limits our ability to protect students from harmful conduct by parent leaders. Even prior to the court鈥檚 ruling, we began reviewing the applicable Chancellor鈥檚 regulation and are preparing to propose revisions and initiate our public engagement process,鈥� said spokesman Nathaniel Styer. 

The department, Styer added, is reviewing the ruling for 鈥渘ext steps鈥� and will continue to support district councils in complying with the law. 

Gujarati鈥檚 ruling did not call for the reinstatement of Tajh Sutton, who is the only other parent to be removed from a district council post after a D-210 investigation, because it is a separate case. Gujarati鈥檚 ruling stated that there is no proper request before the Court to 鈥渋dentically extend鈥� Maron鈥檚 relief to Sutton and therefore 鈥渋s not addressed herein.鈥� 

Sutton, formerly president of Williamsburg鈥檚 District 14 council, was removed after their official X account posted a toolkit for a student walkout for a ceasefire in Gaza.  DOE officials said the materials were 鈥減erceived by many community members as anti-Israel and antisemitic.鈥� 

As also reported by the , Sutton moved her district鈥檚 meetings online to limit threats 鈥� which included being mailed an envelope of human feces and death threats 鈥�  which the department later said violated open meeting laws. CEC 14鈥檚 official X account also blocked Maron. Both actions were categorized in Gujarati鈥檚 ruling as limiting free speech. 

Ultimately, 鈥渢he judge upheld the right to free speech even if that speech is offensive,鈥� said David Bloomfield, former DOE counsel and professor of education law with Brooklyn College and the City University of New York Graduate Center. 

He added the ruling doesn鈥檛 justify the 鈥渙dious鈥� statements made, rather their right to be said in the first place, and that the system likely knew this was a possibility but would 鈥渞ather be slapped down by a court than allow [Maron鈥檚] behavior to persist.鈥� 

鈥淭he First Amendment guarantees a marketplace of ideas,鈥� Bloomfield said. 鈥淲hen the government intrudes on that, it鈥檚 hard to defend.鈥� 

In the first move of its kind, the nation鈥檚 largest school district removed two prominent elected parent leaders from community education councils after controversial rhetoric against transgender students and student advocacy for Palestine.

Elected to serve two-year terms on the city鈥檚 closest equivalent to school boards, parents Maud Maron and Tajh Sutton were removed Friday from lower Manhattan鈥檚 District 2 council and northern Brooklyn鈥檚 District 14, respectively. 

Maron appeared in court June 18, seeking an injunction and reinstatement, alleging the Chancellor鈥檚 decision was a violation of free speech. The Education Council Consortium, a parent advocacy organization, has demanded Sutton鈥檚 reinstatement and criticized the Chancellor for equivalating Maron and Sutton.聽

鈥淚t is a sad day when New York City Public Schools is compelled to take the actions I have ordered today, but the violations committed by these two individuals have made them unfit to serve in these roles,鈥� Schools Chancellor David Banks said in the Friday press release announcing the removals. 

In closing their statement denouncing Sutton鈥檚 removal, the Education Council Consortium said, 鈥渋t is indeed a 鈥榮ad day鈥� when New York City Public Schools uncovers a new way to further erode any confidence in this administration.鈥�

A December investigation by 社区黑料 previously revealed Maron said in a private chat that, 鈥渢here is no such thing as trans kids.鈥� Banks categorized her remarks as 鈥渄espicable鈥� and promised to take action. By March, a petition to remove her from Stuyvesant High School鈥檚 school leadership team for 鈥渂igotry鈥� amassed more than 700 signatures. In April, the DOE ordered her to cease 鈥�derogatory鈥� conduct. 

For months, parents and city leaders condemned Maron for leading a push to re-examine the city鈥檚 guidelines for trans students鈥� participation in sports, and for calling an anonymous student author a 鈥渃oward,鈥� accusing them of 鈥淛ew hatred,鈥� for an op-ed accusing Israel of genocide. 

Across the East River, Sutton was subject to investigation for supporting a student walkout for a ceasefire in Gaza, including posting a digital toolkit and protest chants. In the letter listing his reasons for removing her, Banks said the materials shared by Sutton were 鈥減erceived by many community members as anti-Israel and antisemitic.鈥�  

The reported Sutton, then the president and only Black member of District 14 council, had support from many families in her district who believe she was 鈥渦nfairly targeted鈥� for her advocacy for Palestine and that the DOE did little to safeguard her council against death threats. Sutton said she was also mailed an envelope of human feces. 

In a recent op-ed in the , Maron defended her actions and revealed Banks鈥檚 鈥渙fficial鈥� reasoning for her removal pointed to the comments made against the anonymous student author. 鈥淏ut the real reason the Chancellor wants to remove me is because the Democratic establishment in New York City is furious because I know the difference between male and female and am willing to say so in polite company.鈥� she wrote. 

In the letter issuing Sutton鈥檚 removal, Banks alleged Sutton violated open meetings laws for moving council meetings online, a decision she maintains was made over safety concerns after violent threats and multiple police reports, for which the DOE offered to provide additional NYPD officers at in-person meetings. 

Sutton told 社区黑料 she was never questioned by the DOE鈥檚 equity council for the alleged OML violations, only regarding her advocacy. state that videoconferencing or hybrid meetings may be permitted under 鈥渆xtraordinary circumstances,鈥� and do not state that violations may result in removal. 

鈥淚f we were so out of compliance, why did you wait until June to remove me?鈥� Sutton said. 鈥淏ecause you were waiting for Maron鈥檚 situation to get so hot that you could remove us together, so you could pretend that what I did is equal to what she did.鈥�  

David Bloomfield, an education law professor with Brooklyn College and the City University of New York Graduate Center, believes it was no accident Maron and Sutton were removed simultaneously, and questioned the precedent set for free speech. 

鈥淗e seems to be treating them as similar situations and trying to balance the scales by removing a left wing member and a right wing member,鈥� said Bloomfield.

While he did not question Banks鈥檚 legal right to remove Maron and Sutton, Bloomfield charged the precedent set is, 鈥減recisely what the First Amendment is supposed to protect against, which is the chilling of speech and particularly of political speech.鈥� 

Maron is one of three plaintiffs Sutton, Banks and District 14鈥檚 council for violating the First Amendment and suppressing parent voices. She has recently launched a consultancy group called ThirdRail, which promises to 鈥渉elp neutralize counterproductive DEI [diversity, equity and inclusion] initiatives鈥� and build 鈥渇lourishing workplaces where ideas 鈥� not ideologies 鈥� inspire strategy.鈥� 

listed the conditions necessary for a bilateral ceasefire, including the release of Israeli hostages and the provision of more humanitarian aid. It excoriated Hamas, both for its Oct. 7 terrorist assault and the brutal repression suffered by Gazans under its control, as well as the Netanyahu government for obstructing the possibility of a two-state solution. Further criticism was reserved for antisemitism, Islamophobia and the attempted censorship of dissenting views.

The document was notable for its timing as well as its substance. By the end of January, a growing number of union affiliates and leaders had already made similar pronouncements, though often voiced in much harsher terms. 

Becky Pringle, speaking for the National Education Association鈥檚 three million members, demanded a permanent truce on December 8 鈥� a position by the organization鈥檚 board of directors. In mid-November, Israel鈥檚 military campaign violated the United Nations Universal Declaration on Human Rights, but made no mention of the Oct. 7 attacks or the captivity of over 200 hostages. And in early December, a pro-Palestinian by Oakland Education Association members who developed special lesson plans the local school board.

In an interview with 社区黑料, AFT president Randi Weingarten said her union鈥檚 process moved more slowly in order to build support. Study groups were held to gather the views of internal constituencies, including the organization鈥檚 . Partly in order to gain the unanimous backing of its 43-member executive council, she acknowledged, drafting the resolution 鈥渢ook some time.鈥�

“Early on, it was hard to have a real conversation鈥ecause it was so fractured,鈥� Weingarten said. 

Four months after the events of Oct. 7, significant political fractures still cleave the labor movement, both within organizations and between unions and their allies in the Democratic Party. Several of the resolutions have been rejected by members as , or even , and while President Biden is now toward a six-week ceasefire, he with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu or significantly altered his administration鈥檚 stance on the effort to capture or kill Hamas鈥檚 leaders. The division threatens to influence the outcome of the 2024 elections, with a faction of NEA members the union鈥檚 endorsement of Biden against Donald Trump. 

Those dissenters will almost certainly fail, and Israel鈥檚 armed incursion may culminate long before November. But while the war is unlikely to directly unseat Biden, it is a reflection of fissures on the left that very well might. suggests that many Americans favor a ceasefire, but also that Democrats are much more divided than Republicans on whether the U.S. should continue to support its closest ally in the Middle East. That divide is both a product of long-term political trends and a potent short-term threat.

Michael Hartney, a political science professor at Boston College and fellow at Stanford University鈥檚 conservative Hoover Institution, said that the decision to take a stance on something as controversial as the Gaza war illustrated how the currents of polarization could determine the course of even formidable political actors: Though distant from the day-to-day priorities of nonprofit and activist groups, hot-button issues like Israel have become central to the political identity of many members and have gradually become boxes that such organizations must check.

鈥淚 think it鈥檚 due to the changing landscapes of the incentives facing these interest groups,鈥� Hartney said. 鈥淔or them to fundraise and be influential, they basically have to pick a team.”

Rise in pro-Palestinian sentiment

Teachers unions, and particularly the AFT, have previously been involved in organizing and advocacy in the Middle East. Just two days before Hamas attacked Israel in October, Weingarten 鈥� a Jew who has made multiple trips to Israel during her nearly 16-year tenure as the Federation鈥檚 president 鈥� , a liberal nonprofit that lobbies politicians on American-Israeli relations and security priorities. Her counterpart, the NEA鈥檚 Pringle, of schools in Israel and the Palestinian territories last year.

But the posture of some groups within the labor movement as criticisms of Netanyahu鈥檚 leadership and Israel鈥檚 occupation of the West Bank have grown louder on the left. In 2021, following an outburst of violence in East Jerusalem that left hundreds dead, the United Educators of San Francisco became America鈥檚 first teachers鈥� union supporting the 鈥渂oycott, divest, and sanction鈥� [BDS] movement, a contentious project Israel. United Teachers Los Angeles, representing 30,000 school employees in America鈥檚 second-largest district, debated a similar measure before .

At the same time, perceptions of Israel have become more divided in U.S. politics overall. In public opinion surveys long predating the violence of the last few months, younger Americans have been to directly blame Israel for its periodic clashes with Hamas, and people between the ages of 18 and 29 to Palestinians than Israelis in the wake of Oct. 7. 

Jack Jennings, a former longtime Democratic staffer in the U.S. House, said the emerging generation gap was largely explained by the country鈥檚 changing demographics, which have seen in the number of students of Middle Eastern origin. Both Jewish and Muslim Americans have tended to vote Democratic in recent elections, but the mounting salience of Israeli-Palestinian conflict had generated tension that was being felt 鈥渇irst in the classroom,鈥� Jennings said.

鈥淲hat has caused this change, and caused the local unions to adopt these resolutions, is that the number of Muslims in the country has doubled鈥� , Jennings said. 鈥淲hen the teacher opens her door on Monday morning, she may have five Palestinians in there.”

Weingarten has generally attempted to in the public debate, while also opposing BDS resolutions and as a 鈥減rogressive Zionist.鈥� The AFT resolution appeared to reflect that nuance, leaving out the invocations of Israeli 鈥済enocide鈥� or 鈥渟ettler colonial violence鈥� seen in the rhetoric of some other teachers鈥� unions.

David Dorn, who headed the AFT鈥檚 International Affairs division for decades before retiring 10 years ago, applauded the resolution as one of the best he had seen from an advocacy group. During his time with the union, he remembered, he had found the work of drafting such documents 鈥渉ard and boring.鈥�

鈥淭hey mean nothing. It’s a piece of paper that is usually forgotten 24 hours later,鈥� Dorn lamented. 鈥淏ut that was a good resolution, and maybe she can have the union play a good role under the circumstances.”

Dorn represents a tradition of international activism within the labor movement that helped shape geopolitics throughout the 20th century, but isn鈥檛 well remembered today.

Under the , who led the AFT from 1974 to 1997, the union energetically worked to bolster democratic movements and labor rights throughout the world. Its maneuverings were sometimes controversial, as when the stridently anticommunist Shanker and his allies Nicaragua鈥檚 far-left Sandinista government in the 1980s. But even decades later, the AFT still touts its work to in Poland and challenge apartheid rule in South Africa.

The fall of Soviet Communism 鈥� along with the passing from the scene of Shanker and other internationally minded figures at the AFL-CIO 鈥� led to a decline in unions鈥� outreach overseas, Dorn said. Weingarten 鈥渨asn鈥檛 really steeped in that tradition鈥� to the extent of her predecessors, he added, and many organizational leaders are now more focused on sustaining their membership at home.

鈥淕oing to conferences or making statements is one thing, but I don’t see many unions using their own resources and grants鈥� to effect change abroad, Dorn said. 鈥淚t’s too bad, but life goes on, and the Cold War is over.” 

While acknowledging that the AFT has been 鈥渕ore limited鈥� in the range of its international involvement over the last few years, Weingarten said the union still played a robust role promoting issues of democracy and self-determination on the world stage. After Weingarten made a 2022 visit to Ukraine, for example, the Federation and partnered with a Polish teachers鈥� union to deliver them to schools affected by Russia鈥檚 attacks on the country鈥檚 power grid.

鈥淥ther unions have really ratcheted down, but we’ve always had an international department,鈥� Weingarten said.

Post-Janus realignment

What the spate of ceasefire resolutions will accomplish 鈥� and what they signify for a labor movement that has attained more prominence in recent years even as it has 鈥� remains to be seen.

Some have , at a time when schools are faced with expiring COVID relief funds and students experience profound learning challenges, their designated bargaining representatives are staking their credibility on a conflict unfolding thousands of miles away. Others are distressed that their organizations haven鈥檛 gone farther to demonstrate opposition to Israel鈥檚 actions.

William Galston, a veteran scholar at the Brookings Institution who has previously advised Democratic presidential candidates, observed that unions weren鈥檛 the only political players to comment outside of their traditional areas of interest. With the members of America鈥檚 ideological camps increasingly converging toward shared preferences 鈥� such that the AFT, the Sierra Club, and Planned Parenthood share many of the same donors and preferred candidates on the left, while NRA and Americans for Prosperity do so on the right 鈥� groups that previously organized around a relatively narrow slate of issues are under more pressure to demonstrate their adherence to a party line.

鈥淭hey used to be more narrowly focused on occupational issues, but for purposes of coalition maintenance, unions and other activist organizations are called upon to take positions on a very wide range of issues,鈥� Galston said.

The Hoover Institution鈥檚 Hartney offered an additional theory. In the aftermath of the Supreme Court鈥檚 decision in Janus v. AFSCME, the case that forbade public sector unions from extracting fees from non-members, those organizations were left with a choice: quiet their political activities to attract more potential members, or tie themselves closer to Democratic politics to further engage their most enthusiastic organizers. While potentially polarizing, he said, the second course might be more workable in the short run.

鈥淚t鈥檚 possible that they’re doubling down on appealing to their true believers by making them feel extra valued,鈥� Hartney said. 鈥淢aybe they can get double the PAC donations from true believers to offset the fact that they’ll get zero support from the marginal person who can leave post-Janus.鈥�

Even so, there is a risk of significant downside in any position that leaves daylight between national entities like AFT and the Biden White House, especially in an election year in which all segments of the Democratic coalition will be called on to help reelect the president. Polling continues to suggest that Biden鈥檚 stance on the war is , and a union-led opposition to Israel鈥檚 operations in Gaza could highlight that faultline.

Weingarten said she was unconcerned about the possibility of a split between her union and the president, pointing to Biden鈥檚 and Secretary of State Antony Blinken鈥檚 furious efforts to contingent on hostage releases. Notwithstanding the substantive differences between that policy and activists鈥� hope of a more lasting peace, she added, key officials are 鈥渧ery much involved in attempting to get to a ceasefire.鈥�

“There’s a big difference between what the president of the United States can say publicly and what the president of the United States operationalizes privately.鈥�

Amid reports of heightened antisemitism and Islamophobia in schools and colleges since the start of the Israel-Hamas war, a senior Education Department official said the agency has received a 鈥渉uge, huge influx鈥� of civil rights complaints that have led to a surge in federal investigations. 

Since the Oct. 7 attack by Hamas terrorists on Israel and the subsequent bombing and invasion of Gaza by the Israeli military, the into schools鈥� and colleges鈥� responses to complaints of discrimination based on shared ancestry, which includes antisemitism and Islamophobia. 

Of the new investigations, the senior official told 社区黑料, 19 are in response to conduct that unfolded in schools in the last two months alone. Of the incidents since Oct. 7 that are now under investigation, 17 took place on college campuses. 

Last fiscal year, by contrast, the office opened 28 shared ancestry investigations over the entire 12-month period. The year before, there were just 15. Such inquiries seek to determine whether schools adequately respond to incidents that create hostile learning environments in violation of Title VI of the Civil Rights Act, which prohibits discrimination based on race, ethnicity or national origin. 

鈥淲e are deeply concerned about the incidents that we’ve seen reported in schools all over the country, and about the safety of students, and the protection of non-discrimination rights for students in P-12 schools as well as in institutions of higher education,鈥� Catherine Lhamon, the department鈥檚 assistant secretary for civil rights, said in an interview Wednesday with 社区黑料. 鈥淲e’re very, very concerned about what we’re seeing in schools.鈥�

Though officials declined to comment on the specifics of active federal investigations, a spike in reported antisemitic and Islamophobic incidents in and outside of schools have convulsed the nation and elevated student safety concerns. 

Near Louisiana鈥檚 Tulane University, a clash between pro-Palestinian and pro-Israel and police are investigating a as a potential hate crime targeting an Arab Muslim student. At Rutgers University, officials chapter following claims the group disrupted classes and vandalized campus. At Harvard University, a rabbi to hide the campus menorah each night of Hanukkah due to vandalism fears. In California, a with involuntary manslaughter and battery after an alleged physical altercation broke out at a demonstration that led to the death of a Jewish protester. 

Outside of schools, police said a 6-year-old Chicago boy was in an alleged anti-Muslim attack, and in Burlington, Vermont, three college while walking down a sidewalk over Thanksgiving weekend. 

The escalating confrontations have embroiled school leaders, who have been criticized for failing to clamp down on hate speech and discrimination. Just days after in Washington about rising antisemitism on college campuses, Elizabeth Magill resigned as University of Pennsylvania president. She and the presidents of Harvard University and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology were accused of being equivocating and evasive after giving carefully worded replies to repeated questions about whether calling for the “genocide of Jews” violated their schools’ code of conduct. Magill responded that it鈥檚 鈥渁 context-dependent decision,鈥� underscoring school leaders鈥� obligations to ensure safe learning environments while protecting people鈥檚 free speech rights. 

Harvard University President Tuesday after facing similar scrutiny for her testimony at the congressional hearing and unrelated plagiarism allegations.

Of the 29 active federal Title VI investigations opened since Oct. 7, just eight are focused on incidents in K-12 schools 鈥� including at three of the nation鈥檚 10 largest districts. Among them are the New York City Department of Education, the Clark County School District in Las Vegas, Hillsborough County Schools in Tampa, Florida, and the Cobb County School District in suburban Atlanta.

Though the circumstances prompting the investigations remain unknown, many of the institutions included on the Education Department鈥檚 list of active investigations have experienced high-profile incidents involving discrimination. 

In New York City, a raucous, and prompted a lockdown after a teacher posted a picture of herself at a pro-Israel rally on social media. Also turning to social media, one student said the teacher 鈥渋s going to be executed in the town square,鈥� and another promoted 鈥渁 riot鈥� against her. 

In suburban Atlanta, the Cobb County School District sparked controversy following the Hamas attack to the school community that warned of an 鈥渋nternational threat,鈥� noting that 鈥渨hile there is no reason to believe this threat has anything to do with our schools, parents can expect both law enforcement and school staff to take every step to keep your children safe.鈥� Because of the message, several Muslim parents said their children had become the targets of Islamophobic bullying. 

In , the civil rights office highlighted hypothetical instances that put school districts at odds with their Title VI obligations. Among them: A Jewish student is targeted by his peers with swastikas and Nazi salutes but his teacher tells him to 鈥渏ust ignore it鈥� without taking steps to address the harassment. Another example involves school officials failing to remedy a Muslim student鈥檚 complaints that she was called a 鈥渢errorist鈥� and told 鈥測ou started 9/11.鈥�

Even before the most recent conflict between Hamas and Israel, law enforcement agencies across the U.S. have reported an uptick in hate crimes over the last several years, including on campuses. 

Reported hate crimes surged 7% between 2021 and 2022, released by the Federal Bureau of Investigation in October, including a 36% increase in anti-Jewish incidents 鈥� which accounted for more than half of incidents based on religion. Among all reported hate crimes, 10% occurred at K-12 schools and colleges.

The Education Department last month released its most recent Civil Rights Data Collection, the first since the pandemic. Students reported 42,500 harassment allegations during the 2020-21 school year, including bullying on the basis of sex, race, sexual orientation, disability and religion. Of those, 29% involved harassment or bullying on the basis of race while only a sliver 鈥� 3% 鈥� involved students saying they were targeted because of their religion. 

The current climate has put Jewish college students on edge, according to , a nonprofit focused on eradicating antisemitism. Since the beginning of the academic year, 73% of Jewish college students said they鈥檝e been witness to antisemitism. Prior to this school year, 70% reported experiencing antisemitism throughout their entire college experience. Yet just 30% of Jewish college students said their college administration has taken sufficient steps to address anti-Jewish prejudice. 

During a televised interview on MSNBC Friday, Jonathan Greenblatt, the national director and CEO of the Anti-Defamation League, said he thought conditions would improve on college campuses for Jewish students because the Title VI investigations now being launched by the Education Department would force college administrators to take action. 

Muslim Americans of all ages have similarly . In a two-week period between Oct. 7 and Oct. 24, reports of bias incidents and requests for help at the Council on American-Islamic Relations surged 182% from the average 16-day period in 2022. 

As lawmakers call on school leaders to take a stronger stance against hate speech, they鈥檝e faced pushback from free speech advocates. Earlier this month, New York of 鈥渁ggressive enforcement action鈥� if they failed to discipline students 鈥渃alling for the genocide of any group of people.鈥� In a statement, the Foundation for Individual Rights in Education, a right-leaning nonprofit focused on students鈥� free speech rights, said Hochul鈥檚 admonition 鈥渃annot be squared with the First Amendment.鈥�  

鈥淐olleges and universities can and should punish 鈥榗alls for genocide鈥� when such speech falls into one of the narrowly defined categories of unprotected speech, including true threats, incitement and discriminatory harassment,鈥� the group said in the statement. 鈥淏ut broad, vague bans on 鈥榗alls for genocide,鈥� absent more, would result in the censorship of protected expression.鈥�

The senior Education Department official said that schools must 鈥渘avigate carefully鈥� their obligations under Title VI and the First Amendment. Even if a student鈥檚 speech is protected, the official said, school leaders still have an obligation to uphold all students鈥� nondiscrimination rights.

鈥淲hat concerns me is when a school community throws up its hands and says, 鈥楾his speech is protected and so there鈥檚 nothing more for us here,鈥欌�� said Lhamon, the assistant secretary for civil rights. 鈥淭hat may be true, but that鈥檚 only true where a hostile environment isn鈥檛 created that the school needs to respond to.鈥�