As immigration authorities carry out what President Donald Trump has promised will be the largest mass deportation operation in U.S. history, several states are passing laws to keep children out of foster care when their detained parents have no family or friends available to take temporary custody of them.

The federal government doesn’t track how many children have entered foster care because of immigration enforcement actions, leaving it unclear how often it happens. In Oregon, as of February two children had been placed in foster care after being separated from their parents in immigration detention cases, according to Jake Sunderland, a spokesperson for the Oregon Department of Human Services.

鈥淏efore fall 2025, this simply had never happened before,鈥� Sunderland said.

As of mid-February, nearly by Immigration and Customs Enforcement. The record 73,000 people in detention in January represented an compared with one year before. According to , parents of 11,000 children who are U.S. citizens were detained from the beginning of Trump鈥檚 term through August.

The news outlet NOTUS that at least 32 children of detained or deported parents had been placed in foster care in seven states.

Sandy Santana, executive director of Children鈥檚 Rights, a legal advocacy organization, said he thinks the actual number is much higher.

鈥淭hat, to us, seems really, really low,鈥� he said.

Separation from a parent is deeply traumatic for children and can lead to , including post-traumatic stress disorder. Prolonged, intense stress can lead to more-frequent infections in children and developmental issues. That 鈥渢oxic stress鈥� is also associated with damage to areas of the brain responsible for learning and memory, , a health information nonprofit that includes KFF Health News.

, and amended existing laws during Trump鈥檚 first term to allow guardians to be granted temporary parental rights for immigration enforcement reasons. Now the enforcement surge that began after Trump returned to office last year has prompted a new wave of state responses.

In New Jersey, lawmakers are considering to amend a state law that allows parents to nominate standby, or temporary, guardians in the cases of death, incapacity, or debilitation. The bill would add separation due to federal immigration enforcement as another allowable reason.

Nevada and California passed laws last year to protect families separated by immigration enforcement actions. California鈥檚 law, called the , allows parents to nominate guardians and share custodial rights, instead of having them suspended, while they鈥檙e detained. They regain their full parental rights if they are released and are able to reunite with their children.

There are significant legal barriers to reunification once a child is placed in state custody, said Juan Guzman, director of children鈥檚 court and guardianship at the Alliance for Children鈥檚 Rights, a legal advocacy organization in Los Angeles.

If a parent鈥檚 child is placed in foster care and the parent cannot participate in required court proceedings because they are in detention or have been deported, it鈥檚 less likely they will be able to reunite with their child, Guzman said.

are U.S. citizens who live with a parent or family member who does not have legal immigration status, according to research from the Brookings Institution, a Washington, D.C.-based think tank. Within that group, 2.6 million children have two parents lacking legal status.

Santana said he expects the number of family separation cases to grow as the Trump administration continues its immigration enforcement campaign, putting more children at risk of being placed in foster care.

the agency to make efforts to facilitate detained parents鈥� participation in family court, child welfare, or guardianship proceedings, but Santana said it鈥檚 uncertain whether ICE is complying with those rules.

ICE officials did not respond to requests for comment for this report.

Before the change in California鈥檚 law, the only way a parent could share custodial rights with another guardian was if the parent was terminally ill, Guzman said.

If parents create a preparedness plan and identify an individual to assume guardianship of their children, the state child welfare agency can begin the process of placing the children with that individual without opening a formal foster care case, he added.

While Nevada lawmakers expanded an existing guardianship law last year to include immigration enforcement, the measure requires the parents to file notarized paperwork with the secretary of state鈥檚 office, an administrative step that may be burdensome, said Cristian Gonzalez-Perez, an attorney at Make the Road Nevada, a nonprofit that provides resources to immigrant communities.

Gonzalez-Perez said some immigrants are still hesitant to fill out government forms, out of fear that ICE might access their information and target them. He reassures community members that the state forms are secure and can be accessed only by hospitals and courts.

The Trump administration has taken through the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services, the IRS, the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, the Department of Housing and Urban Development, and other entities.

Gonzalez-Perez and Guzman said that not enough immigrant parents know their rights. Nominating a temporary guardian and creating a plan for their families is one way they can prevent feelings of helplessness, Gonzalez-Perez said.

鈥淔olks don鈥檛 want to talk about it, right?鈥� Guzman said. 鈥淭he parent having to speak to a child about the possibility of separation, it鈥檚 scary. It鈥檚 not something anybody wants to do.鈥�

is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at 鈥� the independent source for health policy research, polling, and journalism.

More recently, though, the preschool decided to establish protocols for another kind of emergency: the presence of Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents in the area. 

Ever since the start of the second Trump administration, when immigration enforcement activity across the country intensified, staff and families have experienced extreme stress and anxiety about the possibility of masked agents apprehending children at their own schools, said Leah Cates, executive director of Second Street Youth Center. (Previously, education settings like Second Street would鈥檝e been protected from immigration raids under the so-called sensitive locations policy, but the administration that designation in January 2025.)  

Cates is glad she put that new lockdown protocol in place, she said, because they鈥檝e had to activate it twice already. 

One of those times, a teacher heard a young boy at the school yell, 鈥淧istola! Pistola!鈥� 鈥� Spanish for 鈥済un鈥� 鈥� after he saw, through a window, an ICE agent with his weapon drawn, trying to detain someone on the street right outside the school.

鈥淲e had to pull our children off the playground, bring them in and immediately go into lockdown,鈥� Cates said. 

Some children go on walks in the community with teachers throughout the day, she added. During lockdowns, the staff use radios to communicate about the presence of ICE and determine whether groups on walks should return to the school or go to a nearby church or the fire department to seek immediate shelter. 

Their fears are not unfounded. So far, five of the 210 children enrolled in the state-funded preschool, which serves ages 3 to 5, have experienced a parent or primary caregiver detained by ICE, said Cates, who is keeping track of the impact on her school community. Many other students have relatives who have been detained, deported or otherwise apprehended by the federal agents. More than 80% of the students are from immigrant families, she added, and most are from South and Central American countries. 

Second Street offers just one example of the terror echoing through homes and early childhood programs across the country, in red and blue states, in rural and urban communities, and in documented and undocumented families. 

Researchers at the Center for Law and Social Policy, a national, anti-poverty nonprofit, have been examining the impact this administration鈥檚 immigration agenda is having on young children and their caregivers.

Between June and December 2025, CLASP staff held focus groups with 56 鈥渁t-risk鈥� immigrant parents and primary caregivers of 74 children ages 6 and under. They also interviewed nearly 70 individuals who provide services to these families 鈥� many of them as early care and education providers, but also some home visitors, health care workers and others. Their findings, which anonymize the participants, are detailed in a pair of reports 鈥� centered on the experiences of young children and their immigrant families, and focused on early care and education providers in their communities.

The interviews were conducted in seven states: Colorado, Georgia, Illinois, Michigan, New Jersey, Texas and Washington. In those states, immigrant families with young children range from 13% of the population in Michigan to 41% in New Jersey, according to from the Urban Institute, which combines from 2022 and 2023. Nationally, about 24% of children ages 5 and under have at least one immigrant parent. 

What emerged from the research is a clear picture of communities that are experiencing toxic stress and trauma, said Kaelin Rapport, policy analyst at CLASP and an author of both reports. 

鈥淧eople are really scared, and they鈥檙e struggling immensely,鈥� Rapport said. 鈥淐are providers are not feeling secure. Parents are struggling to feel safe themselves. Children are internalizing these stressors and these pressures.鈥�

The concern that many immigrant adults feel, Rapport added, is preventing some of them from leaving their homes, whether it鈥檚 to go to the grocery store or to work. 

鈥淚t鈥檚 confining the entire family inside this emotional pressure cooker,鈥� Rapport said.

Many parents attempt to shield their young children by avoiding conversations about immigration enforcement, yet their fears and anxieties still permeate the household.

鈥淚t was very clear that children are feeling the trickle-down effects of stress,鈥� said Suma Setty, senior policy analyst for immigration and immigrant families at CLASP and an author of the two reports. 

During an interview, the director of a child care center near Dallas shared with Setty that, before 2025, children in the program used to be so curious about visitors who came to the center. Now, when they see new faces, they hide behind the teachers鈥� legs. 鈥淭hat鈥檚 been a marked change she has observed,鈥� Setty said. 

Cates, who was interviewed for the CLASP reports and shared details about the experiences of her preschool community with 社区黑料, has seen the way information about immigration enforcement reaches children at Second Street 鈥� and how they respond. 

It鈥檚 a regular practice at the preschool for staff to ask children how they鈥檙e feeling each day, she shared. One day, a little girl said she was scared. Her teacher told her she is safe at Second Street. But the girl said, 鈥淣o, ICE can get me,鈥� then started to cry, Cates recalled. 

鈥淭he child knows,鈥� she said. 鈥淭hey may not understand everything, but they know someone was taken in their families. They see the upset of parents, the upset of family members.鈥�

Then, she added, they take what they learned and tell their friends. Cates and other staff have overheard children talking about ICE on the playground, she said. 

鈥淲e think we鈥檙e doing a great job of shielding children, but little children have big ears. They put their listening ears on, and they hear everything,鈥� she said. 鈥淲e鈥檙e not doing as good a job as we think. Those 3-, 4- and 5-year-olds are hearing, and being affected by, the trauma.鈥�

In interviews for the CLASP report, Rapport said, several families and early care and education providers described children as 鈥渃lingy鈥� now. Some children who had been sleeping independently through the night are now insisting on sleeping in bed with their parents. Others, he heard, are less friendly, more emotionally reactive, more frightened of strangers and less adaptable to changes in routine. 

As for the caregiving staff he interviewed, Rapport said a word that comes to mind to describe their predicament is 鈥渄esperation.鈥� They are stressed and traumatized from the past 15 months too. They鈥檙e also depressed, burned out and dealing with compassion fatigue. 

鈥淧eople who work in child care and early education do it because they love children and want children to succeed in life. They want children to have a healthy upbringing,鈥� Rapport said. 鈥淭hey pour so much of themselves into that work. They鈥檙e pouring from that well, and sometimes that well runs dry 鈥� for themselves and their families.鈥�

Most early care and education providers are underpaid, working in under-resourced programs, and in some cases are immigrants themselves or have immigrant family members to think of, the researchers said. Yet, as they write in the report focused on providers, 鈥淓CE service providers are being asked to do more than the work that they trained for; they are asked to be immigration law experts, administrative law experts, second parents, and even work for free.鈥�

That certainly rings true at Second Street Youth Center. 

In addition to the new lockdown protocols, the preschool has made changes to other procedures. 

The program has implemented 鈥渧ery stringent rules鈥� around access into the building. 鈥淚f we don鈥檛 recognize who you are, we aren鈥檛 letting you into the first doorway,鈥� Cates said. The maintenance staff, as part of their duties, now regularly walk a two-block radius around the building to scan for ICE activity. Families know to text school staff about any ICE activity they鈥檝e seen or heard about in the area, and staff then distribute the message to all families so they can make alternative pick-up arrangements for their children. 

On top of that, Second Street has held events to educate parents about their rights. The school partnered with an immigration attorney who volunteered to help families make a plan for their children in the event something happens to them. 

The work is taking a toll on staff, she said, noting that staff are increasingly asking for a day off here and there because 鈥渋t鈥檚 just all too much.鈥� 

鈥淏ut my staff 鈥� understand the No. 1 concern is the health, safety and well-being of children,鈥� Cates emphasized. 鈥淏efore we do anything else, our job is to keep children safe.鈥�

Two recent stories by reporters here at 社区黑料 demonstrate the ongoing ripple effects of the Trump administration鈥檚 massive deportation campaign. One deals with money, the other with home. 

My colleague Linda Jacobson detailed how empty desks are adding up, whether it鈥檚 students who are absent from school, families who have been detained or others who鈥檝e left their districts 鈥� or fled the country 鈥� on their own.

States fund districts based on per-pupil enrollment, and in California, that dollar figure comes from daily average attendance. In Minnesota, where immigration enforcement actions听, the state requires districts to drop students from the rolls if they鈥檝e been absent for 15 straight days. Unless an emergency exemption to the rule is granted, one district outside Minneapolis is facing a $1 million hit to its $51 million budget.

鈥淚 remember walking in the hallways going, 鈥楬oly God, where are all the kids?鈥� 鈥� an employee in another Minnesota district told Linda. 鈥淚t was eerie.鈥�

Meanwhile, Jo Napolitano looked at what happens when the parents go missing, specifically after being detained or deported by Immigration and Customs Enforcement. Jo reports that for their children, thousands of whom are U.S. citizens, this abrupt upheaval often means removal from home and听school.

Some can find themselves, brand-new passports in hand, being sent to their parents鈥� birth country, which may be totally unfamiliar, or to live with family or friends 鈥斕齯nless those adults鈥� citizenship status is also precarious and they may be too afraid to take them in. An unlucky number are placed in foster care and some are just left alone.

鈥淲e鈥檝e heard about 15- and 16-year-olds living by themselves for several weeks because their parents were detained and they had no idea where they were,鈥� one advocate said. 鈥淚CE was not checking to make sure they were OK. These are U.S. citizen kids.鈥�
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Emotional Support

Finn, a border collie/Australian shepherd mix, contemplates his California existence 鈥� or perhaps just whether it’s time for 社区黑料’s Phyllis Jordan to feed him dinner.

Dylan Lopez Contreras sat waiting for a copy of his class schedule in a sunny fourth-floor room of his Bronx high school as his counselor walked in wearing a 鈥淔ree Dylan鈥� button attached to the strap of his messenger bag.

Dylan stood, and Hedin Bernard lifted Dylan鈥檚 more-than-6-foot frame off the floor in a tight bear hug.

It had been more than 10 months since Dylan set foot in ELLIS Preparatory Academy, a high school geared toward older, newly arrived immigrant students. The last time the two had seen each other, Dylan鈥檚 hair was dyed purple and just covered his ears. Now, it fell below the 21-year-old鈥檚 shoulders and the purple dye had faded to yellow.

Last May, in a Manhattan courthouse after his asylum hearing, making him the first known New York City public school student detained during President Donald Trump鈥檚 second term. The Venezuelan native became the public face of an , remaining in custody until .

After Dylan鈥檚 arrest, his mom Raiza鈥檚 . Ever since then, Bernard has, along with ELLIS founding Principal Norma Vega, led the school鈥檚 efforts to rally behind Dylan, which included helping to put Raiza in touch with lawyers and advocates, organizing a student letter-writing campaign, and supporting a fundraiser for the family. With Dylan鈥檚 return to ELLIS, they hope he can focus on 鈥渨hat will happen, not what did happen,鈥� Vega said.

But the jubilation of Dylan鈥檚 return has been mixed with frequent reminders of the looming threat of immigration enforcement facing him and other ELLIS students.

Immigration and Customs Enforcement, or ICE, released Dylan while he awaits a decision on an appeal in his . An immigration judge , and the appeals process could take years, according to his lawyers from the New York Legal Assistance Group. But ICE has the ability to take him back into custody at any time and requires regular check-ins, his lawyers said.

Shortly after Bernard reunited with Dylan Tuesday morning, as Dylan scarfed down a donut and drank coffee poured from Bernard鈥檚 thermos, the counselor invited him to join a college trip that week.

ELLIS staffers believe that is the surest path out of poverty. The trip would visit three colleges in upstate New York.

Dylan glanced down at his leg, where a black ankle monitor had been attached as a condition of his release. With his travel restrictions, Dylan knew he likely couldn鈥檛 attend.

But that didn鈥檛 slow down the ELLIS staffers for long. Later that morning, Bernard asked a colleague to invite college representatives to ELLIS, so Dylan wouldn鈥檛 have to leave school to meet them.

Dylan鈥檚 detention still lingers

The swiftness of the changes over the past two weeks has been hard for Dylan to comprehend.

After months in Moshannon Valley Processing Center, a Western Pennsylvania detention facility, Dylan had , flanked by Gov. Kathy Hochul and Mayor Zohran Mamdani, thanking his supporters in Spanish from under the blue brim of a New York Knicks hat.

He had been sleeping on a thin cot in a cell with more than 70 men. Now he was in his own bed, cuddled with his younger siblings, ages 8 and 10, who had asked to sleep next to him. And after losing about 30 pounds in detention because he often couldn鈥檛 stomach the food, Dylan had a phalanx of adults at ELLIS showering him with .

鈥淚t鈥檚 a big contrast, to go through so much mistreatment, and then come back to people who love and support you,鈥� he said in Spanish.

Still, his thoughts drift back to a friend in detention nicknamed 鈥淓l Mayor,鈥� or the elder, who has already called Dylan to let him know how happy he was to hear about his release and to ask if he could use his public profile to advocate for the release of others. (Dylan did exactly that at his press conference.) As long as those men remain in detention, Moshannon Valley is 鈥渘ot going to feel very far away,鈥� he said.

A Department of Homeland Security spokesperson denied that there were any problems with the conditions at Moshannon. 鈥淎ll detainees are provided with proper meals, water, medical treatment, and have opportunities to communicate with their family members and lawyers,鈥� the spokesperson said. 鈥淚n fact, ICE has higher detention standards than most U.S. prisons that hold actual U.S. citizens.鈥�

ELLIS staffers said reintegrating Dylan into school will mean helping him catch up on all he missed over the past 10 months while also processing the ongoing trauma of his detention.

While Dylan was incarcerated, his classmates ., prepared for or taken Regents exams they needed for graduation, and kept up with the guitar lessons Dylan enjoyed before his arrest.

Letters from his classmates helped sustain him as his detention stretched from days to months, and his optimism for a quick release faded. He watched new detainees 鈥� including grandparents and young kids 鈥� come and go while he remained locked up.

Dylan had no formal education in detention. But he was determined to do what he could to keep up with his English.

He practiced speaking with cellmates from places like China and the United Kingdom and to advocate for better treatment from the guards.

He devoured manga and Marvel comics donated by the advocacy group ROCC NYC, which played a critical role in supporting his family and keeping public attention on his case. He scoured an English dictionary from the facility鈥檚 library to learn new vocabulary but had no one to check his pronunciation. And he tried to read some classics, such as Mary Shelley鈥檚 鈥淔rankenstein鈥� and 鈥淐hronicle of a Death Foretold鈥� by Colombian author Gabriel Garc铆a M谩rquez.

When he returned to ELLIS last week, Vega stopped him in the hallway to hand him a gift from a staffer in her district office: a copy of Dante鈥檚 鈥淒ivine Comedy,鈥� another classic Dylan had asked to read but couldn鈥檛 get a copy of.

Dylan, who had fled Venezuelan dictator Nicolas Maduro鈥檚 repressive regime, had been , and spent 10 months in ICE custody, had said he wanted to understand Dante鈥檚 nine circles of hell.

ELLIS gears up to help Dylan adjust

Staffers at ELLIS are accustomed to helping students navigate all kinds of trauma, but they鈥檇 never had a student return from long-term incarceration, Bernard said.

Dylan鈥檚 counselors at ELLIS plan to refer him to a Spanish-speaking therapist through a mental health clinic located on the first floor of ELLIS鈥� building, Bernard said. And staffers will watch for any signs that he is struggling.

They鈥檙e also hoping to give Dylan chances to enjoy himself outside academic courses, though his ankle monitor is complicating those plans. His counselor enrolled Dylan in a swim class, but Dylan worried about getting the device wet.

Schools in New York are required to continue enrolling students through age 21, but state law doesn鈥檛 stop them from staying longer if the school agrees, Vega said.

ELLIS staffers don鈥檛 want to keep Dylan in high school longer than necessary but are encouraging him to stay for two years, so he can master English before applying to college.

In the meantime, he is eager to earn money to help his mom and siblings with rent. He hopes to take a bartending course so he can work at night without interfering with his school schedule.

Dylan worked long hours as a delivery driver before his arrest, and Bernard remains concerned about how long he鈥檒l want to stay in school.

Staffers at ELLIS are working on finding him an internship that allows him to make money while learning new skills and burnishing his college resume.

Dylan said he鈥檚 willing to stay at ELLIS 鈥渁s long as it takes.鈥�

Dylan and ELLIS face an uncertain future

Dylan鈥檚 arrest, and the aggressive escalation in immigration enforcement it represented, cast a long shadow over ELLIS over the past 10 months, .

Students had begun to talk more openly about self-deportation. Pressure to abandon school for work grew as students confronted their diminished prospects for building a future in the U.S. And ELLIS鈥� enrollment, like that at immigrant-heavy schools across the city, has declined as border crossings slowed to a trickle.

Many of the ELLIS students who greeted Dylan Tuesday with tearful hugs and exclamations like 鈥渂ienvenidos, loco!鈥� (welcome back, crazy!) had endured their own brushes with immigration enforcement.

Dylan saw a friend whose mother was deported while he was in detention, leaving her without a way to pay rent or look after her toddler during school hours. Dylan鈥檚 is considering returning to Ecuador in part because of the fear of ICE. Another student saw Dylan鈥檚 ankle monitor and asked a staff member what the device did, adding that her dad had one too, Bernard said.

And when Dylan greeted two fellow Venezuelan students, one asked if he鈥檇 had to sleep on the floor 鈥� noting that鈥檚 where he鈥檇 slept after being detained while crossing the border. 鈥淚 know the floor,鈥� Dylan responded with a wry smile.

During lunch time, Dylan settled into a booth with friends and munched on mozzarella sticks. He had a newfound appreciation for school cafeteria food.

His friendships were what Dylan missed most about ELLIS, and there was lots to catch up on. The conversation soon turned to an ordinary high school concern: Dylan had to figure out what color to dye his hair next.

Chalkbeat is a nonprofit news site covering educational change in public schools. This story was originally published by Chalkbeat. Sign up for their newsletters at .

鈥淭hese support systems are what students really rely on,鈥� one girl told the board. 鈥淎s someone who struggles a lot with being overwhelmed and anxious, sometimes I just need someone to talk to.鈥�

The layoffs will help reduce an $8.6 million budget deficit, due in part to the loss of 350 students. 

Sarah Neville, a board member in the Boston-area district, knows one reason enrollment is down. Under federal law, districts can鈥檛 ask whether students are U.S. citizens, but almost 90% of the 5,700-students are Latino and 47% are English learners. The state education agency estimates that the population of English learners in Massachusetts schools has since 2024. Officials from Chelsea and other metro-area districts say as Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents conducted raids in last fall.

鈥淲e’re low hanging fruit for ICE because so many of our folks are undocumented,鈥� Neville said. 鈥淲hen they say, 鈥榃e’re going to go target Boston,鈥� you find the vans actually hanging out in Chelsea.鈥�

The district is among several across the country now confronting the financial impact of the Trump administration鈥檚 immigration enforcement efforts. Whether students are absent from school, families have been detained, or they鈥檝e left the district or the country on their own, the empty desks add up.

Districts no longer have federal COVID relief funds to fall back on, and many already saw steep enrollment declines during the pandemic. The Chelsea board is one of asking the legislature for one-time grants to help address the shortfall. With fixed costs like payroll and contracts with vendors, a sharp drop in enrollment 鈥渃reates chaos,鈥� Neville said.

In Texas, officials from , and several districts in the are among those who say the immigration crackdown has contributed to further enrollment loss and, with it, potential drops in state funding. 

Districts鈥� heightened concerns over finances come as conservatives increasingly argue that American taxpayers shouldn鈥檛 be footing the bill to educate undocumented students in the first place. 

During a heated , members of a House judiciary subcommittee argued that the U.S. Supreme Court should overturn , a landmark 1982 ruling in a Texas case that guaranteed children a right to a public education, regardless of citizenship status.

鈥淭he financial costs of Plyler are undoubtedly staggering, clearly representing a significant burden on localities,鈥� said Texas Republican Rep. Chip Roy, who chaired the hearing. 鈥淏ut it isn’t just fiscal costs we should be worried about. Our nation’s classrooms routinely deal with illegal alien students, many of whom know little to no English and may struggle with other learning disabilities.鈥�

Pointing to Census Bureau figures, a from the subcommittee estimated that educating non-citizen students in U.S. schools costs about $68 billion a year. But during the hearing, Democrats highlighted of providing students access to education, like $633 billion paid in state and local income taxes and contributions to the U.S. economy worth more than $2.7 trillion.

The witnesses included James Rogers, senior counselor with the conservative America First Legal Foundation, who called the Plyler opinion 鈥漞gregiously wrong from the start鈥� and an example of judicial overreach. He predicted that the current conservative majority on the court would overturn it if given the opportunity. Republicans in like have proposed legislation to collect students鈥� immigration status. If one of those bills passes, opponents are expected to challenge it in court.

But Rep. Mary Gay Scanlon of Pennsylvania, the ranking Democrat on the subcommittee, said that excluding undocumented students from school or charging tuition would mean 鈥渙nly certain classes of children whose parents can afford to pay are entitled to the blessings of liberty and the hope of a better future.鈥� 

Thomas Saenz, president and general counsel for the Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund, warned that at a time when chronic absenteeism remains above pre-pandemic levels, non-citizen children wouldn鈥檛 be the only ones out of school if the court overturned Plyler.

鈥淚t will extend beyond the families to peers and ultimately it will be impossible to enforce truancy laws,鈥� he said. 鈥淎ny child who doesn’t want to be in school will know to simply say 鈥業’m undocumented.鈥� 鈥�

The 鈥榖ottom line鈥�

For now, most Texas districts want to hang on to as many students as possible.

鈥淲hen you’re a rural school district, every kid has a big impact on your bottom line,鈥� said Kevin Brown, executive director of the Texas Association of School Administrators. 鈥淲hen you lose five or 10 kids, you have to cut programming. You can’t cut teachers, so you have to start looking for other ways to do it.鈥�

He expects to see a request during next year鈥檚 legislative session to allow for some 鈥渢ransition period鈥� before funding drops, but 鈥渨hether something passes is another question.鈥�

In California, where state funding is based on districts鈥� average daily attendance, Gov. Gavin Newsom last October that would have added immigration enforcement as one of the emergencies that triggers a waiver of the funding rule. The change was unnecessary, he said.

In Minnesota, districts are still hoping for some relief. On their behalf, a national nonprofit to temporarily suspend a state law that requires districts to drop students from the rolls if they鈥檝e been absent for 15 straight days. The legislation allows exemptions for emergencies.

, in which the Trump administration deployed roughly 4,000 ICE agents to the Minneapolis area, 鈥渘o doubt qualifies as a calamity that would trigger application of the exemption,鈥� leaders of the National Center for Youth Law wrote to state House and Senate leaders last month. 

Fridley Public Schools, outside Minneapolis, has lost 20 students because of the 15-day rule.听

鈥淪ome of our children have been in an apartment for 14 weeks and haven’t been able to leave,鈥� Superintendent Brenda Lewis said on a recent webinar. 

Roughly 100 more have left since the surge, possibly taking advantage of the state鈥檚 open enrollment policy to relocate to other districts. The loss means a $1 million hit to the district鈥檚 $51 million budget. The district also missed out on $131,000 in meal reimbursements from the federal government because low-income students weren鈥檛 in school to eat breakfast and lunch, Lewis said. 

Fridley鈥檚 enrollment would have been down another 400 students if the district hadn鈥檛 quickly implemented a virtual learning program, Lewis said. But federal agents used the device distribution process to apprehend those they suspected to be undocumented, she said. 

鈥淲e had ICE agents arresting people because they knew they were coming for the Chromebooks,鈥� said Lewis, whose district is part of against the Trump administration over its policy of allowing immigration enforcement near schools and other 鈥渟ensitive鈥� locations. 鈥淚CE agents will board your buses. They’ll board your vans. They’ll pull the vehicle over and start interviewing children about immigration status. By interviewing, I mean interrogating.鈥�

鈥業n-your-face presence鈥�

The Trump administration recently such actions in an effort to end a government shutdown affecting the Department of Homeland Security. Julie Sugarman, who studies immigration policy affecting K-12 schools at the Migration Policy Institute, said a 鈥渓ess-aggressive鈥� approach near school grounds would likely lead some missing students to return. 

鈥淭he in-your-face presence absolutely is causing people to stay home,鈥� she said.

The Chicago Public Schools last fall saw steep declines in attendance that coincided with , according to by Kids First Chicago, an advocacy group, and the Coalition for Authentic Community Engagement, representing multiple nonprofits. On Sept. 29, the Monday after enforcement activity began, nearly 14,000 students at schools serving high percentages of Latino students were absent, the report showed. 

The district uses enrollment counts from the early part of the school year to make budget and staffing decisions. If students missed school on those days, or if the district eventually dropped students out for extended periods, those absences could affect funding, explained Hal Woods, chief of policy at Kids First Chicago.

District leaders can only estimate how many undocumented students are entering, or leaving, their schools, and that鈥檚 a problem, Mandy Drogin, a senior fellow at the conservative Texas Public Policy Foundation, said in testimony before the House subcommittee. She blamed that warned districts against asking for students鈥� or parents鈥� citizenship status for enrollment purposes. 

While many English learners are U.S. citizens, she called out districts under state takeover, like and nearby , which have English learner populations above 30%, according to the state. 鈥淚llegal students,鈥� she said, are impacting schools as a whole. 

鈥淭eachers are being forced to 鈥� do Google Translate on their phones,鈥� she said. 鈥淎ll of these things obviously impact the total education system, and the taxpayers are left holding the bag.鈥�

Rep. Jamie Raskin, a Maryland Democrat, said immigration enforcement affects all students. He pointed to Willmar, Minnesota, about 150 miles west of the Twin Cities and the site of a Jennie-O turkey plant that employs many . It鈥檚 the town where ICE agents in a Mexican restaurant and then returned to detain the owners and a dishwasher. 

In December, as rumors of an ICE raid spread, hundreds of kids, including white students, stayed out of school, Superintendent Bill Adams . 

鈥淚 remember walking in the hallways going, 鈥楬oly God, where are all the kids?鈥欌�� said a district employee who declined to speak for attribution due to the sensitivity of the topic. 鈥淚t was eerie.鈥�

In October, Adams said enrollment in the 4,400-student district was down by over 170 students, amounting to a loss of more than $4 million. To make up for some of that gap, the district is it used to teach independent living skills, like cooking and doing the laundry, to older students with disabilities. 

鈥淚t’s just hit our community really bad,鈥� the employee said.  

Some, freshly pressed passports in hand, end up in their parents鈥� country of origin 鈥� even when it鈥檚 not their own.

Others are sent to live with family or friends while an unlucky number are placed in foster care, their parents鈥� rights in jeopardy and reunification precarious. 

The teenagers among them are sometimes thrust into a parenting role themselves: This overnight push into adulthood can leave them managing mortgages while their peers are picking prom dresses in the first of many sacrifices, immigrant advocates told 社区黑料. 

鈥淎 lot of these older siblings are forgoing college plans and looking for work, trying to figure out how to be mom and dad for their siblings,鈥� said Wendy D. Cervantes, director of immigration and immigrant families for The Center for Law and Social Policy.  

An 18-year-old Texas resident was left without parents or his U.S.-born siblings more than a year ago when his entire family was stopped by federal agents as they were driving to get medical care for his seriously ill sister. All ended up being sent to Mexico. Using the pseudonym Fernando Hern谩ndez Garc铆a, the young man testified before a House and Senate hearing last week that he was forced to give up college in order to work full time to try and keep the family home.

There are measures in place to help families with this unwanted transition. In 2013, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement issued the , a federal guideline meant to ensure 鈥渋mmigration enforcement activities do not unnecessarily disrupt鈥� parental rights. 

It allowed ICE to consider whether it needed to hold these immigrants. And if they were detained, the directive encouraged the agency to house them near their families so they could participate in child placement hearings. 

The agency was also advised to arrange transportation to and from court or otherwise allow parents or legal guardians to participate in such proceedings by phone or video.

鈥淚t required some sort of cooperation between ICE and local child welfare agencies,鈥� Cervantes said. 

But this directive has been under attack for years. It was weakened during the first Trump administration, bolstered in the Biden era and diminished once again when Trump took office for the second time 鈥� and launched a mass deportation campaign.

found that the parents of at least 11,000 U.S. citizen children were arrested and detained in the first seven months of Trump鈥檚 second term. The news site also determined the Trump administration is per day as did the Biden administration. 

That 11,000 number will have ProPublica reported, if arrests and detentions continued at the same pace in the ensuing months.

The data obtained by ProPublica covers a period up to mid-August 2025. Some of the Trump administration鈥檚 most aggressive immigration enforcement sweeps occurred after that in targeted cities, including Chicago, Charlotte, North Carolina, and Minneapolis.  

鈥淚 do fear in the months ahead that we could see more instances where kids unnecessarily end up in the child welfare system because of the way ICE has been conducting its raids,鈥� Cervantes said, adding its tactics have been carried out 鈥渋n a way that really doesn’t give us any assurances they are abiding by their own policy to allow parents to make decisions about what happens to their kids at the time of arrest.鈥�

Families too afraid to reach out

Added to this anxiety, the Department of Homeland Security, which oversees the execution of these and other directives, is in flux. The DHS is now in the second month of a partial government shutdown as congressional Democrats push to rein in the actions of federal immigrant agents and make them more publicly accountable. 

The department is also in the midst of a leadership change: Oklahoma Republican Sen. Markwayne Mullin will replace former Secretary Kristi Noem, who was

Despite concerns about his temperament 鈥� a former cage fighter, Mullin once tried to coax a union leader into a physical altercation during a Senate committee hearing 鈥� his nomination was .

It’s unclear how Mullin, a 2020 election denier, would wield his authority. But he has said he and recently defended the killing of two Minneapolis residents who protested the government鈥檚 immigration enforcement efforts, calling victim Alex Pretti 鈥渄eranged.鈥� He later said he should not have made the comment, but declined to apologize for it. 

Parents considering their family鈥檚 future in the current environment are sure to wonder what comes next as they contemplate the limited tools available to them, including , which allows people subject to immigration enforcement in some states to designate a caretaker for their kids. 

It鈥檚 a valuable lever, said Julie Babayeva, supervising attorney with the New York Legal Assistance Group: It goes into effect the moment someone is detained. But many families are reluctant to apply for it, she said. 

鈥淲e have been talking to PTAs, schools and community organizations in heavily immigrant communities,鈥� Babayeva said. 鈥淚t鈥檚 just difficult for people to trust this. They think, 鈥榃hat if I tell you my phone number and that leads to ICE coming to my house?鈥� People don’t understand that we’re not giving this information out to anyone, that it is confidential.鈥�

shows 19 million children in the U.S. have at least one immigrant parent and that 1 in 6 鈥� or 9 million school-aged children 鈥� live in a household with at least one noncitizen adult. An overwhelming majority of these kids are U.S. citizens. 

A Los Angeles teacher, who asked to remain anonymous because of her own citizenship status, recalled the case of two elementary school-aged children 鈥� and a toddler 鈥� left with their nearly 80-year-old grandmother, who had to return to work to support them after their parents were taken by ICE. 

Such disruptions inflict enormous psychological and emotional damage on children, she said. 

鈥淭hey鈥檝e heard the rhetoric of Trump saying he鈥檚 going after criminals and though they know that鈥檚 not true, they still don鈥檛 understand why their parents would be targeted,鈥� she said. 

Roughly were deported in Trump’s first year in office and of the in ICE detention as of February, more than 73% had no criminal convictions. 

Eric Marquez, a teacher at New York City鈥檚 ELLIS Preparatory Academy, which serves older, immigrant students, said that from a classroom perspective, what stands out most is that these newcomers often present as remarkably composed. 

鈥淭hey tend to put on a brave face, adapt quickly on the surface and rarely bring up in conversation the people in their lives who may have been detained or deported,鈥� he said. 鈥淭here鈥檚 often an understatedness to it.鈥�

At the same time, teachers can sometimes see the impact indirectly, including shifts in focus, attendance and energy, he said. 

Ellis Prep鈥檚 own Dylan Contreras was among the first high school students to be detained by ICE when he was arrested after a May 2025 court appearance. Held in a Pennsylvania detention center for 10 months, he was and returned to school for the first time March 24.

Immigrant families are not the only ones puzzled and angry over the administration鈥檚 tactics. Residents in Springfield, Ohio, worried their Haitian neighbors will be deported because their Temporary Protective Status is in jeopardy, have stepped up to do something about it 鈥� in this case, house their children. 

One woman, who asked not to be identified for fear of attracting stirred up by Trump, secured emergency foster care credentials to support kids who might need somewhere safe to stay while they wait for a more permanent placement. The process took eight weeks to complete, she told 社区黑料.

“I am ready for 0 to 18,” she said of the age of children she could take in at a moment’s notice. “I want to keep siblings together.鈥�

A sudden rush of unhoused kids felt imminent earlier this year when Haitians鈥� protective status was set to expire and word spread that federal immigration agents would soon arrive in Springfield to deport them. After some 600,000 Venezuelans lost their last year, a lawyer representing the group said 鈥渉undreds and potentially thousands of Venezuelan nationals (had)

Earlier this month, the Supreme Court prohibited the Trump administration from ending Haitian deportation protections and in the case in late April. 

Separation not easily undone 

Once separated, family reunification can be difficult, notes Gabrielle Oliveira, an associate professor at Harvard’s Graduate School of Education who has studied immigration for years. Bureaucratic hurdles mean it can take months for a U.S. citizen child to get a passport to join their parents in a foreign country. 

Oliveira said, too, some of the children who enter foster care have family eager to shelter them but they won鈥檛 step forward because they are too afraid to interact with the government.

These new forms of family separation are among many fears undocumented immigrants face. But it鈥檚 not the worst of them, Oliveira and other advocates said: Detention is by far the most frightening prospect. 

鈥淚t鈥檚 been harder and harder to get in touch with people who are detained,鈥� Oliveira said. 鈥淪ometimes months go by and (federal authorities) don’t even tell you where they are. So, parents are even more worried about that than the actual deportation.鈥�

And, she said, limited communication with family makes it challenging to come to a conclusion on child care. 

鈥淵ou can’t make decisions,鈥� Oliveira said. 鈥淵ou can’t make phone calls. You can’t figure out what the plan is.鈥�

Already, Cervantes said, her office has seen the fallout. 

鈥淲e’ve heard about 15- and 16-year-olds living by themselves for several weeks because their parents were detained and they had no idea where they were,鈥� she said. 鈥淚CE was not checking to make sure they were OK. These are U.S. citizen kids.鈥�

And there are other, practical issues that make it hard to reunite in a foreign country, Oliveira said, recalling one family trying to meet up in South America. 

鈥淭he dad got deported and the mom was here with the kids, and then she was trying to leave and go back to Brazil 鈥� but she was nervous that if she went to the airport, she would be arrested,鈥� Oliveira said. 

When children are left with undocumented relatives, it鈥檚 nearly impossible for them to leave the United States to deliver the kids to their parents, said Shaina Simenas, co-director for the Young Center鈥檚 Technical Assistance Program.

鈥淚f you have a young child that is left with another relative who has their own immigration needs, how would you get them to the country of origin?鈥� she said. 鈥淲e’re working with a lot of families who are from Venezuela, and there are so many challenges even getting Venezuelan passports 鈥� or getting flights to Venezuela. And, of course, there is the financial toll of buying international flights and paying for passports and travel documents.鈥�

Simenas believes poor record-keeping on the part of the government means a lack of accountability. 

鈥淚CE doesn’t consistently and reliably identify whether adults are caregivers for children and so that alone makes it harder to track what might have happened to their children after a parent was taken,鈥� she said. 

Many families separated during Trump鈥檚 first term have not seen justice, she noted. Nearly 1,000 children were still waiting to reunite with their parents in 2023, according to . 

鈥淔or families being separated now,鈥� she said, 鈥淚 think there are even fewer ways to track them, to be able to support and ensure they have access to reunify.鈥�

That鈥檚 how children 鈥� all U.S. citizens 鈥� and their parents described their treatment by federal immigration agents in accounts delivered in Washington, D.C., Tuesday at a joint House and Senate hearing. 

The teens told lawmakers these encounters have left them unable to sleep, concentrate on school, plan for their future or feel safe in any setting.

鈥淲henever I hear sirens or I see an officer, my heart starts racing,鈥� said Arnoldo Bazan, 16, who described a violent incident with Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents on Oct. 23, 2025. 鈥淚 don’t even know when I’ll see my father again. This is not the America I know.鈥�

Neither ICE nor the Department of Homeland Security, which oversees the agency, replied to requests for comment. A Customs and Border Protection spokesperson said they would need more time to respond.

Bazan said he was assaulted by ICE agents on his way to school with his father last fall when they stopped at a McDonald鈥檚 to celebrate him making a varsity team. Just then, Bazan said, a car with tinted windows and flashing lights pulled them over. 

Soon, multiple unmarked vehicles approached. 

鈥淎rmed men with masks jumped out and started banging on the windows,鈥� Bazan said. 鈥�They never identified themselves or explained why we were stopped. We didn’t know who these men were. I started recording on my phone. One of the unmarked cars rammed into our car multiple times. I even felt our car lift.鈥�

Agents grabbed his father and Bazan ran to help. 

鈥淥ne officer put me in a choke hold and told me, 鈥榊ou’re done,鈥欌�� the boy said, taking short breaks to compose himself. 鈥淗is grip was so tight, I wondered if I would even make it out alive. With all of my strength, I screamed that I was underage and from the United States. When the officers finally stopped, I began telling everybody who could hear me that these officers had tried to flip our car, and that I had proof of my phone.鈥�

Federal agents confiscated his cell, he testified. 

鈥淭he officer put me and my dad in the car,鈥� Bazan said. 鈥淭hey mocked us. They told me that I was gay for crying, an illegal, an illegal idiot, a border hopper, and other demeaning words.鈥�

Bazan said the officers drove them to his house where he and his father, who was subsequently deported to Mexico, 鈥減rayed for one last time. I tried to hug him, but he couldn’t hug me back because he was handcuffed.鈥�

He said his backpack was returned but not his phone and when he traced it, it turned up inside a kiosk that sells electronics. Bazan said local police told him they couldn鈥檛 take any action against federal officers.

Bazan, who suffered a neck injury, was taken to the hospital that day and given morphine for his pain, he said. He told the committee his body ached after the incident, that he couldn鈥檛 sleep and missed school.

He was one of three teens who spoke at the forum called by Democratic Sen. Richard Blumenthal, ranking member of the Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations, and U.S. Rep. Robert Garcia, the ranking Democrat on the House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform. 

鈥淥ur efforts to document and elevate the stories of this regime’s heartless actions against children will continue, and we know that there are thousands more stories to be told,鈥� Blumenthal said at the start, thanking the students and their parents for speaking and remarking on their bravery.  

The lawmakers released a minority staff report Tuesday entitled , saying it documents the cases of “128 children who have been injured, left unattended, or otherwise put at direct risk of harm due to operations of the Department of Homeland Security.”

Their action comes amid Democrats鈥� ongoing campaign to curtail federal immigration agents. They’re refusing to fund DHS, which is now in the second month of a partial government shutdown, until reforms and greater public accountability are put in place.

An 18-year-old, who used the pseudonym Fernando Hern谩ndez Garc铆a, said he has been living on his own for more than a year after his parents were deported to Mexico 鈥斕齮aking his medically fragile U.S.-born sister with them. The girl cannot access treatment there because she is not a Mexican citizen, her brother said.听

Garcia, recalling their apprehension, said it all began when the little girl woke up and said her head hurt. 

鈥淢y parents took this very seriously because the year before, she had an emergency surgery to remove a tumor,鈥� Garcia said. 鈥淢y parents and my five siblings got in the car and drove from South Texas to Houston so she could see a specialist at Texas Children’s Hospital. On the way, government officials stopped them at a checkpoint and deported everyone 鈥� even though my parents told them about my sister’s condition, even though my siblings are U.S. citizens.鈥�

Garcia wasn鈥檛 with them, but his family had made this same trip many times before President Donald Trump took office for the second time and had no problems, he said: They鈥檇 present the girl鈥檚 proof of citizenship and a letter from the hospital explaining her medical needs and would be on their way. 

鈥淲hen I heard the news I couldn’t breathe,鈥� the teen said. 鈥淚 didn’t know what I was going to do. My mom worried about me returning to our home in South Texas alone, but I had to finish high school and I wanted to make sure I could do everything in my power to stay on top of the bills and keep the home my mom and dad had sacrificed so much for.鈥�

Garcia had planned to attend college but instead spends all of his time working.

鈥淚 can’t think about the things my peers are doing because I honestly can’t relate,鈥� he said. 鈥淭he situation is a nightmare that I can’t wake up from.鈥�

His family already missed his high school graduation, a milestone he thought they鈥檇 share.  

鈥淚f my parents were still here, they would have pushed me to go to college, to dream big, and they would have helped me to make it happen,鈥� he said. 

Michelle Ramirez Sanan, 18 and from Chelsea, Massachusetts, plans to attend college in the fall, but said Tuesday that memories of her family鈥檚 ICE encounter have left her shaken and distracted. 

Sanan was restrained by federal agents after her mother and autistic 13-year-old brother, also a U.S. citizen, were dragged from their car while in their neighborhood and detained Sept. 26, 2025. 

Officers arrested Sanan鈥檚 50-year old mother, who has legal status and has lived in the U.S. for more than 20 years. The teen, in her emotional testimony, recalled coming upon the scene. 

鈥淢y brother was crying next to my mom who was being pushed against the fence in handcuffs,鈥� she said. 鈥淢ost ICE officers were wearing masks. I could see they had guns.鈥�

Sanan said she tried to run to them but was stopped by a federal agent. 

鈥淢y brother doesn’t speak very much because of his disability,鈥� she said. 鈥淗e doesn’t know how to explain that he’s an American citizen. I tried to protect him by yelling out, 鈥楳y brother has autism鈥�, but instead of helping him, the ICE officer kept blocking me and told me to shut up.鈥�

Sanan, who has asthma, said she had trouble breathing. 

鈥淪ince that day, I have had a harder time focusing in school, taking care of myself, and managing my anxiety,鈥� she said. 鈥淚 have had trouble sleeping and headaches. I was so excited to enjoy my senior year before starting a new chapter in college. But now I spend so much of my time wondering why this happened to us.鈥�

Educators recognize students鈥� pain. Zena Stenvik is the superintendent of Columbia Heights Public Schools, which serves 3,400 children just north of Minneapolis, Minnesota. 

Among her charges is 5-year-old , who galvanized national opposition to Trump鈥檚 immigration crackdown after he was photographed in a blue bunny hat, wearing a Spiderman backpack, being detained by federal agents in January with his father.  

Liam languished in Texas鈥檚 for more than a week before he was released. He and his family, who hail from Ecuador, had their asylum claims denied this month and are now on a . 

The impact of DHS鈥檚 Operation Metro Surge on her students has been profound, Stenvik said: Seven have been detained, including at Dilley, and all six who have returned came back sick 鈥� and emotionally frayed. 

鈥淲e are seeing increased separation anxiety with students struggling to be apart from their parents during the school day,鈥� she said. 鈥淲e’re seeing heightened difficulty with transitions: One student who was detained in Texas now experiences distress when leaving the classroom to go to art or gym class. He reported that separation from their trusted teacher and classroom removes a sense of safety. We’re also seeing increased stress responses, such as fight, flight, freeze among students who experienced direct or indirect trauma.鈥�

Some of the impacted children, one parent said, are very young. Anabel Romero, a mother of four who was born and raised in Idaho, described a shocking attack on Hispanic residents in Wilder, Idaho, on . 

Romero, her stepson and her three children, ages 14, 8 and 6, were among hundreds of people watching horse races that Sunday when they spotted a helicopter in the sky. A medical worker, Romero thought someone had been injured and it was there to help. 

鈥淏ut then I saw people running and screaming, terrified,鈥� she said. 鈥淢en in military style gear stormed in with weapons at the ready. The first thing I did was call my daughter and tell her not to get out of the truck and to take care of her brother and sister. I ran and hid in one of the horse stalls.鈥� 

Armed men grabbed and beat Romero, she said, punching her in the head and kicking her. 

鈥淥ne of them threatened to blow my head off,鈥� she testified. 鈥淚 couldn’t breathe, and they zip tied me in the back. After that, they brought me up and I told them I needed to get to my children. One of them actually laughed and said they were taking better care of them than I was.鈥�

Her eldest daughter was also thrown on the ground, zip tied and suffered bruises all along her sides. Her two youngest were taken from the truck at gunpoint, she said. 

鈥淭hey were alone and terrified,鈥� Romero said. 鈥淲hen my children were with me, I couldn’t comfort them. They were crying and I was still zip tied in the back with no answers for why I was being detained.鈥�

Her oldest daughter started having a panic attack, she said. 

鈥淚 feared she might hurt herself if she fainted,鈥� Romero said. 鈥淚 asked them to zip tie her in the front. They did, but she was still having a panic attack. We waited like that zip tied and scared for three hours鈥� They herded us like cattle and tied us up so that ICE could check everyone’s immigration status. Hundreds of people were at this family event 鈥� grandparents, infants.鈥�

Her children are still suffering, Romero said.  

鈥淭hat day completely changed our lives,鈥� she said. 鈥淥ur sense of safety and security was demolished.鈥�

The committee heard, too, from Adreina Mejia from Arleta, California. She and her special needs 15-year-old son were separated, held at gunpoint and handcuffed by immigration agents outside of a local high school.

The agents had mistaken her boy for another child, she said. 

鈥淭he person who was with me just told my son, 鈥極h, we just confused you with somebody else, but look at the bright side, you’re gonna have an exciting story to tell your friends when you go back to school,鈥欌�� she said. 

The incident has not left her son, Mejia said. 

鈥淗e will wake up crying,鈥� his mother said. 鈥淗e sees cars with tinted windows and he’s scared. He told me, 鈥楳om, is it them?鈥欌�� 

Growing fears about  鈥� and confusion over federal 鈥減ublic charge鈥� rules that can affect green card and visa applications 鈥� are prompting some California families to retreat from child care and early education programs, even when their children qualify.

Under federal immigration law, officials can deny green card and visa applications if they determine the applicant is likely to rely heavily on government assistance. Although many benefits cannot be considered for purposes of the 鈥減ublic charge鈥� rule, advocates say many families avoid social service programs altogether out of an abundance of caution.

 in November by the current administration would repeal a 2022 rule that advocates say provided significant clarity on when the rule applies. During the previous Trump administration, the government made  what could be considered 鈥減ublic charge.鈥� Even after those changes were rescinded, fears persist.

Advocates say the fear and confusion that are already impacting families could be far-reaching for a state like California, where it is estimated that nearly 1.1 million children have at least one parent who is undocumented, according to the . More than half of those children are U.S. citizens and over 250,000 under the age of 5.

鈥淲ith public charge there鈥檚 a level of anxiety around signing up for public benefit programs, submitting information, and/or scrutiny that may be increased and make people uncomfortable because of whatever the public rhetoric may be or the perception that it creates risk,鈥� said Stacy Lee, chief learning officer and senior managing director of early childhood at the nonprofit Children Now.

She noted that many child care providers are uniquely positioned to support families because they are not only aware of the impact of immigration raids, but many have also developed trust with immigrant families who might be confused about proposed policy changes.

While public charge does not apply to U.S. citizen children and affects only specific types of immigration cases, many families, including those with mixed citizenship status, still withdraw from public benefits programs out of fear that participation would jeopardize their residency or protection from deportation, advocates say.

鈥淓ven when I was representing clients as an immigration attorney and I would tell them 100% that I was sure they were not going to be affected, that their case was exempt from public charge, sometimes they just still wouldn鈥檛 [enroll in public programs] because the fear is so severe,鈥� said Liza Davis, advocacy director at The Children鈥檚 Partnership.

What is the current policy on 鈥榩ublic charge鈥�?

The  affirms that the public charge test is used only in specific immigration cases and does not apply to a  of people, including asylum seekers, U.S. citizen children of undocumented immigrants and lawful permanent residents applying for citizenship.

鈥淎 public charge only shows up when you are an individual that is submitting an application for a very specific form of relief, which a lot of people don鈥檛 qualify for,鈥� Davis confirmed.

Additionally, only  of certain benefit programs are considered.

Depending on a person鈥檚 specific immigration situation, cash assistance programs like CalWORKS could be considered for public charge tests. CalWORKs is California鈥檚 version of the federal Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF), which many families rely on for benefits such as child care, stable access to food and other basic necessities, like diapers.

Davis encourages families to seek accurate information and assistance. She says concerns about public charge often spread by word-of-mouth among applicants who may be comparing cases without properly accounting for the complexity of the immigration system, which includes many different types of applications with varying rules.

鈥淲e鈥檙e not able to anticipate what will happen in a different administration, but if this need is absolutely essential for you and you qualify for it right now, then you should really consider taking the help because it鈥檚 so important to the well-being of the children in your household,鈥� Davis said she advises families.

Further exacerbating the issue is the lack of definitive certainty on whether and when rules related to public charge may change.

鈥淧ublic charge has just been historically weaponized,鈥� and different federal administrations have either made or proposed changes, leaving a sense of instability,鈥� said Davis. 鈥淭he ebb and flow, the unknown of it, and the fact that we can鈥檛 say 鈥榯his is not going to change鈥� 鈥� there is no guarantee.鈥�

How child care providers can support immigrant families with young children

Lee from Children Now says that home-visiting programs, which provide parenting support in a young child鈥檚 home, are one way to keep families accurately informed about anticipated changes to their benefits and how they can remain connected to social services.

鈥淭he standout has been families who have access to home visiting have someone they can trust, that they can ask questions to,鈥� Lee said. 鈥淭hey can talk to their home visitor, who can explain to them what鈥檚 going on, what鈥檚 real, what鈥檚 not real. It鈥檚 hard to navigate what鈥檚 actually happening versus what鈥檚 just a lot of aggressive words or what鈥檚 being held up in courts.鈥�

In 2025, about 18,200 children from over 17,000 families in California received home visiting services, according to the . It is estimated that nearly 2.6 million children from nearly 2 million families in the state would benefit from home visiting services.

What is the latest proposed change?

The latest proposed change would mostly repeal the 2022 rule clarifying when public charge applies, but does not offer regulations to replace existing rules. Advocates argue that the lack of clarity can lead families to disenroll or avoid eligible public benefits.

The administration acknowledges that changes to public charge rules between 2019 and 2022, 鈥渉eightened fears among immigrant families about participating in programs and seeking services, such as health coverage and care.鈥�

The current proposal, filed by former Department of Homeland Security secretary Kristi Noem, also recognizes the far-reaching impact of families withdrawing from public services out of fear. 鈥淒HS has determined that the rule may decrease disposable income and increase the poverty of certain families and children, including U.S. citizen children. DHS continues to believe that the benefits of the action justify the financial impact on the family.鈥�

Dylan Lopez Contreras, the first New York City public school student detained by federal immigration officials during President Donald Trump鈥檚 second term, was released Tuesday night after spending 10 months in federal custody, according to his mother and his legal team.

Dylan, now 21, was a student at ELLIS Preparatory Academy, a Bronx school geared toward older, newly arrived immigrant students, and his arrest was one of the highest-profile early examples of an in immigration enforcement last year in which officers arrested immigrants in the hallways of federal court following their legal hearings. arrest.

Kristin Kepplinger, a spokesperson from the New York Legal Assistance Group, which had been representing Dylan in his immigration court case and federal habeas corpus lawsuit, said the reason for his release wasn鈥檛 yet clear, as they had yet to review his release documents.

His legal team was thankful to Mayor Zohran Mamdani鈥檚 administration and to the office of U.S. Sen. Chuck Schumer who鈥檇 been advocating for his release, Kepplinger added.

Dylan鈥檚 federal habeas corpus petition was denied. An immigration judge also , but his lawyers appealed.

A spokesperson for the Department of Homeland Security didn鈥檛 respond to a request for comment on Dylan鈥檚 release.

A native of Venezuela, Dylan first entered the country in 2024 through a program under former President Joe Biden that allowed migrants to make appointments to cross the border and seek asylum.

Dylan鈥檚 arrest quickly earned local and national attention, prompting former Mayor Eric Adams鈥� administration to file an amicus brief seeking his release, along with rallies and calls from national elected officials. Last month, Dylan鈥檚 mother, Raiza Contreras, attended the State of the Union with Sen. Chuck Schumer.

鈥溾�淸I鈥檓] emotional,鈥� Raiza told Chalkbeat in a brief interview Wednesday in Spanish. 鈥淚鈥檓 grateful to God first and foremost and to all the people who were present in this case.鈥�

Gov. Kathy Hochul that she mentioned Dylan鈥檚 name in a recent meeting with Trump鈥檚 border czar, Tom Homan.

Mamdani said the city was 鈥渙verjoyed鈥� by Dylan鈥檚 release.

鈥淭hroughout this injustice, Dylan has shown remarkable strength, resilience, and courage,鈥� the mayor said in a statement.

Even as federal immigration enforcement swept up other city students 鈥� some of whom subsequently 鈥� Dylan remained in custody in Western Pennsylvania for nearly a year. In a September , he described the frustration and depression of having his life put on hold.

Norma Vega, the principal of ELLIS, where staffers and helped coordinate legal and other forms of support for the family, said she believes the sustained public campaign for Dylan鈥檚 release paid off.

鈥淚t confirmed for me we did the right thing,鈥� she said. 鈥淜eeping him in the public eye, he became the face of every immigrant youth across the country.鈥�

She added: 鈥淚t was about this kid who they [the federal government] inaccurately thought was alone 鈥� and how important it was for us to let them know he鈥檚 not alone.鈥�

Chalkbeat is a nonprofit news site covering educational change in public schools.

was originally reported by Barbara Rodriguez of .

Dr. Lara Jones still remembers her visceral reaction to the image of Liam Ramos. It wasn鈥檛 the most famous one, of with ICE officers behind him. It was one from days later, of Liam while both were in custody in Texas.

鈥淗e looked pale, he looked sickly. He looked like a completely different child,鈥� she said. 鈥淲hen I saw that image, my doctor brain turned on. I was like, this kid is sick. He needs medical attention.鈥�

Jones, who is double board-certified in pediatrics and pediatric critical care medicine, can quickly assess a lot based on a child鈥檚 appearance.

鈥淚 can tell in the first 10 seconds that I look at you from the door, before I even put my hands on you, before I put a stethoscope on your chest 鈥� I can look at you, and I can know right away, you are going to be fine, or you are really sick and you need attention,鈥� she added. 鈥淗e looked very sick.鈥�

Jones couldn鈥檛 sleep that night. Liam鈥檚 well-being consumed her while at work the next day at a California hospital. After a round of patient visits, she went into a private room and 鈥渂roke down and cried.鈥� She needed to do something.

Since then, Jones has become part of 鈥� all pediatricians, all mothers 鈥� in immigration detention out of concern for their health. They warn that the detention of these children is causing severe and lasting harm to their mental and physical health, and say that of kids allegedly facing delayed and inadequate medical care under DHS demands urgency and transparency.

鈥淲e are traumatizing children, and we are putting them in dangerous environments,鈥� Jones said.

These doctors are in detention, to help families in need of emergency assistance and to demand accountability so that children who remain in custody receive evidence-based standards of care.

鈥淲e are mothers of young children, and we are doing all of this in between shifts, after working night shifts, during nap time,鈥� Jones said. 鈥淲e are just doing as much as we can, in the time that we have, while we are working full time and being full-time moms.鈥�

Just weeks ago, Jones and the other women 鈥� Dr. Ashley Marie Cozzo of Connecticut and Dr. Anita K. Patel of Washington, D.C. 鈥� did not know each other personally. Now they鈥檙e in contact daily through a group text that pings at all hours of the day. They use the chat to think through advocacy ideas, to troubleshoot potential challenges and to align their priorities.

鈥淲e鈥檙e trying to figure out every day in our brainstorming, 鈥榃hat鈥檚 next? What鈥檚 next?鈥欌�� said Cozzo, who is double board-certified in pediatrics and neonatal-perinatal medicine. 鈥淚 love a group project, and this is such a unique situation.鈥�

Patel, who is double board-certified in pediatrics and pediatric critical care medicine, said the quick camaraderie among the women has 鈥渞einvigorated鈥� her after years of online campaigns around unrelated advocacy issues.

鈥淵ou have three critical care doctors for kids, and there are certain qualities inherent in pediatric critical care specialists 鈥� we will not stop until we have either saved a kid or we know that there is no chance of saving them,鈥� she said. 鈥淲e all have that personality, because literally that鈥檚 what we do in our jobs.鈥�

Liam鈥檚 story propelled their cause. As the image of Liam seemingly in a lethargic state ricocheted across the internet, the women shared their outrage with medical peers. Jones and Cozzo circulated a small online petition calling for Liam to be returned home, and amid the national outcry, . (The Ecuadorian family has an active asylum case, and it鈥檚 unclear for now whether they will be able to permanently stay in the United States.)

The doctors then connected with Patel, and the three agreed to work together to bring more awareness to other children in detention. Patel said the power of imagery catapulted Liam鈥檚 story.

鈥淚f he was an older kid, or even if he was Liam without the bunny hat 鈥� the outcry may not have come,鈥� Patel said. 鈥淎nd all I could think was Liam deserved that outcry, and every single kid in detention needs that outcry.鈥�

The trio has fixated on the Dilley Immigration Processing Center, the facility near San Antonio that houses families, in part because they are in frequent communication with a journalist, Lidia Terrazas, on people impacted by detention.

When Terrazas highlighted in early February the story of a 2-month-old baby named Juan Nicol谩s, the case crystallized the doctors鈥� urgency. The boy had been in respiratory distress while at Dilley, but had allegedly received delayed care as his condition worsened. He was sent by ambulance to a hospital on February 16, according to Patel, after an unresponsive episode where detention officials could not wake him. DHS later deported the baby, his mother and other family members, including a 16-month-old, to Mexico.

Jones was able to connect by text with Mireya L贸pez S谩nchez, Juan Nicol谩s鈥� mother. The postpartum mother said that her milk had dried up while at Dilley. Patel is still nursing her toddler; the parallels 鈥� the universal urge a mother has to feed her baby 鈥� linger for her.

When Patel nurses her own child, 鈥淚 think of Mireya, whose milk dried up because she was so stressed and nutritionally deficient that she couldn鈥檛 breastfeed, and then when she couldn鈥檛 breastfeed, then she couldn鈥檛 afford clean water that wasn鈥檛 brown or smelled like chlorine to make formula.鈥�

, which has partnered with the doctors to raise money for commissary funds, detainees at Dilley have to spend $40 to buy a four-pack of large water bottles and $35 for a 12-pack of small water bottles.

A spokesperson for DHS did not respond to a request for comment from The 19th, but the agency of malnourished or mistreated children and claims people in detention have access to medical care and adequate food. Emergency crews were called to the facility at least 11 times since September for children with symptoms including bronchitis, respiratory distress and fever, .

CoreCivic, a private company that runs the Dilley facility, deferred questions to DHS but that claims of inadequate medical care are inaccurate and 鈥渄irectly contradicted by the comprehensive, around-the-clock care delivered by our licensed physicians, dentists, advanced practice providers, nurses and mental health professionals.鈥�

Jones doesn鈥檛 buy that when it comes to Juan Nicol谩s, whose mother reportedly told officials that her newborn was having difficulty breathing and was vomiting. Mireya said that instead of being seen by a medical professional, guards at the facility monitored the newborn for two days before he was sent to the hospital in distress.

鈥淚 don’t know what they were assessing, but they鈥檙e not assessing it through the lens of a pediatric expert,鈥� Jones said. 鈥淭hey’re not doing the appropriate medical workup. So that case alone is proof of delayed care and denied appropriate care, because the appropriate care for a 2-month-old with difficulty breathing and vomiting is to go to the emergency department.鈥�

Cozzo noted that several children died in 2018 and 2019 while in immigration , or . In 2023, 鈥� reportedly after her mother repeatedly sought medical care for her.

鈥淲e have a precedent of the highest degree of loss: children鈥檚 lives,鈥� Cozzo said. 鈥淚t has happened before, the things that these women are worried about 鈥� it鈥檚 only going to be a matter of time before we don鈥檛 learn from the mistakes of the past and another child dies.鈥�

As the doctors circulated Juan Nicol谩s鈥� story online, they connected to help . They also helped secure a hotel room for Juan Nicol谩s鈥檚 family amid their deportation to Mexico. They are now raising money . As they hear of specific cases, including those of and , they try to spring into action by either raising public awareness or funds.

The medical community has long expressed alarm about how children鈥檚 health can deteriorate in immigration detention. concluded that children鈥檚 mental health suffers and there鈥檚 a cascade of ripple effects, including anxiety disorders, depression and developmental regression and delays. The issue has been examined , with similar outcomes.

There are also standards of care for immigrant children in detention, and states that children should not be detained for more than 20 days. But that some children are being held in detention for much longer 鈥� weeks or months. The publication estimated at the time that at least 3,800 children under 18 had been booked into ICE since President Donald Trump, who campaigned on mass deportation, returned to office. More than 1,300 children were held last year for longer than 20 days.

The American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP) has its call for limited exposure of children in DHS facilities. Dr. Sural Shah is chair of AAP鈥檚 Council on Immigrant Child and Family Health. She said the council, which was very responsive during the first Trump administration鈥檚 family separation policy, has been accelerating its work in recent months.

鈥淲e鈥檙e always active, always sharing information. But the era that we鈥檙e in now 鈥� it鈥檚 been a heightened sense of need, of urgency, of hey, this is happening, and we need to do something about it,鈥� she said. 鈥淲e need to figure out how to band together, how to lift up voices, how to gather health care professionals and folks that care about children鈥檚 health to stop these practices because they’re so harmful to children.鈥�

Shah added that she鈥檚 not surprised that pediatricians are leading organic advocacy efforts.

鈥淚t is something that is deeply woven into the fabric of who pediatricians are,鈥� she said. 鈥淲e have a deep understanding of the range of factors that affect children and their families.鈥�

Over the past few weeks, the trio of doctors began drafting and circulating a letter, which was later signed by thousands of medical professionals, to be sent to DHS officials and several key senators with roles in immigration enforcement oversight. , dated February 26, alleges unsanitary detention conditions and inadequate access to food and clean water. It also expresses concerns of a measles outbreak within the Dilley facility. Infants are typically too young to be vaccinated against measles.

Kristi Noem鈥檚 ouster as head of DHS last Wednesday doesn鈥檛 alter the demand for accountability, said Cozzo.

鈥淚 actually don鈥檛 necessarily think that changing the face changes anything, because it鈥檚 just a complete system that is broken,鈥� she said.

All three agreed that the letter is a start.

鈥淭his letter is day one of a marathon,鈥� said Patel, who was a guest of Democratic Rep. Joaquin Castro at the recent State of the Union address, with the goal of elevating the issue. 鈥淭he point of the letter was to clearly and succinctly as possible, dictate what has been documented as known medical negligence or medical harm or human rights violations.鈥�

They want to grow public pressure while helping as many children and their families as possible. Jones said their advocacy is about the health and well-being of children. She doesn鈥檛 see that as political.

鈥淭his is an issue about child welfare,鈥� she said. 鈥淚 feel like if we can continue to stand our ground about the fact that we are causing preventable, measurable, well-studied, predictable harm to children that is not justified. There鈥檚 no context in which that is justified, and so I think we just have to continue to get that message across 鈥� to the public, to lawmakers. There will be challenges at every step of the way, no doubt, but I think the truth and what’s right is on our side.鈥�

A bill requiring Tennessee public schools to gather data on student immigration status and report it to the state education department advanced out of a House legislative committee Tuesday.

The bill () was introduced last year as part of a Republican effort to challenge Supreme Court precedent requiring public schools to enroll all children regardless of immigration status. As originally introduced,听 the bill would have allowed Tennessee public school districts to refuse to enroll immigrant students who could not provide proof of legal status 鈥� or charge their families tuition.

But the controversial measure stalled, in part due to concerns it could jeopardize more than $1.1 billion in federal education funding.

House Majority Leader William Lamberth, a Portland Republican who sponsored the measure, told a legislative committee Tuesday the bill in its amended form is now 鈥渓iterally a data bill鈥� to give state leaders reliable information on the number of students without legal immigration status enrolled in taxpayer funded schools. Provisions allowing schools to deny enrollment or charge tuition have been stripped from the bill.

But opponents of the measure, among them educators, immigrant advocates and Democratic lawmakers, have questioned how the data will ultimately be used, how educators untrained in immigration law can reliably review complex immigration documentation and how the specter of being asked to produce immigration paperwork in schools would impact children and families.

Lamberth last week deflected questions about the ultimate use of student immigration data, which the legislation specifies would be reported to the state in aggregate, non-identifying formats.

鈥淲e can take whatever action down the road that this body would choose to take,鈥� after the data was gathered, he said then.

A statement Tuesday from Lisa Sherman Luna, executive director of TIRRC Votes, raised continued alarms about the ultimate goal of student immigration status data gathering. TIRRC is the political arm of the Tennessee Immigrant & Refugee Rights Coalition.

鈥淎cross history, we鈥檝e seen the dangers of governments making and keeping lists of the people that they think don鈥檛 belong,鈥� the statement said.

鈥淏ut rather than learn from our past, these power-hungry politicians, desperate for Trump鈥檚 approval, are doubling down on their efforts to identify and track immigrant students in the hopes of one day being able to exclude them from our schools.鈥�

The bill is cosponsored by Sen. Bo Watson, a Hixson Republican. The full senate passed the bill in its original form in April but has yet to take it up in its amended form this year. The House and Senate versions of the bill would have to be reconciled before the legislation could ultimately advance to the governor鈥檚 desk.

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Tennessee Lookout maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Holly McCall for questions: info@tennesseelookout.com.

That afternoon, agents appeared in front of at least two nearby elementary schools, reportedly waiting for parents to pick up their children, 鈥渁nd at one point they were looking into kindergarten classroom windows and just scaring the living daylights out of the children,鈥� said the director, who asked not to be identified to protect the children she serves. 鈥淭hey have guns, they have rifles. They look scary.鈥�

Helicopters also flew overhead at a circling as kids paraded through the streets in their costumes, according to stories collected from Illinois Head Start families on how the Trump administration’s immigration crackdown in their state last fall affected them.

Earlier on the 31st, the Illinois director said she had gotten word through phone calls and Signal channels that Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers had flooded the area, she told 社区黑料. A family on their way to enroll their young daughter in an early learning center that shares space with her Head Start program was stopped a block or so away at a major intersection. The father was detained in front of his wife and child, she said.

A dozen Head Start associations representing more than 100,000 children across the country, including the one in Illinois, sent a letter to Congress Tuesday demanding that immigration agents be barred from entering Head Start, child care and pre-K classrooms and premises, including parking lots. 

For nearly three decades, that was a largely accepted practice: Immigration enforcement was prohibited in and around schools, hospitals, places of worship and other so-called sensitive locations. 

One of the first things President Donald Trump did at the start of his second term in January 2025 was . Reinstating those constraints is now one of at least meant to rein in ICE enforcement that congressional Democrats say they need in order to support long-term Department of Homeland Security funding and end the partial government shutdown that is

Their conditions were outlined in a signed by the House and Senate Democratic minority leaders, U.S. Rep. Hakeem Jeffries and Sen. Chuck Schumer, and include more widely publicized rules, such as prohibiting agents from covering their faces with masks and mandating visible displays of identification. 

This week鈥檚 entreaty from the Head Start associations echoes those congressional demands. The early learning groups also urged federal lawmakers to ban DHS agents from interfering with school drop-off or pickup at their programs, including at bus stops, citing another incident in Chicago where a father was his two young kids to school. They were left in the back of the car alone.

鈥淎cross the country, children are being harmed by immigration enforcement actions,鈥� the letter reads. 鈥淗ead Start programs report that children are experiencing changes in behavior and exhibiting signs of fear and anxiety. Families are missing work, keeping their children home, and facing housing and food insecurity.鈥�

Last Thursday, Senate Democrats blocked a spending bill , extending the shutdown and demonstrating they remained firm in their demands.

That same day marked a major change in the department鈥檚 increasingly unpopular leadership, with Trump Secretary of Homeland Security Kristi Noem. The move followed questions about her handling of department spending as well as mounting criticism around her response to the deadly ICE shootings of two American citizens at protests in Minneapolis earlier this year. 

Trump announced his plan to nominate Oklahoma Republican Sen. Markwayne Mullin as her replacement, though his new pick does not seem to signal any planned shift in enforcing the president鈥檚 mass deportation agenda. 

鈥楽afer but not safe鈥�

Policy limiting immigration enforcement near schools, hospitals and churches was formally introduced in the early days of the Clinton administration through a

In the decades since, similar policies have been modified, clarified or codified by presidents from both parties. In 2011, near the end of President Barack Obama鈥檚 first term, his administration formally expanded the policy, which was then further clarified under President Joe Biden in 2021.

Trump鈥檚 January directive marked a significant departure from these largely bipartisan, long-standing rules, including during his own first term, when DHS issued a saying they would continue to follow sensitive location protocol. 

According to a DHS the policy Trump put forth in his second term was instituted to prevent 鈥渃riminal aliens 鈥� including murders [sic] and rapists鈥� from being 鈥渁ble to hide in America鈥檚 schools and churches to avoid arrest.鈥� Some more stringent guardrails have since been reinstated for places of worship, but not for schools or early learning centers.

Providers in Illinois 鈥� and across the country 鈥� argue this scenario only serves to traumatize children and make their educational spaces less safe.

鈥淲e鈥檝e had kids that aren鈥檛 coming anymore because they鈥檙e too afraid to come to school,鈥� said Kelly Neidel, the executive director of a different Head Start agency in Illinois, which also provides wraparound services to families. 鈥淥ur food pantry [has] declined. So these people are making a choice 鈥� to eat or potentially get picked up.鈥�

In April 2025, a number of organizations filed a lawsuit in Oregon, challenging Trump鈥檚 new edict and in September, they were joined by , including staff and parents from a preschool.

In February, the country’s two largest teachers unions filed an , citing an incident in Oregon in which agents smashed in the car window of a father dropping his child off at a day care, as well as students and teachers at Minneapolis鈥檚 Roosevelt High School being assaulted with tear gas in the aftermath of the fatal shooting of Renee Good.

While advocates and providers are hopeful that a forthcoming DHS bill will include a reinstatement of sensitive location protections, some argue it wouldn鈥檛 go far enough. 

The Illinois Head Start director, who went out patrolling on Halloween to protect families and kids, said now that she鈥檚 seen what federal immigration agents are capable of, it would make her feel 鈥渟afer but not safe.鈥�

鈥淚t might deter them from coming, but would it deter all of them?鈥� she asked. 鈥淚 don鈥檛 know. I honestly cannot answer that question. I cannot answer confidently that they would not enter even if that order was in place.鈥�

Wendy Cervantes, a director at The Center for Law and Social Policy, is helping to lead the charge on federal legislation, which would codify sensitive location policies into law, significantly strengthening their power.

, introduced in the House in February 2025, would prohibit immigration enforcement actions within 1,000 feet of such places, except in certain extreme circumstances. If an officer violated these rules, any resulting information wouldn鈥檛 be admissible in court and the targeted person could move to terminate any resulting removal proceedings. 

Since early January, the bill has gained 33 co-sponsors in the House and four in the Senate, meaning over two-thirds of the Democratic caucus is officially in support. It has also been endorsed by over across the country. No Republicans have signed on.听

Some states, including Illinois, have passed their own bills over the past year, but because they have to align with federal policy, they鈥檙e largely aimed at providing guidance and setting protocols for how local entities should address ICE. 

鈥淚t would make a huge difference to have this done at the federal level,鈥� Cervantes said.

鈥楢 horrendous day鈥�

The Illinois director of programs, who funds centers across a metropolitan area in the state, said that from day one of the second Trump administration she felt a significant shift in the federal approach to early childhood learning. In addition to increased ICE enforcement, her Head Start classrooms 鈥� along with thousands of others across the nation 鈥� experienced delays in funding that threatened to shutter them. 

Once their grant came through, she and her colleagues had to wade through the realities of operating under the administration鈥檚 diversity, equity and inclusion ban, which threatened the core of their work, she said.

Things escalated in September after a father of two, was shot and killed during a highly publicized ICE traffic stop in nearby Franklin Park, Illinois. He had just dropped off one of his children at a Head Start classroom.

鈥淲e knew they would eventually be coming our way,鈥� she said, and early learning centers across the region began to prepare. 

That reality hit the morning of Oct. 31 鈥� 鈥渁 horrendous day鈥� she said, which filled her with fear and made her cry tears of anger. 

And the fear has not subsided, she said, for the families she serves, the staff she employs or for herself. As the child of immigrants and a woman of color, she鈥檚 started carrying her passport.

Mirroring steps taken by other early childhood providers in Illinois, images of fake and real warrants have now been posted at the front doors of her centers so staff can differentiate, along with a script of what to say should an ICE agent approach. Head Start Parent Council meetings have moved to Zoom so parents who fear leaving their homes can still remain involved, and centers have organized food drop-offs. 

Programs have installed incident commanders and some have hired security details. Others have their own staff standing guard, but directors fear for their safety too, since many are immigrants themselves.

In November, ICE agents chased one day care worker into the center where she worked in Chicago鈥檚 North Side neighborhood. She was in front of children, and subsequently arrested. She was a week later after a federal judge ruled her arrest was illegal because she wasn’t given a preliminary bond hearing.

Volunteer rapid response teams have formed across Illinois to alert providers of nearby ICE activity. In one incident, they were called to stand guard during a field trip to a children鈥檚 museum where ICE was 鈥渉ot and heavy,鈥� according to Lauri Morrison-Frichtl, the executive director of the Illinois Head Start Association, which advocates for all state providers.

鈥淟ast fall was terrible,鈥� she said. 鈥淚 cried every day.鈥� 

鈥淥ur ask is keep ICE out of Head Start [and] early Head Start classrooms, facilities, our playgrounds, our parking lots and not interfere in our work or our day-to-day,鈥� she added. 鈥淔amilies need safe spaces to send children 鈥� making our facilities safe when ICE is surrounding them is really hard.鈥�

The apprehensions and removals occurred in a 10-month period between Jan. 1 and Nov. 19, 2025, according to figures released by DHS in response to a query from Illinois Democratic Sen. Dick Durbin.

It reveals for the first time that this group, who were granted protected status during the Obama administration and whose fate has been the subject of ongoing litigation, have been swept up by President Donald Trump鈥檚 aggressive immigration enforcement. 

It’s unclear whether more have been detained or deported since November, a period of time that saw immigration sweeps in Charlotte, North Carolina, New Orleans and Minneapolis.

DACA recipients took a chance when they registered their biometric data with the government starting in 2012 as part of the application process. Immigrant advocates say they are sickened to see this information used against them in a campaign that has brought chaos, terror and, in some cases, death, to U.S. cities.

鈥淎s someone who worked in those early days of the DACA program to ease fears and encourage youth to apply, it breaks my heart to see the trust they put into the process betrayed more than a decade later,鈥� said Wendy Cervantes, a director at The Center for Law and Social Policy. 鈥淚t’s simply wrong, like setting a trap for young people who have grown up here and have done everything possible to be able to remain in the country they call home.鈥�

DACA recipients are lawfully present in the United States during the period of deferred action and also receive work authorization, although this right is . In multiple states, DACA recipients have under the Affordable Care Act 鈥� and in some places no longer qualify for

Nearly had obtained lawful permanent resident status as of March 31, 2024, according to the Congressional Research Service. Some have DACA status. There were active DACA recipients as of December 31, 2024. 

Alejandra V谩zquez Baur, a fellow at The Century Foundation, a progressive think tank, called the government鈥檚 targeting of DACA recipients shameful, saying it reflects a greater, solvable problem.  

鈥淚t underscores the importance of providing a path to citizenship for DACA recipients as their protections were temporary and insufficient in the first place,鈥� she said. 鈥淚mmigrants 鈥� all immigrants 鈥� deserve dignity. Congress can and must restore that dignity to the system in the face of such abuses of power as we鈥檝e seen in the last year under this administration.鈥�

including Trump, who has . Yet a path to citizenship remains elusive for this group. Last summer, DHS urged DACA recipients to . 

Juliana Macedo do Nascimento, a DACA recipient and deputy director of federal advocacy for United We Dream, said the government鈥檚 reversal is devastating. 

鈥淭his is obviously unacceptable, unconscionable and a betrayal of the promises made by the U.S. government,鈥� she said. 鈥淒ACA is a lawful program that does provide legal protection from detention and deportation which has been , no matter what this current administration says.鈥� 

DHS, in its to Durbin, said that of the 261 DACA recipients arrested, 241 had 鈥渃riminal histories.” Trump has said he is targeting 鈥渢he worst of the worst鈥� for deportation, but records show less than 14% of those arrested by ICE in his first year back in office had

DHS said, too, in its letter, that DACA does not offer protection from deportation.  

鈥淒ACA, like all forms of deferred action, is a temporary forbearance from removal within the authority of the Secretary of Homeland Security,鈥� the letter states. 鈥淚t comes with no right or entitlement to remain in the United States indefinitely. Aliens with certain criminal histories will not be considered for DACA. Further, those who violate the terms are also subject to termination and removal.鈥�

But immigrant advocates say the government is not acting in good faith. 

鈥淭here is a process to rescind DACA status but this government is not going through that,鈥� said Macedo do Nascimento. 鈥淣o matter what that number is, any detention and deportation of DACA recipients on valid status is unlawful.鈥� 

The crackdown comes as the government is failing to meet its promise of deporting millions quickly. Immigration agents are struggling to satisfy a stated goal of . 

The United States was home to in 2023, of whom were undocumented, according to Pew Research. 

Records show live in California, 17% in Texas, 5% in Illinois and 4% in both New York and Florida, with the remainder spread across the country. More than 80% are from Mexico, 4% are from El Salvador and 3% are from Guatemala.

Applicants had to be under 16 at the time of entry into the United States, younger than 31 on June 15, 2012 and either enrolled in school 鈥� or have graduated 鈥� , among a host of other requirements. They had to submit to background checks, reapply to the program every two years and pay hundreds of dollars in fees to participate. 

The government stopped processing new DACA requests in late 2017. But Cervantes sees another way forward. 

鈥淒ACA recipients represent the best of us: they are teachers, doctors, business owners, and leaders in their communities,鈥� she said. 鈥淢any are parents who have built a life here, with more than a quarter of a million U.S. citizen children with at least one parent with DACA. The success of the DACA program has proven what is possible when policymakers choose humanity and opportunity over hate and cruelty.鈥�

was originally reported by Candice Norwood of .听

Ana is a Mexican-American woman who, as a child, did not live in fear of immigration raids. She’s a U.S.-born citizen who grew up in Mexicantown, Detroit, a Southwest neighborhood that serves as a cultural hub for the city鈥檚 Latinx population.

Her grandparents immigrated to the United States with legal status from a small town in the Mexican state of Jalisco. Admittedly, Ana, 38, did not have much awareness about the experiences of undocumented immigrants until she started dating her now-husband in 2012. At 18, he entered the country without documentation, arriving from the same area of Mexico as Ana鈥檚 family.

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鈥淲e started dating in the early fall, and I remember that he couldn’t take me out, and I was so distraught. Like, 鈥楧o you not want to take me out?鈥� But he couldn’t get a job because he didn’t have a Social Security number,鈥� said Ana, whose name has been changed by The 19th to protect her family.

When she imagined getting married and raising a family, her list of motherhood expectations definitely did not include one day preparing her elementary school-age children, all of them U.S. citizens, for an encounter with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE): Memorize our home address. Take daddy鈥檚 phone and hit record. Call mom.

This is Ana鈥檚 reality during the second Trump administration. Her husband still does not have legal status. Together, they have three children who are 9, 7 and 5 years old, and the family speaks openly at home about the risks they face.

鈥淚’m parenting in a political climate that could separate my whole family. It could break us apart,鈥� Ana said. 鈥淚t’s just one more thing; this emotional labor that we carry on as mothers 鈥� but this one’s with more stress.鈥�

Across the country, immigrant mothers and mothers who are partnered with immigrants are forced to teach their children a lesson of survival as President Donald Trump continues his historic expansion of immigration enforcement. Over the past year, $75 billion 鈥� 鈥� has been approved for building new detention centers, hiring thousands of immigration officers and surging ICE operations.

The administration initially claimed it would focus on detaining and deporting people with criminal convictions, but of ICE data show that about one-third of those arrested in 2025 had a criminal conviction. The rest included people without convictions 鈥� , , parents heading to work and kids . Some are undocumented. Others have legal status or, in some cases, are U.S. citizens.

For generations of Black American mothers, for interactions with police, including arrests or violence, is an unwelcome rite of passage known as 鈥淭he Talk.鈥� Historically, it has served as an act of love, vigilance and desperation by mothers seeking to protect their kids in a world that often views them as suspects first and children second.

In the Trump era, a different version of 鈥淭he Talk鈥� is emerging among immigrant parents who are living with the dread that their children could become targets as well.

As an Afro-Dominican woman living in North Carolina, Dania Santana is balancing multiple dynamics. Her youngest son, who is 11 years old, looks more like the stereotypical image people associate with Latinx children. Her middle son, who is 14, is a Black boy with afro-textured hair. Her 16-year-old daughter has a skin tone that is more of a mix between the two.

鈥淚 always get different reactions among different groups of people with my kids, of who is acceptable or cute and who is the opposite. It’s interesting because it鈥檚 different reactions from Black people, from Latino people and then from White people,鈥� Santana said. 鈥淪o I have different conversations with my children about how things can play out for them in this moment.鈥�

Coming to the United States from the Dominican Republic at 25, Santana, now 48, had limited knowledge of U.S. racial dynamics until she began to witness the bias and discrimination firsthand. That understanding shaped the way she began to guide her children. When her older son, who has darker skin, was in middle school, Santana recalls hearing from his teacher that he and his friends were pulling small pranks in class.

Santana said that she took the incident as an opportunity to not only discourage her son from being disruptive in class, but also to share with him that he may not always receive the same level of grace as his White friends. 鈥淵ou need to learn this now before you鈥檙e out there,鈥� she said.

With both ICE and local police on Santana鈥檚 mind, she feels on high alert all the time, questioning every aspect of where her children will be and who they will be with. This includes monitoring cell phone locations and sitting inside the nearby Starbucks while her kids hang at the mall. She has even considered moving her family to New York City, where she lived before North Carolina. At least in New York, her kids wouldn鈥檛 have to drive, she said. Or maybe they might flee the United States entirely if circumstances get worse.

鈥淚 have been very clear with them that the moment I see that things are turning, we will be looking into leaving the country,鈥� she said. 鈥淪o when my youngest son heard that the National Guard was coming, he thought it was that moment. He got really sad. He was like, 鈥楽o we’re gonna have to leave everything behind?鈥欌��

For many households in the United States, 鈥淭he Talk鈥� is a common method of racial socialization, a way for parents and caregivers to teach children about race and identity to both foster a sense of pride and to prepare them for societal inequities and police brutality.

Often, what prompts a parent to begin these conversations is a specific incident: a racist comment muttered under someone鈥檚 breath at the grocery store, a White mother on the playground instructing her child not to play with a Black child, said Dr. Leslie A. Anderson, an assistant professor of family and consumer sciences at Morgan State University.

As part of her research, Anderson analyzed how Black families with young school-age children navigated 鈥淭he Talk.鈥� She and her team found that many parents gave their children specific directives on how to act when in the presence of law enforcement. This includes keeping their hands visible at all times, remaining calm and respectful to the officers, answering officers鈥� questions and directing the officers to their parents. In other cases, parents instruct their children to leave the situation and find them or another trusted adult, which could unintentionally escalate the interaction.

Research indicates that when done thoughtfully, with specific, practical directives, 鈥淭he Talk鈥� can be beneficial for children, Anderson said. 鈥淏ut it’s also extremely stressful for the parent, primarily the mom, to have to navigate these conversations in the first place,鈥� she said. 鈥淎nd what I found is that a lot of folks feel inept, like, 鈥業 know I need to have this conversation. I don鈥檛 know how to do it.鈥欌��

Black and Brown people regardless of citizenship or immigration status face disproportionate risk of racial profiling and violence by law enforcement. Recent studies have also captured how the day-to-day lives of immigrants can be heavily shaped by the threat of immigration enforcement. One survey conducted among a representative sample of Latinx and Asian immigrants in California between 2018 and 2020 found that about 43 percent of Latinx immigrants and 13 percent of Asian immigrants knew someone who had been deported, said Dr. Maria-Elena De Trinidad Young, an immigrant health scholar and professor at the University of California, Merced.

About 16 percent of Latinx immigrants and 10 percent of Asian immigrants reported experiencing racial profiling. When it comes to speaking with children about ICE, conversations may start when children ask their parents specific questions based on what they鈥檙e observing. But many times, the conversations are not explicit, Young said.

Immigrant parents experience varying levels of comfort speaking directly about their status. They may instruct kids to avoid staring out from windows or going outdoors on certain occasions, which can be confusing, at least initially. Over time, the children may begin to pick up on their parents’ fears and any ICE presence in their communities 鈥� and they will connect the dots for themselves.

Many immigrant mothers feel that the country鈥檚 approach to immigration has intensified over the course of their lives. Some did not have to confront conversations about immigration enforcement until having to do so with their own children during the Trump administration.

Maya was born in India, spent her childhood in Australia and moved to the Seattle area when she was 12. The schools she attended in the United States were not diverse, so she often felt different from other kids. Immigration-specific conversations were never really on her radar until after she received a green card in high school and later began to face more explicit experiences with xenophobia as an adult, she said.

Her son was just 1 year old when Trump returned to Washington for a second time. The 35-year-old and her husband live in a predominantly White New Jersey town. The week Trump got elected, she said, an older White man walked up to her and her son at the grocery store and told her to go back to her country.

In the 15 months since, Maya, whose name The 19th has changed, has watched online videos of ICE agents storming playgrounds and posting up outside of elementary schools. She鈥檚 read the stories of what鈥檚 happened in Minnesota, including the killings of and by ICE agents, as well as the detention of 5-year-old .

Maya has her green card and should be legally shielded from an ICE arrest or detention. Yet she has seen news reports documenting the apprehension of people with legal work permits, green cards or pending asylum cases.

Maya鈥檚 green card expires next year.

Her son is 3 years old now, and there鈥檚 only so much he can absorb, Maya said. She struggles with the balance between protecting his innocence and childhood and making sure he鈥檚 prepared should anything happen. His nanny is undocumented, which adds an extra layer of complication because ICE could come after her while she鈥檚 out with Maya鈥檚 son. Maya said there are days when her phone will ping with a text from the nanny saying she can鈥檛 make it to work because ICE agents are near her home.

For now, Maya tells her young son:

Do not go anywhere except with his nanny, mom and dad.

Do not walk away with any strangers.

If his nanny gets pulled over while he鈥檚 in the car, he needs to immediately say, 鈥淚 want my mommy.鈥� 鈥淚 want my daddy.鈥�

Maya also keeps a laminated card tucked into the backseat pocket of her car. It states, 鈥淚f left unattended, please contact,鈥� with her name and phone number, as well as her husband鈥檚 name and phone number.

Maya said she feels isolated in her town, which has few other women of color. She described encounters with other mothers in her area who appear confused by the fear she is experiencing. She also hasn鈥檛 been able to find any resources to help her navigate having age-appropriate conversations with her son about ICE and the political climate, which heightens the anxiety.

鈥淚 think that is the piece of motherhood that is changing so much, because when you are living a very different version of motherhood versus someone who is White, who has lived here for generations, who does not have this level of stress and anxiety on them at all times. It’s a very different experience,鈥� she said.

In conversations with The 19th, immigrant mothers鈥� concerns in some ways mirrored those of the Black parents from Anderson鈥檚 research. Immigrant moms largely expressed feeling ill-equipped to handle conversations about ICE with their kids. They also struggled with the grief that their children will have to internalize adult problems at an early age.

Some that Black children who received 鈥淭he Talk鈥� report lower levels of stress related to the anticipation of police brutality. But general exposure to incidents with law enforcement has been shown to create psychological distress in Black and Brown children. For immigrants or children of immigrants, the more times a person comes into contact with immigration enforcement, the higher their risk for psychological distress and self-reported poor health outcomes over the course of their lives, Young said.

Black and Brown mothers are trying to balance all of these factors.

鈥淣o one should have to tell their children, first of all, that the streets might not be safe anymore. Like, as mothers, we don’t want to tell our children that they shouldn’t trust the police, that the police might get into their schools and try to detain kids like them,鈥� said Linda L贸pez Stone, who came to the United States from Ecuador nearly two decades ago and has three children ages 12, 14 and 17.

She lives in Utah, and has made a point to teach her kids their basic rights and, most importantly, to know when to stay quiet. 鈥淣o digas nada,鈥� she has told them. Don鈥檛 say anything to law enforcement about themselves, their immigration status, their parents or their friends. If there鈥檚 any silver lining, Stone said, it鈥檚 that she鈥檚 raising children who are engaged and active in their communities, serving as a language bridge for their classmates who cannot speak English and passing on the safety lessons they have learned to other kids.

鈥淚 have let them know everyone is an immigrant, and everyone that you know who is a person of color is under threat, even myself,鈥� Stone said. 鈥淪o you have to make sure that the people around you, your friends and your peers, are aware of what’s happening, and it’s important to take care of each other.鈥�

These unaccompanied minors, who came to the United States without their parents, had already passed through government custody upon arrival and were placed with family or friends who federal officials deemed fit to care for them. 

All four ended up in detention again 鈥� a 16-year-old girl was followed home from the laundromat, a 14-year-old boy was a passenger in a traffic stop, according to the complaint 鈥� and held for months, missing their families and school despite having vetted caretakers at home. 

Some of these teens may be forced to enter the foster care system because their guardians, many of whom are their parents, cannot meet stricter new identification and other government requirements, according to Democracy Forward and The National Center for Youth Law, the two groups that filed the class action Monday in Washington, D.C.

鈥淭he government already vetted these sponsors, approved these reunifications, and sent these children home,鈥� Skye Perryman, president and CEO of Democracy Forward, said in a statement. 鈥淣ow, without any justification, it is ripping children from their homes and families, subjecting them to detention, and forcing families through an endless bureaucratic process.鈥� 

The advocates note Congress requires unaccompanied children to be placed in the 鈥渓east restrictive setting,鈥� but that the Trump administration鈥檚 increased immigration enforcement has resulted in hundreds being detained and separated from their families as their asylum requests are considered. 

They say the administration is forcing previously approved sponsors to reapply 鈥渢hrough a new, confusing, months-long process that many cannot complete due to their immigration status.鈥� It鈥檚 as if these sponsors had never been approved in the past, the lawsuit alleges, adding there is no process through which the federal government鈥檚 policies can be challenged.  

The lawsuit seeks the teens鈥� release from detention, prompt reunification with their previously approved sponsors and due process moving forward.

鈥淐hildren are missing school, milestones, and time with loved ones because of a blanket policy that ignores their rights and their humanity,鈥� Perryman added. 鈥淥nce again, we are in court to stop this unlawful practice and ensure that children are not treated as collateral damage in the president鈥檚 power grab.鈥�

The Administration for Children and Families, which oversees the Office of Refugee Resettlement and is under the Department of Health and Human Services, said in a statement Wednesday it does not comment on ongoing litigation. The Department of Homeland Security did not answer questions about its detention policies. 

There were at the end of January according to government records. The agency operates a network of and programs across 24 states. While the number of children and the facilities that house them have decreased in recent years, the average length of stay for young people from 38 days in fiscal year 2015 to 117 days a decade later.

The office became more stringent in its sponsorship requirements last winter when it began refusing foreign passports as acceptable forms of identification. It also expanded fingerprinting, DNA testing and home study requirements 鈥� and changed the means through which families must prove financial stability and their address.

It now demands in-person appointments to verify identification, often with federal immigration agents present, and eliminated protections against sharing applicants鈥� citizenship status with DHS, increasing sponsors鈥� risk of detainment.

The Office of Refugee Resettlement has said its regulations are designed to protect children 鈥渇rom smugglers, traffickers, or others who might seek to victimize or otherwise engage the child in criminal, harmful or exploitative activity.鈥�

The lawsuit notes children in government care can鈥檛 participate in outside extracurricular activities and are not permitted to leave the facilities where they are housed except for occasional outings accompanied by staff.

鈥淲ith the exception of children placed in long-term foster care, children in ORR custody do not attend public school and instead attend class within the facility,鈥� the lawsuit states. 鈥淭hese education programs are designed for short-term stays and generally do not provide academic credit.鈥� 

The lawsuit said, too, that 鈥渟udden and unexpected inability to attend school, see their friends, and regularly see and speak to their family compounds the trauma of detention.鈥�

Immigrant advocates filed Tuesday to stop U.S. Customs and Border Protection agents from urging newly arrived unaccompanied minors to self deport.

Adam Strom, co-founder and executive director of Re-Imagining Migration, said the impact of the government鈥檚 actions are profound. 

鈥淭he research is clear that separating children from their families, friends, and supportive school communities does real and lasting harm,鈥� he said. 鈥淚nstead of removing young people from those who care for them, we should be working to ensure all young people get the support they need to thrive 鈥� in their schools, in their families, and in their communities.鈥�

The four students in the lawsuit are identified by their first name and last initial. Diego N., 14, was living with his father, stepmother, and siblings in South Texas until he was detained in November by Border Patrol as a passenger in a traffic stop. His father鈥檚 application as a sponsor 鈥渉as been continually delayed by a seemingly never ending list of requirements.鈥�

The boy鈥檚 education has suffered.

鈥淒iego also does not feel that he is learning anything while he is in ORR custody because the lessons are too easy and basic,鈥� the lawsuit said. 鈥淗e is being taught how to name fruits in English when he should be a freshman at his public high school.鈥�

Renesme R., 16, was living with her father for two years in Tennessee and 鈥渨as thriving in school, playing volleyball, and participating in Junior ROTC in the hopes of serving in the U.S. military after graduation.鈥� 

Forced back into the Office of Refugee Resettlement鈥檚 care after being detained on her way home from the laundromat, she has spent months in custody. 

鈥淩enesme feels imprisoned at the shelter where she鈥檚 been held for three months in Texas, far from her home in Tennessee,鈥� the lawsuit states. 鈥淪he is particularly concerned that she鈥檚 not receiving academic credit for school and that she will need to repeat 11th grade and will not be able to finish her three-year Junior ROTC certificate.鈥�

Mario C., 17, had been living happily with his mother in Texas since 2023 when he was a passenger in a car pulled over by police last year. He spent three nights in jail and, before his mother could bail him out, was detained by ICE and sent to an Office of Refugee Resettlement shelter in New York.  

鈥淢ario longs to taste his mom鈥檚 cooking again and see his baby brother grow up,鈥� the advocacy groups say. 鈥淣ow back in ORR custody, he is considering foster care placement because his mother does not have the type of U.S.-issued identification newly required by ORR as part of the sponsorship application.鈥�

The boy worries his mother will be detained herself if she pursues the matter.

Benito S., 17, was living with his aunt in Louisiana for more than two years and enjoyed cooking, playing basketball, and spending time with his cousins. He was detained shortly before Christmas. 

His aunt can鈥檛 reapply to sponsor him because she also can’t meet the new ID requirements.听As a result, Benito is seeking foster care placement and is likely to remain in government custody until he turns 18.

鈥淏enito says that being in ORR custody again is awful,鈥� the lawsuit states. 鈥淗e is bored and it is difficult for him to focus on anything other than how much he misses his family. He is allowed to listen to some music, like country music, but he is not allowed to listen to the music he loves, like . He is sad and lonely and wants to go home.鈥�

Milo went missing. 

Yet it wasn鈥檛 the lost puppy that gave people the jitters 鈥� it was the promise behind the story: that a communitywide web of home security systems could transform a neighborhood into a 鈥淪earch Party.鈥�

The Super Bowl commercial set off public backlash against two leading surveillance companies: Amazon, which owns Ring doorbell cameras, and Flock Safety, which makes license plate reader cameras. Within days, the e-commerce giant announced it was ditching a planned partnership with Atlanta-based Flock.

Privacy advocates said the breakup represented a rare, high-profile retreat from the expansion of surveillance-driven policing 鈥� and that school leaders should take note.

鈥淭he fact that Amazon is reconsidering their relationship with Flock should be a very large and glaring sign that schools should also perhaps reconsider that relationship,鈥� said Kristin Woelfel, policy counsel for equity in civic technology at the nonprofit Center for Democracy and Technology.

In an investigation last week, 社区黑料 revealed that police nationwide routinely tapped into school district Flock cameras to assist President Donald Trump鈥檚 mass immigration crackdown, which has also led to public outcry and protest over the U.S. Department of Homeland Security鈥檚 unprecedented surveillance tactics.

You can also listen to me talk about my latest reporting on the and on on San Francisco’s KALW public radio.

In the news

The latest in Trump鈥檚 immigration crackdown: A Georgia elementary school teacher was killed this week while driving to work when a man being chased by federal immigration agents rammed into her vehicle. | 

• Conservative advocacy group Defending Education has built a database of some 700 school districts nationally that have adopted policies restricting federal immigration agents’ access to campuses. | 

• U.S. Department of Homeland Security spokeswoman Tricia McLaughlin, who repeatedly denied that federal agents were targeting schools, is stepping down. | 

Instagram and other Meta-owned social media apps have navigated youth safety 鈥渋n a reasonable way,鈥� company CEO Mark Zuckerberg testified Wednesday in a courtroom filled with parents who have accused the company and other tech giants of hooking their children on the platforms and decimating their mental health. | 

鈥榃orried that I was going to die鈥�: Georgia high schoolers opened up this week about the horrors of getting shot during the 2024 Apalachee High School shooting that led to the deaths of two teachers and two students. Students鈥� testimonies came during a criminal trial accusing the alleged shooter鈥檚 father of recklessness and failure to prevent the tragedy. | 

Should schools call child protective services on students who are chronically absent? Debate has ensued. | 

• A Georgia father has been arrested on allegations that each of his two sons has missed nearly 400 days of school. One is an elementary school student, while the other is in middle school. | 

In a significant departure from past years, the Education Department鈥檚 civil rights division didn鈥檛 close any sexual harassment and assault cases involving K-12 schools in 2025, after the Trump administration slashed the agency and purged its caseload. | 

ICYMI @The74

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社区黑料 is proud to announce we鈥檝e hired Simon and Max, who joined reporter Lauren Wagner a few weeks ago at our growing Nebraska bureau.

Milo went missing. 

Yet it wasn鈥檛 the lost puppy that gave people the jitters 鈥� it was the promise behind the story: That a communitywide web of home security systems could transform a neighborhood into a 鈥淪earch Party.鈥�

The Super Bowl commercial against two leading surveillance companies, Amazon, which owns Ring doorbell cameras, and Flock Safety, which makes license plate reader cameras. Within days, the e-commerce giant announced it was ditching a planned partnership with Atlanta-based Flock.

Privacy advocates said the breakup represented a rare, high-profile retreat from the expansion of surveillance-driven policing 鈥� and that school leaders should take note.

鈥淭he fact that Amazon is reconsidering their relationship with Flock should be a very large and glaring sign that schools should also perhaps reconsider that relationship,鈥� said Kristin Woelfel, policy counsel for equity in civic technology at the nonprofit Center for Democracy and Technology. 

In an investigation last week, 社区黑料 revealed that police nationwide routinely tapped into school district Flock cameras to assist President Donald Trump鈥檚 mass immigration crackdown, which has also led to public outcry and protest over the U.S. Department of Homeland Security鈥檚

Ring鈥檚 planned integration with Flock Safety would have allowed homeowners to share their camera feeds with the police. The company said the collaboration was never launched but it still plans to roll out 鈥淪earch Party鈥� to homeowners, first for 鈥渇inding dogs鈥�

In statements, the two companies described the , with Ring saying it

Some 100 school districts across the country have contracted with Flock, according to government procurement records. Their cameras are designed to capture license plate numbers, timestamps and other identifying details, which are uploaded to a cloud server. Flock customers, including schools, can decide whether to share their information with other police agencies in the company鈥檚 national network. 

Woelfel鈥檚 warning lands amid of automated license plate readers and their use by federal immigration agents to track down targets. Flock audit logs obtained by 社区黑料 and interviews reveal local police departments nationwide are searching school district-run surveillance networks to aid the DHS in immigration enforcement cases. 

The logs were from Texas school districts that contract with Flock and showed that law enforcement agencies far beyond their borders 鈥� including in Florida, Georgia, Indiana and Tennessee 鈥� routinely conducted searches on the districts’ campus feeds, tagging reasons such as 鈥淚mmigration (criminal)鈥� and 鈥淚mmigration (civil/administrative).鈥� Multiple law enforcement officials acknowledged the searches were done at the request of federal immigration agents, with one saying the local assist was given without hesitation. 

Ring spokesperson Emma Daniels said the company doesn鈥檛 contract with school districts directly. The company鈥檚 鈥渢erminated integration with Flock鈥� is specific to a tool that allows local police 鈥渢o request video footage from Ring users in a specific area during a defined time period鈥� to help in investigations related to 鈥渁 car theft, a burglary or other local safety concerns.鈥�

Flock spokesperson Holly Beilin said her company was not involved in the 鈥淪earch Party鈥� feature promoted in the Super Bowl ad and its planned Ring collaboration 鈥渉ad nothing to do with any of our school customers.鈥� Those customers rely on the automated license plate readers to navigate parent custody logistics and in parking lots where 鈥渕ost incidents of violence at schools take place.鈥� In December, district s to investigate a rash of car break-ins in school parking lots.

Immigration and Customs enforcement agents have during school pick-up and drop-off to target immigrant families. 

Beilin said she didn鈥檛 know how frequently school-owned Flock networks were being queried on behalf of ICE, but that the company had rolled out that allows customers to disable immigration-related searches on their devices. 

鈥淚f school district police, or, frankly any police, decides that that is against their policy, they can turn that search filter on,鈥� Beilin told 社区黑料. 鈥淪o any of those searches would be filtered out.鈥� 

There is no evidence from 社区黑料鈥檚 analysis that the Texas school districts use the devices for their own immigration-related investigations, but the audit logs raise questions about how broadly school safety data are being fed into the far-reaching surveillance tool. 

That school Flock cameras are being accessed by out-of-state police officers for immigration enforcement is 鈥渁 really serious privacy issue for children and families鈥� Woelfel said. 

鈥淵ou have to think about what effect it鈥檚 ultimately going to have on the community,鈥� she continued. 鈥淓ven in places without Flock cameras, people are afraid to drop their kids off at school,鈥� because of heightened immigration enforcement and the Trump administration’s policy change that lifted longstanding restrictions against immigration enforcement in or around schools and other 鈥渟ensitive locations.鈥� 

鈥楥an鈥檛 believe we have that here鈥�

For 16-year-old Zachary Schwartz, a high schooler from San Francisco, backlash to the Ring ad validated something he鈥檚 been telling people for months: Flock鈥檚 presence in communities nationwide has grown far too vast and most Americans don鈥檛 even realize it. 

鈥淵ou hear about tracking systems in other countries, like China, which are more authoritarian,鈥� Schwartz said. 鈥淎nd it鈥檚 like, 鈥榃hoa, I can鈥檛 believe we have that here.鈥� 

Schwartz said he fell down the Flock rabbit hole after watching , which sent him digging into its widespread use in his own city. He learned the San Francisco Police Department shared its feeds with law enforcement officers nationwide, including for immigration enforcement, in apparent . Activists have also elevated concerns about weak cybersecurity safeguards and faulty findings that

Schwartz built a website, , to drive attention to Flock鈥檚 presence. He also circulated posters across San Francisco urging residents to learn about the cameras constantly watching them.

鈥淚f you鈥檙e driving on a major roadway, you鈥檙e being tracked in the city,鈥� Schwartz said. 鈥淚t would be pretty hard to avoid it while going to school if you鈥檙e going by car or by a bus.鈥� 

社区黑料 reached out to 30 districts to learn more about how they use Flock and whether they鈥檝e assessed how their data are shared. Few responded and almost all declined to comment. Several, including Indiana鈥檚 Center Grove Community School Corporation, said they ended their contracts with Flock without providing details about why. 

One district that did respond was Minnetonka Public Schools, 12 miles southwest of Minneapolis, where the Trump administration鈥檚 mass deployment of immigration agents last month resulted in the fatal shootings of two citizens, closed Minneapolis Public Schools for two days and forced multiple districts in the Twin Cities area to offer remote learning for students too afraid to come to school.

District spokesperson JacQueline Getty said Minnetonka school officials use Flock license plate readers primarily to ensure people who have been banned from campus don鈥檛 trespass on school property. She didn鈥檛 elaborate on whether district Flock data are shared directly with outside law enforcement agencies or if their data have been leveraged to assist federal immigration agents. 

鈥淲e cooperate with our local law enforcement department when there is a need to do so, such as if our reader pings a stolen vehicle entering our lot,鈥� Getty said in an email. 鈥淥ur primary goal is campus safety, and the district has benefited from identifying people who should not be on district property.鈥�

At Indiana University in Bloomington, in a January protest criticizing the city鈥檚 use of Flock license plate readers. In at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, the campus it 鈥渦ses a limited number鈥� of Flock cameras for campus safety but has 鈥渆nabled specific settings within our system to prevent searches related to immigration enforcement.鈥� 

鈥楾he future that we really want?鈥�

The controversy comes on the heels of efforts at Flock to security. Security vendor Raptor Technologies announced last year an initiative to implement Flock cameras into a product designed to enhance safety during afternoon dismissal. 

Raptor Technologies, which counts roughly 40% of U.S. school districts as its customers, offers software that screens school visitors.

鈥淏y working with both schools and local law enforcement, Flock helps create safe corridors for student travel 鈥� whether that鈥檚 monitoring activity along walking routes, at bus stops or on nearby roads,鈥� Flock said in . 

In 2024, Raptor听suffered a cybersecurity lapse that exposed millions of sensitive records 鈥斕齣ncluding districts鈥� active-shooter plans and students鈥� medical records 鈥斕齮o the internet.

“Raptor Technologies does not share, sell or disclose any data collected on our platform with third parties or government agencies,” a company spokesperson said in a statement after this article was published.

“We do not provide access to our systems or customer records other than as directed by customers or pursuant to a valid government order,” according to the statement. Although Raptor tools integrate with other companies’ security offerings, the spokesperson said it is up to districts to “determine what data, if any, is shared, the scope of what is shared and whether an integration is enabled.”

Schwartz, the San Francisco high schooler, said students learn about mass surveillance at school by reading books like George Orwell鈥檚 classic 1984. Yet when government overreach 鈥渉appens right in front of us,鈥� he said, 鈥渕any people don鈥檛 see it.鈥�

In a place where Bay Area technology companies routinely roll out their latest wares, people are starting to wake up, he said. 

鈥淚t also means that we see the future before it happens sometimes,鈥� Schwartz said, 鈥渁nd we can decide 鈥極h, is this the future that we really want?鈥欌��

Clarification: Flock鈥檚 licensed plate reader cameras were not part of the company鈥檚 since-cancelled integration with Ring. The subhead on this story has been updated to make that distinction clearer.

After Renee Good was shot and killed by a federal immigration agent in Minneapolis, Watsonville High School teacher Sarah Clark鈥檚 ninth grade students had a lot of questions. What precipitated the interaction? Was she yelling at them? Was she aggressive? Was she rude? Can we film immigration agents? Will we be arrested if we do?

The fatal shootings of Good and, a few weeks later, Alex Pretti, by federal officers have sparked nationwide outrage and led to student walkouts in California. In the aftermath, teachers in several districts said they have been navigating difficult conversations about the legality of federal immigration agents鈥� use of force, constitutional rights and due process, as students seek clarification about these and other events they have seen in the news and on social media.

鈥淏eing teenagers, they mouth off on occasion. They were very worried that if they were in a situation like that, and they said something, that they would be arrested, detained, searched,鈥� Clark said. 鈥淚t鈥檚 a lot of stress to put on 14-year-olds.鈥�

Erinn Leone, history and social science content specialist for the Sacramento City Unified School District, said teaching about current events can help students learn important skills they will need as adults, such as analyzing news articles, understanding biases and being able to discuss issues with other people who disagree with them or have different perspectives.

鈥淚t鈥檚 important for making the history we鈥檙e learning in the classroom relevant, so they see that things happening today are rooted in historical context and things don鈥檛 happen out of the blue,鈥� said Leone, who recently conducted a training about teaching current events called 鈥淭eaching the Now.鈥�

In addition, she said, it鈥檚 important for students to have a space to process what they see on the news and social media. 

鈥淐urrent events impact our students. They cause fear in our students. It鈥檚 important for us to not ignore what鈥檚 happening in their everyday lives,鈥� Leone said. 鈥淲hen we don鈥檛 bring those things into the classroom, it鈥檚 noticed.鈥�

鈥楾here鈥檚 some anger, there鈥檚 shock鈥�

Los Angeles Unified School District teacher Manuel Gochez said the students in his Advanced Placement Government class had a lot of opinions about the disparities they saw between the videos of the shootings of Good and Pretti and the way the Trump administration described the shootings.

鈥淭here鈥檚 some anger, there鈥檚 shock, there鈥檚 disappointment, too, in the way people are being treated and the inhumanity of it all,鈥� he said.

Gochez and other teachers said students had questions about whether federal immigration agents were following the law, which led to discussions about what happens when law enforcement does not follow the law and the checks and balances of the three branches of government 鈥� judicial, legislative and executive.

鈥淭he students are usually the ones asking the questions and leading the conversations,鈥� Gochez said. 鈥淢y job, more than anything, is to give a space to discuss. They have a lot of thoughts and opinions, and if they don鈥檛 feel safe in the classroom or in school, it can be a lot they鈥檙e holding in.鈥�

After the Jan. 21 publication of an internal  stating agents had the right to enter homes without a judicial warrant, students in Gabriel Perez鈥檚 ethnic studies classes in Fresno Unified asked, 鈥淐an ICE come into our house now?鈥� 

鈥淚鈥檝e had students cry in front of their classmates. You see the stress, you see the fear, because many of their parents are undocumented. It鈥檚 something I see all the time,鈥� Perez said. 

First Amendment discussions 

Some English teachers are also bringing current events into their classrooms.

鈥淚 think it鈥檚 extremely important to connect what鈥檚 happening now with what鈥檚 happening in our literature. I always tell students that if you really want to know what was happening at the time, read a book,鈥� said Benny Martinez, who teaches English in South Central L.A.

His 10th grade students have just finished reading 鈥淔ahrenheit 451,鈥� the 1953 novel by Ray Bradbury, in which, under a fictional future government, all books are banned and 鈥渇iremen鈥� burn them. Martinez said the book sparked discussion among his students about recent efforts to ban books about LGBTQ issues or race from some school libraries.

鈥淲e were talking about First Amendment rights and freedom of speech being taken away,鈥� Martinez said. 鈥淭he students were asking, 鈥榃hy are we banning books?鈥� It鈥檚 important to understand other points of view.鈥�

Next, Martinez鈥檚 students will read 鈥淣ight,鈥� Elie Wiesel鈥檚 memoir about surviving the Nazi concentration camps. In preparation, Martinez has been teaching his students about the Holocaust.

鈥淎 lot of them are interested in that topic because of the idea that history could repeat itself,鈥� he said.

Clark said in her district, Pajaro Valley Unified, in Santa Cruz County, ninth graders don鈥檛 take social studies, so she incorporates units on the Constitution and the history of labor unions into her English classes. This year, she also taught a unit on the history of deportations in the U.S. 

Students brainstormed questions for the class to research, including 鈥淲hat percentage of people deported have had criminal records? What percentage have been here longer than 10 years?鈥� 

Clark said the vast majority of her students are U.S. citizens, but estimated that about 25% to 30% have undocumented relatives. 

鈥淭hey are very worried. We all heard during the campaign that the administration was going to focus on criminal undocumented immigrants, and that鈥檚 just not what鈥檚 been happening,鈥� said Clark, referring to Donald Trump鈥檚 2024 presidential campaign.

Setting boundaries and guidelines 

Some teachers shy away from conversations about current events in class because they are afraid of complaints from parents or administrators. Heather Miller, who teaches 鈥淲omen and Gender in Ethnic Studies鈥� in Fresno Unified, said there is a lot of concern, especially since some ethnic studies teachers have been accused of antisemitism after discussing the war in Gaza or the relationship between Israel and Palestine.

鈥淲hat can we say? What can鈥檛 we say?鈥� Miller said. 鈥淭here鈥檚 a lot of fear around losing our jobs or getting complaints.鈥� 

Still, Miller said students bring up current events even if teachers don鈥檛. 鈥淚n my AP classes, I鈥檓 teaching imperialism right now,鈥� she said. 鈥淲hat do you say when they say, 鈥極h, are we imperializing Greenland now?鈥� 鈥� 

Leone, the history and social science specialist, recommends that teachers and students agree on guidelines for these conversations beforehand to make sure they are respectful, including acknowledging different perspectives and criticizing sources, not people. She also recommends that teachers take time to discuss how different people鈥檚 experiences and identities shape their perspectives.

As a teacher in South Sacramento, Leone facilitated discussions in her class about police shootings. Some students had loved ones who had negative experiences with law enforcement, while others had fathers or uncles who were police. 

鈥淲e鈥檙e teaching students to think about different perspectives and engage with people who have different perspectives,鈥� she said. 鈥淚t鈥檚 important that I鈥檓 not teaching students what to think, I鈥檓 not teaching them what to believe. Every student is entitled to their own belief. But they鈥檙e also required to think critically about those things and ground their discussion in facts and truth.鈥�

Los Angeles Unified teacher Gochez said these conversations can also be an opportunity to teach students about civic participation.

鈥淚t鈥檚 an opportunity to empower them,鈥� he said, 鈥淚f you don鈥檛 like what鈥檚 occurring, you have a voice; you can do something about it.鈥�

This was originally published on .

The longstanding rule prohibiting federal agents from targeting schools was repealed Jan. 20, 2025, the day of President Donald Trump鈥檚 second inauguration. 鈥淐riminals will no longer be able to hide in America鈥檚 schools and churches to avoid arrest,鈥� the Department of Homeland Security said in a press release. 鈥淭he Trump Administration will not tie the hands of our brave law enforcement, and instead trusts them to use common sense.鈥� 

The suit names Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem, her department, Immigration and Customs Enforcement, Customs and Border Protection and numerous federal officials as defendants. As of press time, DHS had not responded to 社区黑料鈥檚 request for comment. 

At a press conference in Nogales, Arizona, on Wednesday, ICE Director Todd Lyons 鈥� a defendant in the suit 鈥� praised the Trump administration鈥檚 policies. 鈥淲e didn鈥檛 need any new laws,鈥� he said. 鈥淲e just need the ability to enforce the ones we have.鈥�  

White House border czar Tom Homan has insisted immigration agents have 鈥渄e-escalated鈥� actions and that 700 will soon leave Minnesota. But education leaders say schools are being targeted as intensively as at any point in the last two months. 

Even with the promised reduction, the number of agents still in the state would be larger than the 2,000 present when Minneapolis mother Renee Good was killed by ICE a month ago.    

Five-year-old Liam Conejo Ramos 鈥� depicted in a photo that went viral worldwide as he was abducted wearing a knit bunny hat 鈥� from a Texas detention center and escorted home to the Minneapolis suburb of Columbia Heights on Feb. 1 by Texas Democratic Rep. Joaquin Castro. 

The next morning, however, ICE agents stationed themselves in at least one school parking lot in the district, and a bomb threat was received, Superintendent Zena Stenvik . Multiple Columbia Heights students detained in recent days have yet to be released.       

The lawsuit lists numerous examples of federal agents occupying and detaining staff in school parking lots, following superintendents and school board members, tackling and tear-gassing students and staff, pulling day care workers from their cars, arresting parents and students at bus stops and pulling over school vans transporting children to school, among other actions. 

As a result, the complaint states, districts have been forced to cancel classes and create online learning alternatives for students 鈥� including non-immigrants 鈥� whose families can鈥檛 safely leave their homes. In several school systems, more than a third of children are absent or learning online on any given day. Absentee rates are much higher in programs specifically geared for immigrants. Many students have simply disappeared. 

Because Minnesota uses daily student attendance numbers to calculate per-pupil funding, impacted districts anticipate a loss of revenue, the lawsuit states. One of the districts that brought the suit, Duluth Public Schools, has spent more than $500,000 worth of staff time planning new security measures in response to the enforcement surge. 

Over the last two months, half of the district鈥檚 administrative team鈥檚 time has been spent planning responses, Duluth Superintendent John Magas told 社区黑料. 鈥淲e know students can鈥檛 learn unless they feel safe,鈥� he said. 鈥淩ight now there is a great sense of lack of safety, especially among our historically underserved students, based on what we are seeing.鈥�   

The complaint filed by the Duluth school system, Fridley Public Schools 鈥� which has twice been forced to cancel all classes because of ICE activities at or near schools 鈥� and Education Minnesota says federal agents’ actions 鈥渧iolate the Administrative Procedure Act and constitutional protections, and that DHS failed to adequately consider the educational and community impacts when it rescinded prior guidance limiting enforcement in sensitive locations.鈥�

No district or taxpayer funds are being used for the lawsuit, Magas said. Much of the cost is being borne by the teachers union.  

From 1993 to 2025, immigration agents were required to have advance, written approval if they believed exceptional circumstances merited an exception. School bus stops were explicitly named in the policies as being off-limits. Immigration officials were required to report agents鈥� activities near protected areas. 

鈥淭he presence [of ICE] agents conducting investigative activity at schools, or in venues where children鈥檚 activities occur, has always been a point of particular sensitivity,鈥� a 2007 version of the rule explained. 鈥淎ccordingly, it is important to emphasize that great care and forethought be applied before undertaking any investigative or enforcement type action at or near schools, other institutions of education, and venues generally where children and their families are present.鈥�

In 2021, then-DHS Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas issued a memorandum reaffirming the 鈥渇undamental 鈥� bedrock鈥� principle behind curtailing enforcement. The agency, it said, 鈥渃an accomplish [its] enforcement mission without denying or limiting individuals鈥� access to needed medical care, children access to their schools, the displaced access to food and shelter, people of faith access to their places of worship and more.鈥�

鈥淭he budget negotiations going on in Congress right now, we鈥檝e heard a lot of things about body cams and things like that,鈥� said Magas. 鈥淚 haven鈥檛 heard a lot about a .鈥�

In Rochester, Minnesota, January absenteeism overall was 42% higher than in December but up 116% among students receiving English learner services and 108% among Latinos, according to Superintendent Kent Pekel. Of the district鈥檚 15,500 students, more than 200 recently enrolled in the district鈥檚 existing online school, while an average of about 550 were absent on any given January day. 

In the last few days, however, enrollment has rebounded. It鈥檚 hard to know exactly what鈥檚 prompting the return, Pekel told 社区黑料, but families he has spoken to say they are nervous but also want their kids in school. Informal networks of educators and parents have been out in the community dropping off food, providing rides and making sure families know children are missed.   

Unlike other districts, Pekel said, Rochester’s schools don’t seem to be a target of immigration agents. 鈥淭hey have been near our schools, but we haven鈥檛 had instances of them being on our property or circling schools,鈥� he said. But if that were to change, enrollment would likely fall. 

鈥淥ne incident could wipe that out.鈥�