was originally reported by Kate Sosin of .听

The Supreme Court ruled 8-1 Tuesday that a Colorado ban on conversion therapy for youth violates the free speech rights of a Christian counselor, clearing the way for a practice that goes against the recommendations of every major medical association in the country.

Human Rights Campaign President Kelley Robinson .

鈥淭oday鈥檚 reckless decision means more American kids will suffer,鈥� she said. 鈥淭he Court has weaponized free-speech in order to prioritize anti-LGBTQ+ bias over the safety, health and wellbeing of children.鈥�

Conversion therapy is a in which providers attempt to change a youth鈥檚 sexual orientation or gender identity, often through extremely harsh methods including acts of physical, psychological and sexual abuse against minors 鈥� , chemically induced nausea and hypnosis, among others.

The and recommended it be banned.听 Twenty-three states and Washington, D.C., have laws banning conversion therapy for minors.

The decision comes on , a global day celebrating transgender lives and culture every March 31.

Some LGBTQ+ advocates note that while the ruling favors a discredited practice, it leaves most avenues of regulating conversion therapy untouched.

鈥淚 think the most important thing to understand about the decision today is that it only takes one way of regulating conversion therapy off the table,鈥� said Shannon Minter, legal director of the National Center for LGBTQ Rights.

Tuesday鈥檚 ruling throws out Colorado鈥檚 ban, but does not strike down bans in other states, which advocates feared could be a worst-case scenario. The case, Chiles v. Salazar, was brought by Christian counselor Kaley Chiles, who argued that the ban violated her free speech rights. Chiles says she only offers talk therapy and does not use physical interventions or prescribe medications.

The ruling does not declare conversion therapy safe or effective. It also leaves intact the ability of medical licensing boards鈥� to investigate conversion therapy practice as fraudulent.

Minter said in a statement that the ruling still leaves room to discipline providers in states where it is banned.

“This decision is narrowly about how conversion therapy can be regulated. It does not mean that conversion therapy is safe or legal. Conversion therapy is still medical malpractice and consumer fraud,” Minter said. “Every major medical organization in this country condemns it. Survivors can still bring malpractice and consumer fraud claims.鈥�

Writing for the majority, Justice Neil Gorsuch argued that Colorado鈥檚 law applies beyond 鈥減hysical interventions,鈥� and restricts free speech.

鈥淐olorado may regard its policy as essential to public health and safety. Certainly, censorious governments throughout history have believed the same,鈥� the opinion read. 鈥淏ut the First Amendment stands as a shield against any effort to enforce orthodoxy in thought or speech in this country. It reflects instead a judgment that every American possesses an inalienable right to think and speak freely, and a faith in the free marketplace of ideas as the best means for discovering truth.鈥�

The majority held that the right to free speech applies equally to licensed medical professionals as to all Americans.

As the lone dissent, argued that the majority 鈥渇ailed to appreciate the crucial context鈥� of Chiles鈥� case. 鈥淐hiles is not speaking in the ether; she is providing therapy to minors as a licensed healthcare professional,鈥� she wrote.

Neither side disputed Colorado鈥檚 authority to regulate medical treatments and providers or claimed that a state doing so is unconstitutional, she said.

鈥淪o, in my view, it cannot also be the case that Colorado鈥檚 decision to restrict a dangerous therapy modality that, incidentally, involves provider speech is presumptively unconstitutional,鈥� Jackson added. 鈥淚n concluding otherwise, the Court鈥檚 opinion misreads our precedents, is unprincipled and unworkable and will eventually prove untenable for those who rely upon the long-recognized responsibility of states to regulate the medical profession for the protection of public health.鈥�

This is the first of three LGBTQ+ blockbuster cases before the court this term. Two others, , were heard at the same time earlier this year.

Grace Panetta contributed reporting.

In the California case, , the conservative justices reinstated a December district court decision that temporarily blocked schools from keeping such information private or from changing names and pronouns when parents say it violates their religious beliefs. The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit had granted Attorney General Rob Bonta鈥檚 request for an emergency stay while the district court hears the case, and Monday鈥檚 order overruled that stay.

The Supreme Court relied on last year鈥檚 ruling in in which the justices sided with religious parents who wanted to opt their elementary school children out of lessons related to LGBTQ-themed storybooks. 

鈥淐alifornia鈥檚 policies will likely not survive the strict scrutiny that Mahmoud demands,鈥� the order said, adding that 鈥減arents who seek religious exemptions are likely to succeed鈥� at the district court level. 

Referencing one of the families in the case, they wrote: 鈥淎t the beginning of their daughter鈥檚 eighth-grade year, she attempted suicide and was hospitalized. Only then did her parents learn from a doctor that she had gender dysphoria and had been presenting as a boy at school.鈥�

U.S. Education Secretary Linda McMahon praised the decision. 鈥淗uge win for parental rights in education!鈥� she on X. The administration agrees with many conservative groups that schools have kept parents in the dark about their children鈥檚 social transition and should proactively notify them when their child asks to use different pronouns or bathrooms. 

U.S. District Judge Roger Benitez鈥檚 temporary injunction said that California schools can鈥檛 mislead parents about their children鈥檚 gender identity and must prominently display wording that says parents 鈥渉ave a federal constitutional right to be informed if their public school student child expresses gender incongruence.鈥� 

Bonta has argued that the state鈥檚 policies, including a 2024 law barring districts from forcing teachers to 鈥渙ut鈥� students, don鈥檛 prevent schools from sharing information with parents. But he said Benitez鈥檚 blanket ruling 鈥� and the Supreme Court鈥檚 decision to keep it in place 鈥� puts students at risk if they鈥檙e not ready to disclose their gender identity. Advocates for LGBTQ students agree.

鈥淚n its rush to expand religious influence in public schools, the Supreme Court prioritized religious exemptions over children鈥檚 success and well-being and trampled on the rights and futures of transgender students without considering the full facts of the case,鈥� Gaylynn Burroughs, vice president for education and workplace justice at the National Women鈥檚 Law Center, said in . 

鈥楾he court is impatient鈥�

That鈥檚 the same point that Justice Elena Kagan, one of the three liberals on the court, made in her dissent, which Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson joined. Kagan agreed that 鈥減arents have rights鈥� when it comes to their children鈥檚 鈥渓ife choices,鈥� but that the court should wait until the case plays out before the Ninth Circuit. 

鈥淭he court is impatient: It already knows what it thinks, and insists on getting everything over quickly,鈥� she wrote. 

If the conservatives wanted to consider the 鈥渢horny legal issues鈥� involved, she added, they should agree to hear a Massachusetts case, Foote v. Ludlow School Committee, that makes similar arguments for parental rights.

鈥淏y recent count, almost 40 cases raising due process and/or free exercise objections to similar school policies are currently in the judicial system,鈥� she wrote. 鈥淏y granting certiorari on one (or more) of those cases, the court could ensure that the issues raised by such policies receive the careful, disciplined consideration they merit.鈥�

The court has repeatedly delayed its decision whether to grant or deny a hearing in the Foote case and another one from . Both are scheduled for consideration again this Friday.

In a separate statement concurring with the majority, which Chief Justice John Roberts and Justice Brett Kavanaugh joined, Justice Amy Coney Barrett disagreed that the court was hasty in overruling the Ninth Circuit. 

鈥淯nder California鈥檚 policy, parents will be excluded 鈥� perhaps for years 鈥� from participating in consequential decisions about their child鈥檚 mental health and wellbeing,鈥� she wrote. 

Teachers from the Escondido Union School District, near San Diego, originally filed the case in 2023, saying the state鈥檚 guidance violates their Christian faith. Parents later joined the case. Without giving a reason, the court denied the teachers鈥� request to set aside the Ninth Circuit鈥檚 stay, but Justices Clarence Thomas and Samuel Alito said they would have sided with the teachers as well. Justice Sonia Sotomayor said she would have denied the relief for all of the plaintiffs.

David Mishook, an attorney with F3 Law, which represents California school districts, said that given the Supreme Court鈥檚 鈥渟trong language,鈥� he wouldn鈥檛 be surprised if Bonta drops any challenge to Judge Benitez鈥檚 injunction.

While neither Benitez nor the Supreme Court come right out and say that teachers must proactively disclose a child鈥檚 gender identity to parents, the order 鈥渟uggests that teachers, and by extension their employers, now stand at great risk if they do not discuss gender expression with parents.鈥�

The court鈥檚 ruling follows a late January decision in which the Education Department that California鈥檚 policies violate the Family Educational Rights and Privacy Act, which gives parents the right to inspect their children鈥檚 educational records. She pointed to instances in which schools used trans students鈥� preferred names and pronouns in school databases, but parents would see legal names when they logged in. 

The state risks losing over $5 billion in federal funds if it doesn鈥檛 comply with the department鈥檚 demands, including allowing districts to pass parental notification policies.

Bonta promptly the department, saying the penalty would cause 鈥渋mminent and irreparable injury to California.鈥� 

Now the U.S. Department of Justice is investigating whether three districts gave parents advance notice of lessons pertaining to sexual orientation and gender identity so their children could be excused. Officials are also investigating whether the districts received any complaints听鈥渞egarding sex-segregated bathrooms鈥� and other spaces, indicating that the federal government is committed to ensuring 鈥渢he safety, dignity, and innocence of our youngest citizens.鈥澨�

On Wednesday, Assistant Attorney General Harmeet K. Dhillon sent letters to the superintendents of the Detroit, Lansing and Godfrey-Lee school districts, asking for all materials that reference sex and LGBTQ-related terms as well as any complaints or inquiries the districts might have received related to those issues. 

鈥淭his Department of Justice is fiercely committed to ending the growing trend of local school authorities embedding sexuality and gender ideology in every aspect of public education,鈥� she said in a statement. 

The letters to the district鈥檚 superintendents signal the Justice Department鈥檚 willingness to aggressively enforce last year鈥檚 U.S. Supreme Court decision in in which the justices sided with a group of parents who argued they should be able to opt their elementary school children out of lessons related to LGBTQ-themed storybooks for religious reasons. Michigan鈥檚 standards, Dhillon wrote, could be at odds with the court鈥檚 decision. 

If the districts don鈥檛 agree to the department鈥檚 demands, they could be at risk of losing federal funding, she wrote. Including school nutrition funds and Medicaid, the Detroit Public Schools Community District, for example, receives over $200 million, according to Jeremy Vidito, chief financial officer.

Officials with Detroit and Lansing districts did not return phone calls or emails, but in an email, Arnetta Thompson, superintendent of the Godfrey-Lee district, called the investigation a 鈥渟tandard review process.鈥�

鈥淲e are fully cooperating with this inquiry and will provide any requested information,鈥� she said. 鈥淭he district is not facing any charges or findings of wrongdoing. We remain committed to complying with all applicable federal, state and local laws and have consistently operated in accordance with those laws.鈥�

In a statement, Michigan state Superintendent Glenn Maleyko said his department supports the three districts that 鈥渉ave been targeted鈥� by the DOJ and said Dhillon wrongly characterized the health guidelines as state requirements. 

Parents, he said, 鈥漴etain鈥痶he right to decide whether their children should鈥痯articipate鈥痠n sex education instruction. And state officials will work with the districts to 鈥渟elect a curriculum that best supports the needs of their students, consistent with state standards and guidelines.鈥� 

The investigations reflect the Trump administration鈥檚 parental rights agenda, whose nearly singular focus has been to restrict lessons or policies related to gender identity. In a last September, Attorney General Pam Bondi said state and local officials have 鈥渋gnored, dismissed and even retaliated against concerned parents who speak out against these morally and factually bankrupt ideologies.鈥� One of President Donald Trump鈥檚 earliest rejected the Biden administration鈥檚 efforts to extend Title IX protections to transgender students. But some experts say it鈥檚 highly unusual for the Department of Justice to get involved in matters related to curriculum.

鈥淭hese investigations depart from longstanding DOJ practice of not dictating or interfering with school curriculum,鈥� said Johnathan Smith, chief of staff and general counsel at the National Center for Youth Law. A former deputy assistant attorney in the DOJ鈥檚 civil rights division, he said previously, the department 鈥渋ntentionally avoided鈥� those issues.  

Brian Dittmeier, director of LGBTQI+ Equality at the National Women鈥檚 Law Center, added that the DOJ鈥檚 probe is a 鈥渂latant attempt to discourage inclusive education鈥� and takes the Mahmoud decision too far. While that case focused specifically on books that the Montgomery County schools in Maryland added to its reading curriculum in the early grades, DOJ is looking at 鈥渃ontent in any class鈥� for pre-K through 12th grade.

But Jonathan Butcher, acting director of the Center for Education Policy at the conservative Heritage Foundation, said the DOJ鈥檚 action appears 鈥渃onsistent with the degree of parent empowerment under Mahmoud.鈥�

鈥淧arents need a level of trust that schools will reflect their values, or at least not contradict their values,鈥� he said. It鈥檚 likely, he added, that other districts will see similar investigations in line with 鈥渢he Education Department and White House鈥檚 goals to protect students from explicit material.鈥�

鈥楥apacity issue鈥櫶�

The fact that the DOJ is involved instead of the Department of Education鈥檚 Office for Civil Rights could reflect a 鈥渃apacity issue,鈥� Dittmeier said.

In December, Education Secretary Linda McMahon recalled more than 250 OCR employees to handle a growing backlog of complaints. They had been on administrative leave as a result of her attempts to downsize the department. 

While McMahon has moved to shift Education Department offices to other agencies, she has not yet announced where OCR would go. in Congress, however, would move OCR to the Justice Department. The Education and Justice departments also formed a last April to speed up Title IX investigations and 鈥渦se the full power of the law to remedy any violation of women鈥檚 civil rights,鈥� Bondi said in a statement.

While Detroit, with almost 49,000 students, is the state鈥檚 largest district, it鈥檚 unclear whether any specific complaints triggered the investigations. Lansing, the state capital,听declared itself last year.听

In 2024, former state Superintendent Michael Rice honored Godfrey-Lee, a small, 1,700-student district south of Grand Rapids, for the state鈥檚 21st Century Model School Library award. He recognized media specialist Harry Coffill for including 鈥渄iverse books鈥� on the shelves.

The letters to each district ask for an extensive list of materials, dating back to 2023, that include 鈥渟lideshows, presentations, imagery, posters, signage, recordings and handouts鈥� that reference a variety of terms like “gender spectrum,” “gender expression,” “puberty blockers” and “transitioning.” 

Dhillon wants leaders to turn over any forms, notices or permission slips that demonstrate how the districts notify parents when a lesson references sex and gender. She also asked for detailed records of any complaints or questions from parents related to topics such as 鈥渜ueer culture,” “LGBTQIA+,” “Pride Month” or “drag queen.” 

note that parents should receive prior notification of sex education classes and curriculum and that they have a right to 鈥渙pt out their child from all or some鈥� of those lessons. Lansing鈥檚 related to controversial issues, for example, says schools will 鈥渉onor a written request鈥� for students to be excused 鈥渇or specified reasons.鈥澨�

State Superintendent Maleyko said the 鈥渂readth and scope鈥� of Dhillon鈥檚 requests 鈥減lace a significant administrative burden on local districts and risk diverting time and resources away from the core mission of educating students.鈥�

California Attorney General Rob Bonta Wednesday as part of an ongoing dispute over whether schools should proactively notify parents if their children change their gender identity.听

The lawsuit comes in response to Education Secretary Linda McMahon’s听a concluding that the state violated the Family Educational Rights and Privacy Act and in her words, 鈥渆gregiously abused its authority by pressuring school officials to withhold information about students鈥� so-called 鈥榞ender transitions鈥� from their parents.”听 Her letter cited a 2025 law that prohibits听districts from forcing educators to 鈥渙ut鈥� students against their will.

The agency has threatened to revoke all of the state鈥檚 federal education funding, nearly $5 billion annually. But in the filing, Bonta said the department has “failed to demonstrate even a single violation of FERPA,” which gives parents the right to review education records. The potential loss of funding, he wrote, “presents an imminent and irreparable injury to California and infringes upon the state鈥檚 substantial interests.”

The Trump administration says California schools violated parents鈥� rights by pressuring schools to keep students鈥� gender transitions a secret.

In announced Wednesday, the U.S. Department of Education told state officials that they can resolve the dispute by treating any school 鈥済ender support plans鈥� as education records available for parents鈥� inspection and let districts enforce 鈥減ro-parental notification approaches.鈥�

鈥淯nder Gavin Newsom鈥檚 failed leadership, school personnel have even bragged about facilitating 鈥榞ender transitions,鈥� and shared strategies to target minors and conceal information about children from their own families,鈥� Education Secretary Linda McMahon said in a statement. The department referenced a public records request by a showing that six California districts changed the names or pronouns of 300 students in the 2023-24 school year. The announcement doesn鈥檛 spell out what penalties, if any, the state might face if it doesn鈥檛 comply.

But most student privacy experts say the department is misinterpreting the Federal Education Rights and Privacy Act. While FERPA gives parents the right to inspect their children鈥檚 education records, it doesn鈥檛 compel districts to notify a parent if their child changes their gender identity at school.

The department launched last March, based on a request from Julie Hamill, a conservative attorney who argued that state policies and guidance amounted to a 鈥渟cheme鈥� to conceal students鈥� gender identity from parents. Now an assistant U.S. attorney, Hamill cited a Q&A document, later rescinded, that to consult students before deciding whether to share information on their gender identity, including with their parents. Some districts, she wrote, would change students鈥� names and pronouns in school databases, but parents would see legal names when they logged in. 

Federal officials also took aim at a California law, passed in 2025, which says districts can鈥檛 force educators to 鈥渙ut鈥� students against their will. Liz Sanders, spokeswoman for the California Department of Education, said officials were reviewing the department’s findings and referred 社区黑料 to previous statements. In October, the the new law, known as the SAFETY Act, doesn鈥檛 prohibit school staff 鈥渇rom sharing any information with parents鈥� and doesn鈥檛 override FERPA. 

The department鈥檚 determination further escalates an ongoing, emotional debate between state leaders who say students have a right to privacy and an administration that holds such decisions are the responsibility of parents. Advocates for LGBTQ students and many educators say they鈥檙e trying to protect students who might face rejection or abuse at home. But others call such actions 鈥減arental exclusion鈥� policies that violate parents鈥� constitutional rights to direct the upbringing of their children. 

鈥淚f a student is contemplating life-altering changes, the least a school can do is notify their parent or guardian,鈥� McMahon .

Lydia McLaughlin, the parent whose experience Hamill cited in the letter to federal officials last January, called the news 鈥渂ittersweet.鈥� She seeking emails and schoolwork from the Hart Unified High School District, north of Los Angeles, that would demonstrate how school staff were socially transitioning her child from female to male. Administrators initially refused to meet with McLaughlin and cited a that protects trans students鈥� access to programs, sports and facilities that align with their gender identity. 

McLaughlin never filed a formal FERPA complaint with the Education Department鈥檚 Student Privacy Policy Office because she ultimately got the records she was seeking after threatening to sue the district. She told 社区黑料 last year that she believed a lot of the communication between staff members using the student鈥檚 preferred male name wasn鈥檛 in writing.

Now in college, her child identifies as a girl, 鈥渓oves feminine clothes again鈥� and has returned to ballet dancing after a five-year break.

鈥淚t’s been a long road to this moment,鈥� McLaughlin said. 鈥淚 only dreamed that there would be some sort of justice for what the school district did.鈥�

FERPA experts disagree with the department鈥檚 conclusion. Elana Zeide, a law professor at the University of Nebraska-Lincoln, said officials didn鈥檛 point to a specific violation in which a parent was denied access to education records. And many districts still follow a legal precedent that doesn’t consider staff emails to be part of a student鈥檚 official record. 

鈥淵ou could not like these policies at all. You can be vehemently opposed to them,鈥� Zeide said. 鈥淏ut that doesn’t mean you can accuse the state of a violation when there aren鈥檛 the facts to support it .鈥�

But Lance Christensen, vice president of the conservative California Policy Center, called the department鈥檚 announcement. a 鈥渂ig deal.鈥�

鈥淲e’re thrilled that the federal government is finally taking federal law seriously and is interested in protecting the natural rights of parents,鈥� he said.

Jorge Reyes Salinas, a spokesman for Equality California, an LGBTQ advocacy group, called the decision 鈥減art of a broader, deliberate campaign to attack transgender young people and undermine their ability to learn and thrive in school.鈥�

Cases before the Supreme Court

The department鈥檚 demands come as the U.S. Supreme Court considers whether to hear three different cases, including one from California, focused on the same issues.

In a , U.S. District Judge Roger Benitez ruled in December in favor of two teachers from the Escondido Union School District, near San Diego, who said that requiring them to keep a student鈥檚 gender identity private violated their Christian faith. Parents later joined the lawsuit against the state. 

Benitez鈥檚 broad ruling said that California schools must prominently display wording that says parents 鈥渉ave a federal constitutional right to be informed if their public school student child expresses gender incongruence鈥� and that school staff also have a right to 鈥渁ccurately inform鈥� parents. 

Attorney General Rob Bonta appealed to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit, which blocked the ruling. The teachers are now asking the Supreme Court to overrule the lower court, but the justices have not yet said whether they鈥檒l get involved. Florida, Montana and West Virginia filed a brief in support of the teachers and parents, saying the 鈥淐onstitution places the burden on states to respect fundamental rights, not on citizens to claw back the right to parent their own children.鈥�

But Bonta told the court that the consequences of compelling the disclosure of gender identity would be 鈥渋rreversible鈥� for many students. Benitez鈥檚 ruling, he said, would leave teachers and other school staff confused about what they can and can鈥檛 do.

The high court is also debating whether to hear two other cases in which parents allege that educators supported students鈥� gender identity changes at school without their knowledge. It takes only four justices to decide whether to hear a case. 

Jeff and January Littlejohn of Florida the Leon County district, alleging that Deeklake Middle School violated their rights by supporting their child鈥檚 gender transition from female to male behind their backs. 

Officials said educators were following guidance, which discourages 鈥渙uting鈥� LGBTQ students..

A federal district court dismissed the case. The U.S. Court of Appeals for the 11th Circuit also ruled for the school system, saying that educators鈥� actions did not 鈥渟hock the conscience,鈥� in a legal sense.

鈥淒efendants did not act with intent to injure,鈥� the court said. 鈥淭o the contrary, they sought to help the child.鈥�

The First Circuit Court of Appeals issued a in Foote v. Ludlow School Committee. In that case, parents said staff at Baird Middle School in Ludlow, Massachusetts, concealed that their 11 year-old identified as genderqueer at school and was using a new preferred name. 

The three-judge panel wrote that while they sympathized with the parents鈥� desire for information about their children, the law doesn鈥檛 鈥渞equire governments to assist parents in exercising their fundamental right to direct the upbringing of their children.鈥�

One year ago today, Trump took the oath of office for a second time and set it all in motion. 

Through executive orders, layoffs and canceled contracts, he and McMahon carried out a frontal assault on a federal agency Congress created in 1979, the U.S. Department of Education.

The nation has experienced 鈥渟ome of the most rapid and likely consequential changes in education policy,鈥� since the mid-1960s, when lawmakers passed the Civil Rights Act and the law creating Title I funding for children in poverty, said Jeffrey Henig, a professor emeritus at Teachers College, Columbia University. Under President George W. Bush, the No Child Left Behind Act further deepened Washington鈥檚 involvement in schools.

But those initiatives used the strength of the federal government to expand educational opportunities for poor and minority students, Henig said, while this administration is turning away from a focus on equity.

The gameplan hasn鈥檛 always gone smoothly. On three occasions, McMahon has called back staff she fired. The department has frozen and unfrozen funds for programs like afterschool care and suspended long-running research projects. To those who have lost their jobs or seen their civil rights complaints ignored, it鈥檚 been a . Others who believe in McMahon鈥檚 鈥溾�� to make the department obsolete say the pain is necessary.

鈥淚 realize it has sometimes been messy, but that鈥檚 inevitable when the federal role has been built up by special interests over six decades,鈥� said Jim Blew, an Education Department official during Trump鈥檚 first term and the co-founder of the conservative Defense of Freedom Institute. McMahon, he said, is 鈥渞eversing that history by relinquishing power.鈥�

The agenda is somewhat paradoxical. McMahon Washington bureaucrats should get out of the way so education can be 鈥渃losest to the child.鈥� But the administration has tried to exert more control over districts that resist Trump鈥檚 orders. The Office for Civil Rights has launched multiple investigations, threatened to pull funding from states and districts with gender-inclusive policies and curbed efforts to improve achievement among minority students.

Blue states, teachers unions and advocacy groups have fought back in court. A notes more than 20 active cases over the administration鈥檚 anti-DEI mandates and eight related to dismantling the department. Several more lawsuits challenge canceled grants and contracts.

Trump鈥檚 crackdown on immigration has been one of the more tangible ways the disruption in D.C. has filtered down to local districts. Some children are afraid to come to school or wait for the bus, while high school students have been swept up in immigration raids. 

Interruptions in funding made it hard for states and districts to plan ahead. But some experts say the long-term financial impact of the Trump 2.0 shake-up may be minimal. Superintendents are more concerned about declining enrollment than which federal department is distributing their money, said Marguerite Roza, the director of the Edunomics Lab at Georgetown University. 

鈥淭he second grader still goes to school. The teacher is still there. The district budget looks pretty much identical to what it did before,鈥� she said. 

In addition to firing staff, McMahon is moving the department鈥檚 major functions to other agencies. But the transition of career and technical education programs to the Labor Department has not been without complications, and that program represents just a fraction of the $18 billion budget for Title I, making some state leaders wary of what will come this year.

鈥淚f this is some form of experimental policymaking, I know of no parent who wants their child to be used in an experiment,鈥� Eric Davis, chair of the North Carolina State Board of Education, said at a meeting. 鈥淭his self-inflicted disruption runs counter to the many decades in which the Department of Education was instrumental in improving the education and academic achievement of millions of Americans.鈥�

Here are eight areas where the Trump administration has radically recast the federal role in education in its first 12 months:

The rapidly shrinking Education Department

Eliminating the Department of Education has been a goal of Republicans since President Ronald Reagan first took office in 1981.

They鈥檙e closer than ever to reaching it. The agency is now less than it was a year ago as the administration aims to drastically reduce education鈥檚 federal footprint.

In addition to the more than 1,300 jobs she cut in March, McMahon slashed 450 positions during the seven-week government shutdown in the fall. Congress and a federal judge forced her to reinstate them. But the moratorium on those layoffs runs out Jan. 30, and some who were targeted by that action expect she鈥檒l try to terminate them again. 

鈥淲e’ve never seen an administration so actively hostile to career civil servants,鈥� said one current employee who asked to remain anonymous to protect her job. With more than a decade at the agency, she鈥檚 among those who have been reassigned to handle basic tasks. Some with 鈥�20-plus years of professional experience are doing things like scheduling rooms.鈥� 

McMahon and others who back the administration鈥檚 goal of abolishing the agency say those staffers won鈥檛 be missed. But blue states are challenging the layoffs in court, saying the department performs essential functions, from increasing opportunities for disadvantaged students and protecting civil rights to gathering on the state of the nation鈥檚 schools. 

As she continues to transfer jobs to other agencies, McMahon will hear from early next month on plans to move services for American Indian and other Native students to the Department of the Interior. Advocates are battling to keep her from moving oversight of special education as well, but at a meeting in December, McMahon maintained, 鈥淣othing shall remain,鈥� said Jennifer Coco, the interim executive director of the Center for Learner Equity, who attended the meeting.

Unless Congress makes those moves stick through legislation, a future administration could reverse them. It鈥檚 also unclear whether attempts to reduce staff and rearrange federal oversight 鈥渨ill pass court muster with the many legal challenges underway,鈥� said Patrick McGuinn, a political science and education professor at Drew University in New Jersey.

The year culminated with an event in a small Iowa town in which McMahon granted the state more flexibility to spend $9 million in federal funds. It鈥檚 a preview of how the administration wants to distribute all federal education funds, 鈥渢hrough no-strings-attached block grants,鈥� said Blew, of the Defense of Freedom Institute.

The department is expected to grant more waivers, and whether Democratic or Republican, most state and local education chiefs are relieved that McMahon wants to reduce paperwork, Blew said. Gustavo Balderas, superintendent of the Beaverton, Oregon, schools, agreed.

鈥淚 don鈥檛 think you鈥檙e going to find a superintendent who’s going to say, 鈥楪ive me more reporting,鈥� 鈥� he said. 

But some found the news from Iowa underwhelming.

鈥淎fter all of last year鈥檚 public posturing and back-and-forth, it felt like weak sauce,鈥� said Dale Chu, a consultant who focuses on assessment and accountability. It was a 鈥渟ymbolic win for Iowa,鈥� he said, 鈥渂ut the jury鈥檚 out as to whether it ultimately makes a difference on student outcomes.鈥�

鈥� Linda Jacobson

Immigration

While the drama unfolds in Washington, Trump’s immigration enforcement actions have hit closer to home. He rolled back longstanding that kept federal immigration agents off school grounds, making K-12 campuses fair game. And despite the Department of Homeland Security鈥檚 claims that it is not targeting students or schools, Immigration and Customs Enforcement and Border Patrol officers have been on or near K-12 campuses across the country ever since, arresting and deporting parents and kids 鈥� often at drop-off and pick-up times.

A federal-agent inspired melee at a Minneapolis high school earlier this month 鈥� hours after an ICE agent fatally shot an unarmed motorist nearby 鈥� prompted a two-day districtwide shutdown. Absenteeism has skyrocketed in heavily patrolled areas throughout the country, and many families have chosen to . Others have joined a nationwide resistance movement.

“Since January 2025, the administration has blanketed communities with ICE agents, which 鈥� predictably 鈥� has only brought chaos, cruelty and violence to our schools,鈥� said Alejandra V谩zquez Baur, a fellow at The Century Foundation, a progressive think tank. 鈥淎nd we anticipate this is just the beginning. This year, education leaders will need to be even more bold to defend their students and the sanctity of the learning environment.”

In some cases, schools and other groups that serve undocumented students have gone underground, scrubbing their locations off their websites and using secure messaging to communicate, fearing any attention from the Trump administration could jeopardize their funding or tax status.

The gutting of the Education Department has left the nation鈥檚 5 million English learners with little oversight 鈥� or as to their . The president, who has espoused an English-only agenda, at one point sought to to support these students.

Undocumented immigrants, banned from Head Start, career and technical education programs and adult education last year, have received a temporary reprieve as related lawsuits are decided. Some states, including Florida and Texas, have rescinded in-state college tuition for those here illegally, keeping education 鈥� the reason so many immigrants cite for coming to America 鈥� out of reach. 

鈥� Jo Napolitano

Students with disabilities 

As the department shrinks, education leaders are especially concerned over how McMahon plans to adhere to the many congressional mandates for oversight of disability services for children in schools.

In December, she told advocates that the Department of Health and Human Services and the Labor Department would most likely be tasked with oversight going forward. That pronouncement means continued uncertainty for schools, said Coco, of the Center for Learner Equity. 

鈥淭here is a sense of fear and chaos in schools,鈥� she said. 鈥淭hey鈥檙e already operating on razor-thin margins. What they can neither handle nor sustain is more delays. Or the notion that federal reporting is now getting spread across multiple agencies with multiple streams of paperwork.鈥� 

McMahon said she hoped eventually to let states seek waivers freeing them from guidelines on how funding meant for children with disabilities is to be spent, and how school systems will be held accountable for meeting those children’s needs. Adding to the uncertainty: In October, numerous department staffers with the hard-to-acquire expertise needed to oversee services for students with profound disabilities and particular needs were fired. 

Once the on those mass layoffs lifts at the end of this month, advocates hope they won鈥檛 be terminated again.

鈥淭here is a real disconnect between what鈥檚 mandated in law and what鈥檚 happening,鈥� said Coco. 鈥淧eople are anxious the other shoe is going to drop.鈥� 

鈥� Beth Hawkins

Civil rights

No area of education policy has been upended more by the Trump administration than civil rights. McMahon gutted the office dedicated to resolving discrimination complaints and has focused its remaining resources on fighting antisemitism and restricting transgender students鈥� access to women鈥檚 sports and bathrooms. 

The department has of racism against Black students, advocates say, even as it an investigation into the Green Bay, Wisconsin, school district for allegedly denying tutoring services to a . Meanwhile, the department is tied up in litigation with and that allow trans students to compete on teams and use facilities consistent with their gender identity. 

Conservatives cheered McMahon鈥檚 aggressive posture.

鈥淧arents are overjoyed,鈥� Nicole Neily, president of the advocacy group Defending Education, said on in February, after the Office for Civil Rights launched an investigation into Denver Public Schools for creating . 鈥淔or this to be a priority of the administration, I think, really sets the tone from the top down.鈥�

But others say the move has left victims of discrimination, bullying or sexual assault without a place to turn. 

The department closed seven of 12 regional OCR offices, including Boston鈥檚, which was handling a complaint against a Massachusetts district where a teacher held a involving two Black fifth graders in 2024. 

The district placed the teacher on leave, but 鈥渕ore should have been done for these children, including assemblies to educate all teachers and children on the horrific impact of slavery,鈥� said Marcie Lipsitt, a Michigan-based advocate who filed the complaint. 鈥淚t鈥檚 been radio silence since.鈥�

McMahon brought back more than 250 laid-off OCR employees in December, but some think their job now is closing complaints rather than investigating. Lipsitt said five that she filed on behalf of students with disabilities have been dismissed in the past month. Sandra Hodgin, CEO of Title IX Consulting Group, said when she asked OCR about cases she was working on, she was told ‘We’re no longer looking at those.’ “

McMahon hasn鈥檛 said where she would move OCR if she continues to offload offices to other federal agencies. One calls for the Department of Justice鈥檚 civil rights division to absorb it, but Johnathan Smith, chief of staff and general counsel at the National Center for Youth Law and a former DOJ official, sees ahead.

鈥淭here’s no staff there, either,鈥� he said.

鈥� Linda Jacobson

LGBTQ and DEI issues

Trump鈥檚 policies have affected local school staff as well. His executive orders against diversity, equity and inclusion initiatives and environmental justice-related work resulted in the elimination of more than $1.5 billion in 鈥渄ivisive鈥� and researching educator effectiveness and retention. In many diverse school systems, the loss of funding meant the immediate shuttering of programs that were graduating large numbers of new educators of color.  

Under the guise of outlawing 鈥済ender ideology or discriminatory equity ideology,鈥� the orders also called for limiting LGBTQ students鈥� rights and eliminating classroom materials referencing slavery, Native American history and sexual harassment and abuse. U.S. law specifically prohibits federal interference in schools鈥� choice of classroom topics and materials.

The Department of Education followed up with guidance saying race-conscious policies or initiatives are considered illegal discrimination. Federal officials did not appeal a court order declaring the letter unlawful.   

With 2026 marking the nation鈥檚 250th anniversary, it鈥檚 likely the administration will become more deliberate about trying to reshape history curricula, said Andre Perry, a senior Brookings fellow. 

鈥淭he first year was about dismantling policy structures,鈥� he said. 鈥淭he second year will be about putting in place things they deem important. [And] schools are going to have to do a lot of these things.鈥�    

The White House also made good last year on Trump鈥檚 campaign promise to curtail the rights of transgender students, issuing an order declaring 鈥渟ex as an immutable binary biological classification.鈥� The administration then demanded that several states stop letting transgender students play sports, and . Last week, OCR launched into 14 school districts, along with three colleges and the state of Hawaii, over those policies.

鈥淭he breadth and scope of what this administration did in just one year was pretty astonishing,鈥� said Naomi Goldberg, executive director of the Movement Advancement Project. 鈥淲hat’s really critical to recognize is how much of it is outside of what agencies typically can do without legislation from Congress, and so much of it violates established case law.鈥�

In 2025, more than 700 anti-LGBTQ bills were introduced in states throughout the country 鈥� but just 90 were enacted, according to the organization鈥檚 .

That relatively low legislative success rate may be one reason the groups behind the push appear to be focusing on state-level ballot measures in 2026, said Goldberg. Measures curtailing trans youth access to medical care and sports will potentially go before voters in Colorado, Maine, Missouri and Washington. 

鈥� Beth Hawkins

Head Start

Head Start, the federally funded preschool program, hasn鈥檛 been immune to funding disruptions and the administration鈥檚 anti-DEI agenda. Officials initially a temporary federal funding freeze. The move led to confusion and closures and served as a warning shot: The early education and support program for low-income children and their families would become a target of Trump’s second term.

Over the next 12 months, the administration continued to delay funding, shuttered five regional offices, fired scores of employees and issued a number of rule changes leading to an ongoing lawsuit. Of particular concern: A ban on any practices perceived to be DEI-related and an unprecedented edict barring enrollment to thousands of kids based on their immigration status. During the prolonged government shutdown, roughly 10,000 kids across 22 programs lost access to services.

Causing further alarm was a  鈥� ultimately scrapped 鈥� that zeroed out funding for Head Start.

Providers got some relief through court orders pausing some policies, but they say the program鈥檚 future under Trump remains precarious. The right-wing Project 2025 playbook, by the president, calls for Head Start鈥檚 elimination. Program foes argue that its $12.2 billion budget is bloated, local centers have been caught up in scandal and Head Start does not produce .

Last year was meant to be a 60th anniversary celebration of the War on Poverty-era program, which has reached more than and their families since its inception. Instead, Head Start has weathered the administration鈥檚 鈥渄eath-by-a-thousand-cuts approach,鈥� said Katie Hamm, deputy assistant secretary for early childhood development under former President Joe Biden.

She worries that in the coming year, 鈥渢he attacks on Head Start will continue,鈥� pointing to a number of already-delayed January grants and ramped-up child care fraud investigations in Minnesota and other states. 

鈥� Amanda Geduld

Research

Others are concerned about losing valuable education data and statistics that guide efforts to improve schools. 

In February, with the Department of Government Efficiency鈥檚 help, officials canceled dozens of contracts through the Institute for Education Sciences, effectively shutting down the department鈥檚 primary knowledge-gathering agency. The following month brought the news that nearly 90% of IES鈥檚 workforce had been terminated. 

A year later, plans to restore that research infrastructure are still murky.

The impact on the world of K鈥�12 research was swift, with major federal contractors and dozens of scholars the return of funds and jobs. Dan Goldhaber, a professor at the University of Washington and frequent recipient of federal research support, said that while he believes the department鈥檚 data collection needed to be brought up to date, the 鈥渢earing down of the institution鈥� had made improvement harder.

“Best-case scenario, this has been incredibly disruptive,鈥� he said. 鈥淓ven if you’re not facing cuts, and your project hasn’t just disappeared, there’s a lot of uncertainty about the future of this work.鈥�

After the barrage of withdrawn funding and reductions in force, Washington issued conflicting messages about the future of IES, with Congress proposing the budget for the organization that the White House requested. Researcher Amber Northern was also to help guide a modernization process, suggesting that the razing may be complete.

Mark Schneider, who led IES during the Biden and first Trump administrations and has become one of the agency鈥檚 most prominent critics, said that while it was easy to void contracts, the true challenge for Trump鈥檚 team would be to design a modern system for K鈥�12 research and development. No plan was yet in evidence, he added.  

“My biggest disappointment is not that DOGE and the department cleaned out the detritus at IES, it鈥檚 that there’s no evidence that they thought enough about how to rebuild,鈥� Schneider remarked. 鈥淭hat, to me, is the loss.鈥�

鈥� Kevin Mahnken

School choice

To the administration, the best judges of school quality are parents. That鈥檚 their chief reason for advancing a bold .  

In July, Trump signed the first national tax credit scholarship program into law, a 鈥溾�� that school choice advocates have long sought. Because it鈥檚 intended to reach students in public schools as well, even prominent Democrats like former Education Secretary Arne Duncan have gotten behind it and urged governors in blue states to participate.

The Educational Choice for Children Act, which kicks in next year, gives taxpayers a $1,700 dollar-for-dollar tax credit when they donate to a nonprofit that awards scholarships. It鈥檚 unlike education savings accounts, which allow parents to use state dollars for tuition or homeschooling expenses. 

But depending on taxpayers to fund the program means scholarship groups will need to recruit multiple donors just to cover private school tuition for one student, said Michael McShane, director of national research at EdChoice, an advocacy organization.

鈥淭hat is a lot of donors and outreach and accounting,鈥� he said. Overall, he gives the administration 鈥渁n incomplete鈥� on its school choice agenda, adding that the Treasury Department鈥檚 upcoming regulations tied to the program 鈥渨ill matter a great deal.鈥�

Choice advocates don鈥檛 want governors to add their own rules, while others want strict accountability on how the funds are spent. Further details of how the program will layer on top of existing private school choice programs will emerge in the coming months. But Norton Rainey, CEO of ACE Scholarships, an organization already operating in multiple states, said the tax credit scholarships will ideally complement state-funded ESAs.

鈥淔or families,鈥� he said, 鈥渢he experience should feel additive rather than confusing.鈥�

If the program primarily serves students already in private schools and opens doors to tutoring and afterschool programs for public school kids, it might not be to public education that some fear. 

鈥淗owever, it is also possible that this program may prompt a portion of public school students to seek enrollment in private schools,鈥� said Kristin Blagg, a researcher at the Urban Institute, a left-leaning think tank. If that鈥檚 the case, she said, states could see 鈥渟ubstantial public school enrollment declines.鈥�

The administration鈥檚 support of private school choice is one way it has aligned itself with Christian conservatives who want religious schools to maintain their admission criteria even if they accept public funds. Many religious schools don鈥檛 accept LGBTQ students, children with disabilities or those from a different faith.

But that鈥檚 not the only way Trump is trying to blur the line between church and state. He supported Oklahoma Catholics in their failed effort to open the nation鈥檚 first religious charter school. The religious right, a key faction of the MAGA movement, has been working to inject the Bible into K-12 public curriculum in several states, and the president announced in September that the Education Department would issue guidance on , which some experts expect to emphasize Christianity.

In mid-May, McMahon supported Trump鈥檚 school choice agenda by announcing an additional $60 million for charters, funds from programs like family engagement centers and educational TV for preschoolers.

She often showcases private and charter schools in her tour stops across the country, like the with a classical model she visited in March.

鈥淪chool choice,鈥� afterwards, 鈥渋s crucial for students and parents to access learning environments that best fit their needs.鈥� 

鈥� Linda Jacobson

But while political activism is linked to positive mental health outcomes for most young people, the picture is more complex for LGBTQ teens and young adults. Two in five reported having at least one concern impacting their lives, prompting them to听consider whether to move to a different state or cross state lines to obtain health care.听

鈥淚t’s a complex situation in that LGBTQ+ youth might feel more motivated to be engaged with political conversations or be civically engaged because they’re also more impacted by those anti-LGBTQ+ policies,鈥� says Tiffany Eden, lead researcher on the report. 鈥淏ut at the same time, they’re also living with the repercussions.鈥� 

The survey was administered between the fall of 2022 and fall 2023, before President Donald Trump鈥檚 inauguration and his immediate attempts to roll back LGBTQ rights, Eden notes. More recent data, including dramatic increases in the number of calls to suicide prevention hotlines, indicate politics鈥� negative impact on queer youth has likely spiked since then. 

Transgender and nonbinary youth were more likely to say they were motivated to take action than their cisgender peers: 63% versus 55%. Half of gender nonconforming youth reported having at least one LGBTQ-related political concern, compared to 35% of cisgender young people. 

These political concerns can lead to mental health challenges, the survey showed. About 70% of those with at least one LGBTQ-related political concern reported recent anxiety, versus. 63% of those without worries. More than half of those with concerns, 56%, reported recent depression, compared to 50% of those without.  

The problems were more significant for young people who said they were unable to meet their basic needs, with 52% harboring concerns compared to 43% whose needs are met.. Half of transgender and nonbinary young people had political concerns, versus 35% of cisgender peers.

Researchers also found geographic differences that frequently mirror the country鈥檚 political landscape, with 54% of those in the South saying they have concerns, vs. 47% in the Midwest, 37% in the West and 30% in the Northeast. 

Differences in young people鈥檚 ability to get their needs met shows up in the data regarding specific types of civic engagement. For example, the vast majority of LGBTQ 18- to 24-year-olds were registered to vote, but the proportion drops for those facing barriers. 

鈥淭hat might be because they’re having more challenges or obstacles obtaining identification that aligns with their gender identity so that they can register to vote, and things like that,鈥� says Eden. 鈥淭hat is probably one of the most important takeaways: That it looks different in LGBTQ+ youth in general, but even within that we see disparities and different groups that might need more support in order to be more engaged in the civic process.鈥� 

Political engagement among those too young to vote was lower at 55%, compared to 64% of 18- to 24-year-olds. But even with more limited opportunities for engagement, the impact of recent policy changes is disproportionately felt by queer youth, says Eden. 

鈥淲hen you think about anti-LGBTQ plus policies that would impact young people, they’re impacting kids that are actually in schools,鈥� she says. 鈥淭hese are bills about using bathrooms that align with your gender identity and playing on sports teams 鈥� things like that.鈥� 

Policies enabling in-school support are particularly important to LGBTQ youth. Slightly more than half say they are accepted by peers or teachers at school, compared with 40% who are supported at home.

The report is part of a series of analyses of longitudinal data Trevor compiles 鈥� which have taken on a more critical importance as some states ban or opt out of LGBTQ youth welfare data collections such as the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention鈥檚 Youth Risk Behavior Survey. 

At the same time, the number of young people affected has risen sharply in recent years. Estimates vary depending on how data is tabulated, but in a recent Gallup survey, almost 2 million 鈥� or 9.5% 鈥� of teens ages 13 to 17 now identify as something other than straight or cisgender. That鈥檚 nearly twice as many as in 2020. 

He began opening monthly board meetings with a Christian prayer, released a about protecting children from transgender students, and at odds with his agenda. The next two and a half years were marked by a steady stream of edicts, incendiary statements and disruptions that included , funding delays and conflicts with .

鈥淓very seven days you could expect something coming. It was almost like clockwork,鈥� said Robert Franklin, a former associate superintendent of Tulsa Tech, a district that offers career and technical education programs. 

As Walters leaves his post as state superintendent to head the Teacher Freedom Alliance, a national anti-union organization, Oklahomans say his turbulent administration offered a preview of the Trump administration鈥檚 鈥溾�� approach to overhauling education. Despite about educators 鈥渃losest to the child鈥� knowing what鈥檚 best in the classroom, Education Secretary Linda McMahon, like Walters, has embraced an aggressive, top-down approach that frequently targets teachers for an assortment of perceived ills, from equity policies to protecting the rights of LGBTQ students.

In February, an Oklahoma City called his state a 鈥渢esting ground for Project 2025,鈥� the conservative Heritage Foundation鈥檚 920-page strategy document that federal agencies are closely following. In the same way Walters welcomed like David Barton and Dennis Prager to influence a rewrite of the state鈥檚 social studies standards, the Trump administration has assembled dozens of conservative leaders and organizations to shape a for the nation鈥檚 250th birthday.

In both cases, improving schools took a backseat to a singular 鈥� some might say, relentless 鈥� focus on the culture war. Walters鈥� grip on the state鈥檚 schools was 鈥渁 microcosm of what we鈥檙e now facing at the federal level,鈥� said the Rev. Shannon Fleck, executive director of Faithful America, an online community that seeks to counteract Christian nationalism. 

In Oklahoma, where she led an interfaith network, educators grew fearful for their jobs as Walters teamed up with , who created , to monitor teachers鈥� social media. In Washington, McMahon laid off 1,300 staffers and officials told districts nationwide that they would lose federal funds if they didn鈥檛 eliminate programs aimed at closing racial achievement gaps. 

To some right-leaning groups, Walters was a champion for parental rights whose 鈥渃ourage鈥� deserves respect. 鈥淗e showed that it鈥檚 possible to push back against the machine,鈥� a supporter on Facebook. 

In part due to his use of to get himself on conservative media, Walters鈥� actions drew attention far outside his state. But the visibility also made him fodder for . Stephen Colbert called out the Oklahoma chief鈥檚 mandate that every classroom have a Bible and teachers incorporate scriptures into their lessons.

鈥淥ur kids have to understand the role the Bible played in influencing American history,鈥� Walters said in a video from behind his desk last year after spending on 500 Trump-endorsed Bibles for AP Government courses. 鈥淚t鈥檚 very clear that the radical left has driven the Bible out of the classroom. We will not stop until we鈥檝e brought the Bible back to every classroom in the state.鈥�

For Oklahoma superintendents, the mandate was no joke. 

鈥淢ost of my colleagues across the state are in the front row at their local church every Sunday, and here’s this guy forcing the Bible on them,鈥� said Craig McVay, who retired in 2022 as superintendent of the El Reno district, outside Oklahoma City, and is now for state superintendent. 

accused Walters of trying to local curriculum, noting that students were already allowed to bring their own Bibles to school. 鈥淓specially in the smaller communities of this state, it’s very difficult to stand up against Jesus, and that’s what he forced them to do.鈥�

He largely failed.

Most districts have no plans to change current practices, while both the and the blocked Walters鈥� plan to purchase 55,000 Bibles.

Trump hasn鈥檛 conditioned federal funds on Bible reading in public schools, but the federal department is expected to issue new guidance on what he called 鈥渢otal protection鈥� for . Some worry the administration will over other religions in violation of the First Amendment. 

鈥楾rumpier than Trump鈥�

After Trump鈥檚 November victory, Walters created a special committee to help the state comply with the president鈥檚 education agenda. In a letter to parents, he called Trump 鈥渁 fearless champion of efforts to eliminate the federal bureaucracy that has shut local communities and parents out of the decisions that impact their students鈥� educations.鈥� Some speculated that Walters, who did not return calls or texts to comment for this article, was for a job in Trump鈥檚 cabinet, particularly the one the president ultimately gave to McMahon. 

His frequent social media posts continue to voice unwavering support for Trump on issues such as , , and even .

Leslie Finger, an assistant professor of political science at the University of North Texas, said she wondered if Walters鈥� strategy toward achieving 鈥減olitical prominence鈥� was to be 鈥淭rumpier than Trump.鈥� 

She pointed, for example, to Kari Lake, the former TV news anchor and Trump ally who that former President Joe Biden won Arizona in 2020. She sued, unsuccessfully, to overturn a gubernatorial election she lost to Democratic Gov. Katie Hobbs in 2022 and still denies she lost her in 2024.

But while Trump chose Lake to lead, and , the U.S. Agency for Global Media, which runs Voice of America, Walters never got the nod. To Derek Black, a constitutional law professor at the University of South Carolina, that鈥檚 surprising.

鈥淗is brazenness seems to be a character trait the administration values, which begs the question of why he stayed in Oklahoma,鈥� Black said. It鈥檚 鈥渟omewhat likely,鈥� he added, that Walters 鈥渓acked the insider network to get a position high enough to suit him.鈥�

Once Trump was re-elected, Walters advanced policies that seemed to stay one step ahead of his hero. He pushed through that expect students to 鈥渋dentify discrepancies in 2020 elections results,鈥� even though ruled there was no evidence that the Biden campaign 鈥渟tole鈥� the election. , the standards present the 鈥渇ull and true context of our nation鈥檚 founding and of the principles that made and continue to make America great and exceptional.鈥� The Oklahoma Supreme Court the state from implementing them after parents, teachers and faith leaders sued, arguing the standards require teaching from the Bible. 

Over 1,300 miles away, the Trump administration is undergoing a similar overhaul of the Smithsonian museums in Washington, D.C., to replace 鈥渋deological indoctrination or divisive narratives that distort our shared history.” Exhibits, , focus too much on 鈥渉ow bad slavery was鈥� and offer 鈥渘othing about Success, nothing about Brightness, nothing about the Future.”

In line with Trump鈥檚 immigration policy, Walters to round up undocumented students at school and instructed districts to collect parents鈥� citizenship status when they enrolled their children. The state legislature opposed the plan.

The federal government has attempted to bar undocumented children from attending Head Start and issued that prohibits students, including those in high school, from receiving tuition assistance for career and technical education.

鈥楥hristian patriot鈥�

To Black, the law professor, Walters was 鈥渟o far out of bounds鈥� that he 鈥渃ared even less about rules 鈥han the current administration.鈥�

He required teachers from New York and California, seeking to work in Oklahoma, to take a to screen out 鈥渨oke鈥� applicants 鈥� a move said would discourage efforts to recruit teachers. But as with Trump, his boundary pushing endeared him to Christian nationalists, who maintain a strong foothold in Oklahoma. One group, the Tulsa-based City Elders, considers Walters a 鈥淐hristian patriot鈥� who worked to advance their mission of 鈥渆stablishing the kingdom of God鈥� on earth and infusing government with Christian principles.  

鈥淭his is a war for the souls of our kids,鈥� Walters in 2022. 鈥淭he brilliance of our founders and the acknowledgement of almighty God 鈥� that’s where our blessings come from. That’s where our rights came from 鈥� and the left wants us to take that out of schools.鈥�

Last August, when GOP lawmakers called for investigations into Walters鈥� management of state education funds, members of the group school board meetings and were the first to sign up to speak. 

City Elders hosted him again at a gala in March, but , organized by groups that oppose Christian nationalism, gathered outside the Tulsa-area conference center. Some waved signs that said 鈥淚mpeach Walters,鈥� calling him a 鈥渄anger鈥� to education.

A month later, he came face-to-face with critics during a 鈥渢own hall鈥� event organized by the Turning Point USA chapter at Oklahoma State University, considered one of the colleges in the country. Co-founder Charlie Kirk, who was assassinated Sept 10 in Utah, founded the organization to mobilize college students around conservative ideas and encourage open debate.

But Walters couldn鈥檛 finish his sentences amid the angry chants about his and his following the death of a nonbinary student last year. He called Nex Benedict鈥檚 death, later determined to be a suicide, a tragedy. But he also used the moment to voice opposition to schools that allowed students to use facilities that don鈥檛 align with their sex assigned at birth. His administration, he said, would not 鈥渓ie to students鈥� about being able to change their gender. 

At the time, he was still a potential candidate for governor. In June, suggested that while Walters trailed frontrunner Attorney General Gentner Drummond by 27 percentage points, a path to the Republican nomination wasn鈥檛 impossible. Some question why a politician with Walters鈥� ambition would walk away for a new position with an uncertain future. He was also eligible to run again for state superintendent.

鈥淚t’s pretty rare for someone to resign [during] their first term in a position when they’ve got another one available,鈥� , a civics and voting rights advocate, said on a Thursday.听

While Walters and were once close, observers say the superintendent had no chance of getting the . They had a series of on issues ranging from Walters鈥� attempt to take over the Tulsa schools to his support for immigration raids at school. Walters鈥� allegiance to Trump may have worked against him, said Jeffrey Henig, a professor emeritus of education and political science at Teachers College, Columbia University. 

鈥淭here’s an odd lack of symmetry in the politics around Trump,鈥� he said. 鈥淐rossing him is close to political suicide for Republicans, but trying to read from his script does not confer equal and proportionate success.鈥�  

When McMahon visited the state in August, she a charter school tour with the governor鈥檚 office, not Walters 鈥� a move widely viewed as a political snub. 

In a farewell letter to parents, he counted eliminating 鈥渨oke indoctrination鈥� and teacher recruitment efforts among his accomplishments. He that 151 special education teachers, including 34 from out of state, would receive signing bonuses of $20,000. It was Kirk鈥檚 death, he r, that inspired him to take the job at the Teacher Freedom Alliance and that 鈥渘ational leaders鈥� recruited him for the position.

鈥淲e have to have more people step up on the national stage to protect this country’s values,鈥� he said. 鈥淲e’ve got to get rid of the teachers unions.鈥� 

In typical outsized fashion, Walters didn鈥檛 just pay his respects to Kirk. He mandated that schools hold a moment of silence on Sept. 16 at noon 鈥� at a time when students would be eating lunch or enjoying recess. 

He followed up with a declaration that all Oklahoma high schools would open a Turning Point USA club, even though leaves those decisions up to local school boards.

To Franklin, who took opposite sides with Walters on issues like Christian charter schools, the moment was telling. The former Tulsa Tech official said it underscored why Walters, despite the backing of right-wing groups like the Heritage Foundation and Moms for Liberty, might struggle outside of听Oklahoma.

As Walters assumes a new national position, Franklin said that unlike Kirk, the former chief never sparked a 鈥済roundswell of 鈥極h my God, we need to listen to this guy,鈥� 鈥� Kirk鈥檚 organization had over 900 college chapters prior to his death and has since to establish thousands more. His campus appearances could draw thousands.

鈥淭he Charlie Kirk phenomenon only strikes every once in a while, and I don’t think Walters has that kind of following.鈥�

The Trump administration demanded that New York City scrap policies designed to protect transgender students by Tuesday evening or it will discontinue millions in grant funding earmarked for magnet schools.

That would affect about $15 million city officials were expecting from the federal government next fiscal year, which the city has used to support . City officials say they expected $36 million for the remaining duration of the grants. Federal officials said they would not revoke funds that have already been distributed.

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If the city doesn鈥檛 change its policies regarding transgender students, 鈥渢he Department鈥檚 Office for Civil Rights cannot certify they are in compliance with all civil rights laws, and therefore cannot award the magnet school assistance program funding for the next fiscal year,鈥� U.S. Department of Education spokesperson Madison Biedermann wrote in a statement Tuesday morning.

On Sept. 16, federal education officials that they were 鈥渄eeply concerned鈥� with policies allowing transgender students to participate in sports and use bathrooms and other facilities in accordance with their gender identity.

On Friday, city officials requested 30 days to consider whether to appeal the Trump administration鈥檚 decision to withhold the grant funding, though federal officials appear to have rejected that request in favor of a Tuesday evening deadline. Biedermann said the tight timeline was because the federal government must certify compliance with civil rights laws before the end of the fiscal year on Sept. 30.

The move represents one of the first known threats from the federal government to withhold funding from New York City鈥檚 Education Department in line with its contested interpretation of federal civil rights laws. The Trump administration has mounted an aggressive push to roll back protections for transgender students and has targeted districts in , , and .

Mayor Eric Adams in line with the Trump administration鈥檚 wishes. His comments appear to have opened an unusual rift with schools Chancellor Melissa Aviles-Ramos, who recently said the current rules are consistent with the city鈥檚 values.

Craig Trainor, the U.S. Department of Education鈥檚 acting assistant secretary for civil rights, asserted in the Sept. 16 letter that the city鈥檚 policies violate Title IX, which prohibits sex discrimination at education institutions that receive federal funding. The letter singled out the magnet school grant program and was sent to at least three school districts, .

Shortly thereafter, Adams in public appearances and interviews, drawing strong rebukes from state education officials and civil rights groups who noted that state law and city guidelines forbid denying access to facilities based on a person鈥檚 gender identity.

Liz Vladeck, the city Education Department鈥檚 top lawyer, requested a month to consider challenging the Trump administration鈥檚 move holding up the grant funding.

In a , she asked the federal Education Department to 鈥減lease explain the nexus between your interpretation of Title IX and the [magnet school] grant funding that is being discontinued.鈥� The letter also asserts that the move 鈥渄eprived the NYCDOE of the procedures and due process required by federal regulations.鈥�

Adams has denied that the funding threat motivated his recent comments about bathroom policies and acknowledged he has little power to directly change them because they are enshrined in state law. But he has held to his position.

鈥淚 don鈥檛 know what parent of a little girl would be comfortable with a boy walking into the shower where their baby is,鈥� he said in a Monday . 鈥淚鈥檓 just not going to support that.鈥�

A spokesperson for Adams did not respond to a question about what showers the mayor was referring to, or if there were any examples of the city鈥檚 policies for transgender students causing problems in schools.

The Trump administration has in a bid to get him out of the mayoral race to help former Gov. Andrew Cuomo defeat Zohran Mamdani, a Queens assemblyman and the current frontrunner. A City Hall spokesperson previously denied that Adams鈥� new interest in reconsidering the city鈥檚 policies was related to a potential job in the Trump administration.

Aviles-Ramos, the schools chancellor who was appointed by Adams, has suggested city policies would not change, a rare instance of the schools chief diverging from the mayor鈥檚 messaging.

鈥淭o date, you know, those policies remain in place, and we鈥檙e going to continue to uphold them as part of our values here in New York City Public Schools,鈥� Aviles-Ramos said during a .

City Hall and Education Department spokespeople denied there was any rift between the mayor and chancellor.

鈥淲ithholding funding that benefits all students 鈥� simply because of a specific policy we have no power to change 鈥� is unwarranted and wrong,鈥� Kayla Mamelak Altus, an Adams spokesperson, wrote in a statement.

鈥淲hile Mayor Adams may not agree with every rule or policy, we will always stand up to protect critical resources for our city鈥檚 1 million students. On this issue, the mayor and chancellor are fully aligned: we must follow the law, support our students鈥� identities, and keep them safe at all times.鈥�

City officials did not indicate how they plan to respond to the Trump administration鈥檚 latest demand that they change their policies by Tuesday evening.

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The Fairfax and Arlington school districts in Virginia sued Education Secretary Linda McMahon Friday over her move to classify them as 鈥渉igh-risk鈥� over their transgender policies.

Their complaint noted that the additional oversight of spending came just two days after the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit, in a , reaffirmed its ruling in Grimm v. Gloucester County Board of Education, which gives trans students the right to use restrooms that align with their gender identity.听

That decision 鈥渞emains the law in Northern Virginia as well as the rest of the Circuit,鈥� they wrote.听听

In a statement, Fairfax County Public Schools Superintendent Michele Reid called the lawsuit a step toward ensuring 鈥渢hat hungry children are fed and that student access to multilingual, special education, and other essential services is not compromised.鈥�

Virginia Gov. Glenn Youngkin has tried since 2022 to get the suburban D.C. school districts in his state to end their policies accommodating transgender students.

Last week, the Trump administration offered considerable firepower to his cause when it announced it would require the five districts to justify every dollar they spend in order to receive federal funding. In a stern , Education Secretary Linda McMahon said Alexandria, Arlington, Fairfax, Loudoun and Prince William 鈥� the five northernmost districts closest to the nation’s capital  鈥� are 鈥渃hoosing to abide by woke gender ideology in place of federal law.鈥� 

But even as McMahon placed them on 鈥渉igh-risk鈥� status, their leaders policies that allow students to use bathrooms and locker rooms that align with their gender identity, meaning the Republican governor might leave office in January without accomplishing his goal.

Grace Turner Creasy, president of the Virginia Board of Education, said it鈥檚 鈥渁nyone鈥檚 guess鈥� whether the department鈥檚 move will change the outcome. District leaders say they are following state law and the most current federal court opinion on the issue. 

The state鈥檚 position on the matter might also shift in the next few months with Youngkin ineligible to run again in November. Democrat Abigail Spanberger, who is , hasn鈥檛 addressed the controversy, while  Lt. Gov. Winsome Earle-Sears has , much as Youngkin did in 2021 when he appealed to parents angry over pandemic school closures and 鈥渃ritical race theory.鈥� 

The department鈥檚 action against the Virginia districts is part of an effort by President Donald Trump to force states and districts to comply with his stating that the federal government only recognizes two sexes. Following that move in January, the Education Department said it wouldn鈥檛 enforce the Biden-era Title IX rule, which expanded protections for transgender students.

On Thursday, Trump to pull all federal funding from 鈥渁ny California school district that doesn鈥檛 adhere to our Transgender policies.鈥� The administration is already suing and on trans students鈥� participation in women鈥檚 sports. 

The conflict with the Virginia districts has been building since February when the department launched a probe into their policies. In July, officials found them in and gave them 10 days to change their rules and 鈥渁dopt biology-based definitions of the words 鈥榤ale鈥� and 鈥榝emale鈥� in all practices and policies relating to Title IX.鈥�

They refused, and with roughly $50 million for low-income students, special education and other programs at risk, last week鈥檚 move escalated the dispute to a new level.  

鈥淵ou鈥檙e going to continue to see the Trump administration put 鈥� pressure in a variety of ways that affect funding. It feels like all options are on the table,鈥� said W. Scott Lewis, managing partner with TNG Consulting, which trains districts across the country on Title IX. He added that where the Education Department directs its enforcement 鈥渕ay vary by state, depending on gubernatorial and state house control.鈥�

鈥楾otally atypical鈥�

The penalty is severe, experts said. The high-risk label is usually reserved for districts or states in serious financial trouble. 

In 2006, the Education Department slapped that designation on the for mismanaging money, including federal grants and charter school funds.

In another example, the Michigan Department of Education placed the in high-risk status after a found the district misused over $53 million. The district spent Title I funds, for example, on equipment and building improvements the state didn鈥檛 approve, paid vendors more than the amount of their contracts and couldn鈥檛 produce invoices and receipts for multiple transactions. The district remained under federal oversight for five years. 

In this case, the added layer of scrutiny isn鈥檛 because of suspected mismanagement of the grant funds themselves; it鈥檚 an ideological disagreement. David DeSchryver, senior vice president of Whiteboard Advisors, a consulting firm, called the action 鈥渢otally atypical in terms of scale.鈥�

With the school year just starting, the question is whether any 鈥渘ew hurdles鈥� might slow down the reimbursement process, said Dan Adams, spokesman for the Loudoun County Public Schools. In a statement, the Virginia Department of Education said it 鈥渨ill closely scrutinize any future requests鈥� for funding. 

At least one of the five superintendents, Arlington鈥檚 Francisco Dur谩n, told the public at a that he鈥檚 prepared to take legal action if the district鈥檚 funding is challenged. 

But conservatives view McMahon鈥檚 approach as accountability for districts that are defying the president. 

鈥淏y refusing to reverse your reckless policies, you are failing our daughters and risking losing millions of dollars in funding,鈥� Earle-Sears said at Arlington鈥檚 board meeting. 鈥淎s governor, I will not stand by while political correctness tramples over science, fairness and safety.鈥�

The district has faced criticism over in which a registered sex offender identifying as a transgender woman used a women鈥檚 locker room at Washington Liberty High School. The school鈥檚 indoor pool is open to the public after school hours, and Dur谩n said officials were unaware the person was a registered offender. 

Ginny Gentiles, an Arlington parent and a school choice expert at the conservative Defense of Freedom Institute, said the districts are 鈥渃linging to activist-drafted policies that allow males to self-ID into female spaces,鈥� but that she hopes officials will listen to those concerned about women鈥檚 and girls鈥� safety.

She urged community members to closely monitor expenditures.

鈥淪chool board leaders clearly intend to spend taxpayer dollars on inevitable court cases and likely expensive legal fees,鈥� she said. 

Earle-Sears also joined on Wednesday, where district officials threatened to suspend two boys for sexual harassment and sex discrimination. They complained last spring when a student identifying as a trans boy used the locker room to change and videotaped them.

鈥楩ederal overreach鈥�

Some observers say the battle between Washington and its neighboring districts is more than a culture war. Kristen Amundson, a former Democratic state lawmaker and Fairfax County school board member, said the administration is trying to exert control over blue cities. 

鈥淭his is not about trans kids; this is about federal overreach,鈥� she said. She cited patrolling Washington and of the Kennedy Center Honors as further examples. 鈥淒o you see the pattern here?鈥�

The impasse also comes at a difficult time for the state鈥檚 Republicans, which tend to elect governors from the party that鈥檚 . Northern Virginia already votes predominantly blue, and residents, Amundson said, are especially angry at Washington. 

鈥淭hey have seen thousands of parents lose their jobs鈥� because of and 鈥減arents snatched off the streets鈥� in , she said. 

For Earle-Sears, a , the debate over trans students is a key campaign issue. In contrast, Spanberger, who has three school-age daughters, has an focused on improving instruction in public schools and addressing teacher shortages. 

Anne Holton, former secretary of education under Democratic Gov. Terry McAuliffe, called the issue a distraction 鈥渇rom the issues that parents really care about,鈥� like employing high-quality teachers and preparing kids well for college or a career. 

For now, districts say they are complying with the . Enacted in 2020, it allows anyone to use facilities that align with their gender identity.  In addition, the Trump administration鈥檚 policies, they say, conflict with the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit鈥檚 opinion in Grimm v. Gloucester County School Board. 

That鈥檚 been their position since 2022, when Youngkin issued stating that students must use bathrooms and locker rooms that match the sex they were assigned at birth. A year later, Jason Miyares, the state鈥檚 attorney general, that the governor鈥檚 rules didn鈥檛 violate state or federal anti-discrimination laws. Yet district policies remain unchanged.

In Grimm, the court ruled that the district鈥檚 transgender bathroom ban was unconstitutional. The U.S. Supreme Court in 2021 in that case. In its upcoming term, the Supreme Court will hear lawsuits from West Virginia and Idaho that test whether states can ban transgender girls from competing in female sports.

Those cases 鈥渨ill further clarify Title IX鈥檚 application,鈥� Arlington鈥檚 Dur谩n said at last week鈥檚 board meeting. 鈥淏ut in the meantime, our policy will remain in place in alignment with state and federal law, and we are prepared to defend it and our federal funding if challenged.鈥� 

In a 6-3 ruling, the conservative justices said the Montgomery County Public Schools must reinstate its opt-out policy. The opinion puts districts nationwide on notice that parents should have a greater say over whether their children are exposed to views that conflict with what they learn at home. 

鈥淲e conclude that the parents are likely to succeed in their challenge to the board鈥檚 policies,鈥� Justice Samuel Alito wrote for the majority. 鈥淎 government burdens the religious exercise of parents when it requires them to submit their children to instruction that poses 鈥榓 very real threat of undermining鈥� the religious beliefs and practices that the parents wish to instill.鈥�

The case, , now returns to a lower court, which will consider whether the district violated the parents鈥� First Amendment rights. Eric Baxter, an attorney with the Becket Fund for Religious Liberty, which represented the parents, said he expects the district to settle.

鈥淭he court鈥檚 ruling clearly will extend through the end of this case,鈥� he said. 鈥淚 don’t think there are any facts the school board can produce that will change the court’s mind.鈥� 

In , the district said it 鈥渨ill determine next steps and navigate this moment with integrity and purpose.鈥�

鈥楾he assault on books鈥�

In a dissent, Justice Sonia Sotomayor expressed sympathy for district officials鈥� decision to stop allowing families to opt out. 

鈥淭he result will be chaos for this nation鈥檚 public schools鈥� and 鈥渋mpose impossible administrative burdens on schools,鈥� she said in the minority opinion, joined by Justices Ketanji Brown Jackson and Elena Kagan. What would happen, she asked, if a school had to alert parents any time a lesson or story might contradict what parents believe. 鈥淣ext to go could be teaching on evolution, the work of female scientist Marie Curie, or the history of vaccines.鈥�

PEN America, a free speech organization that advocates against restrictions on books, criticized the ruling, saying that it lays the 鈥渇oundation for a new frontier in the assault on books of all kinds in schools.鈥� 

The case reflects an ongoing clash between efforts to represent LGBTQ families in the curriculum and the rights of religious parents. The families who sued 鈥� Muslim, Catholic and Orthodox Christian 鈥� argued that simply having the books in the classroom offended their beliefs. But rather than demanding the district remove them outright, they asked that their children be allowed to leave class when teachers read the books. The Trump administration, 26 GOP-led states and 66 members of Congress sided with the parents.

鈥淭his ruling is more than just a legal win. It is a moral and spiritual triumph that acknowledges the sacred responsibility entrusted to parents,鈥� said Billy Moges, a Christian mother of three and board member for Kids First, an advocacy group that formed to oppose the district鈥檚 move.

In a call with reporters Friday, Baxter called the ruling 鈥渁 win-win鈥� because it shows parents with religious disagreements 鈥渄on鈥檛 get to veto everyone else鈥檚 practices.鈥�

In 2022, the 160,000-student Montgomery district added LGBTQ inclusive books like 鈥淯ncle Bobby鈥檚 Wedding,鈥� about a girl鈥檚 uncle who marries another man, and 鈥淏orn Ready,鈥� about a transgender boy, to its elementary curriculum. In March 2023, officials announced they would end their policy of allowing parents to opt their children out of listening to the stories and any classroom discussions about the books. They argued that the policy applied to all parents, not just those wanting opt outs for religious reasons. 

The books were not intended to influence students鈥� beliefs about sexual orientation and gender identity, officials argued, but to reflect the diversity of the community. That didn鈥檛 satisfy the parents who sued, some of whom left the district over the issue.

鈥淚 would have loved to keep my children in public school, 鈥� but I just didn’t have that choice,鈥� Moges told 社区黑料 before the oral arguments in April. 

鈥楴eed not wait for the damage鈥�

The conservatives rejected the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit鈥檚 opinion that there was insufficient evidence of how teachers were actually using the books in the classroom to determine whether students were coerced into adopting the views they represented. 

鈥淲hen a deprivation of First Amendment rights is at stake, a plaintiff need not wait for the damage to occur before filing suit,鈥� Alito wrote. The books, he said, 鈥渁re designed to present the opposite viewpoint to young, impressionable children, 鈥resent same-sex weddings as occasions for great celebration and suggest that the only rubric for determining whether a marriage is acceptable is whether the individuals concerned 鈥榣ove each other.鈥� 鈥� 

The ruling came a day after the of the court鈥檚 landmark ruling in that made gay marriage legal nationwide. Alito, along with Chief Justice John Roberts and Justice Clarence Thomas, dissented from the majority in that case. 

In the Mahmoud ruling, the court also shot down the suggestion 鈥� one that Jackson elaborated on during oral arguments 鈥� that parents who don鈥檛 like what public schools teach can put their children in private school or homeschool them.

鈥淧ublic education is a public benefit, and the government cannot 鈥榗ondition鈥� its 鈥榓vailability鈥� on parents鈥� willingness to accept a burden on their religious exercise,鈥� Alito wrote.

The ruling means that schools will have to give parents, especially those with young children, more advance notice when lessons are planned that touch on religious beliefs.

鈥淭he court drew a clear line: simple exposure to ideas is allowed, but instruction that pushes a particular moral viewpoint 鈥� especially without room for dissent 鈥� can cross into a constitutional burden,鈥� said Asma Uddin, a Georgetown University law professor who focuses on religious liberty.  

Some faith leaders argue the books never should have been viewed through a religious lens and that the court鈥檚 decision will further marginalize LGBTQ students and families at a time when the Trump administration is seeking to remove their legal protections.  

The ruling 鈥渋s just the latest example of religion being used as a tool of discrimination and misappropriated to harm our neighbors,鈥� Rev. Shannon Fleck, executive director of Faithful America, a Christian social-justice organization, said in a statement. 鈥淭he truth is that there is no scripture or religious doctrine that denies the existence of LGBTQ people.鈥�

The Trump administration announced Wednesday that it plans to end support services for LGBTQ+ youth who call a federal 988 Suicide & Crisis Hotline.

Currently, those who call 988 and press 3 are connected with counselors who are specifically trained to assist LGBTQ+ youth. The Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration said in a statement that it would no longer fund this service beginning July 17. The hotline will continue, but without dedicated support for the LGBTQ+ community.

鈥淓veryone who contacts the 988 Lifeline will continue to receive access to skilled, caring, culturally competent crisis counselors who can help with suicidal, substance misuse, or mental health crises, or any other kind of emotional distress,鈥� said the statement.

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The statement said it will no longer 鈥渟ilo LGB+ youth services鈥� 鈥� dropping the 鈥淭鈥� of the acronym, which stands for 鈥渢ransgender.鈥�

In the last year, the service provided help to over 45,000 callers each month who pressed 3 鈥� or about 1,500 calls a day, according to federal data. The number of LGBTQ+ calls surged to over 61,000 in November 2024. It has served approximately 1.3 million callers.

The federal government began this service as a pilot in 2022 in partnership with the Trevor Project, a West Hollywood-based nonprofit founded to support LGBTQ+ youth experiencing a mental health crisis. Six other groups joined to create a network for LGBTQ+ youth nationwide.

CEO Jaymes Black called the decision 鈥渄evastating鈥� and called on Congress to reverse the decision.

鈥淭he administration鈥檚 decision to remove a bipartisan, evidence-based service that has effectively supported a high-risk group of young people through their darkest moments is incomprehensible,鈥� Black said in a statement. 鈥淭he fact that this news comes to us halfway through Pride Month is callous 鈥� as is the administration鈥檚 choice to remove the 鈥楾鈥� from the acronym 鈥楲GBTQ+鈥� in their announcement.鈥�

The Trevor Project continues to offer crisis counselors on its own hotline 24/7 at 1-866-488-7386, via chat at TheTrevorProject.org/Get-Help, or via texting START to 678678.

The U.S. Supreme Court, in a potential landmark decision, upheld Tennessee鈥檚 law prohibiting gender affirming care for minors, saying children who seek the treatment don鈥檛 qualify as a protected class.

In United States v. Skrmetti, the high court overturning a lower court鈥檚 finding that the restrictions violate the constitutional rights of children seeking puberty blockers and hormones to treat gender dysphoria. The U.S. Court of Appeals overturned the district court鈥檚 decision and sent it to the high court.

The court鈥檚 three liberal justices dissented, writing that the court had abandoned transgender children and their families to 鈥減olitical whims.鈥�

Tennessee lawmakers passed the legislation in 2023, leading to a lawsuit argued before the Supreme Court last December. The federal government, under the Biden administration, took up the case for the American Civil Liberties Union, Lambda Legal and three transgender teens, their families and a Memphis doctor who challenged the law, but the U.S. Department of Justice under President Donald Trump dropped its opposition.

In its ruling, the court said that the plaintiffs argued that Senate Bill 1 鈥渨arrants heightened scrutiny because it relies on sex-based classifications.鈥� But the court found that neither of the classifications considered, those based on age and medical use, are determined on sex.

鈥淩ather, SB1 prohibits healthcare providers from administering puberty blockers or hormones to minors for certain medical uses, regardless of a minor鈥檚 sex,鈥� the ruling states.

The ruling says the application of the law 鈥渄oes not turn on sex,鈥� either, because it doesn鈥檛 prohibit certain medical treatments for minors of one sex while allowing it for minors of the opposite sex.

The House Republican Caucus issued a statement saying, 鈥淭his is a proud day for the Volunteer State and for all who believe in protecting the innocence and well-being of America鈥檚 children. Tennessee House Republicans are pleased by the court鈥檚 courage to stand firm against ideology that denies biological reality. The sterilization and disfigurement of children will no longer be normalized. As we celebrate the precedent set by this decision, we remain committed to leading the nation in safeguarding the health, safety and future of all children.鈥�

Senate Majority Leader Jack Johnson, who sponsored the bill, said he is grateful the court ruled that states hold the authority to protect children from 鈥渋rreversible medical procedures.鈥�

鈥淭he simple message the Supreme Court has sent the world is 鈥榚nough is enough,’鈥� Johnson said in a statement.

The Tennessee Equality Project, an LGBTQ advocacy group, expressed dismay at the decision: 鈥淲e are profoundly disappointed by the U.S. Supreme Court鈥檚 decision to side with the Tennessee legislature鈥檚 anti-transgender ideology and further erode the rights of transgender children and their families and doctors. We are grateful to the plaintiffs, families, and the ACLU for fighting on behalf of more than across the nation.鈥�

The group said gender-affirming care saves lives and is supported by medical groups such as the American Academy of Pediatrics and the American Medical Association.

The court also rejected plaintiffs鈥� argument that the law enforces 鈥渁 government preference that people conform to expectations about their sex.鈥� 

The court found that laws that classify people on the basis of sex require closer scrutiny if they involve 鈥渋mpermissible stereotypes.鈥� But if the law鈥檚 classifications aren鈥檛 covertly or overtly based on sex, heightened review by the court isn鈥檛 required unless the law is motivated by 鈥渋nvidious discriminatory purpose.鈥�

鈥淎nd regardless, the statutory findings on which SB1 is premised do not themselves evince sex-based stereotyping,鈥� the ruling says.

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Tennessee Lookout maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Holly McCall for questions: info@tennesseelookout.com.

While scrolling through Instagram, the mother noticed her child’s friends also called the teen Toby. So she began digging for further evidence of something she had started to suspect 鈥� that the ninth grader, with the school’s support, was transitioning from female to male.

鈥淚鈥檓 like 鈥楬ey, you can鈥檛 deny it anymore鈥� 鈥� said Lydia, who did not want to use her last name out of a desire to protect her child, now 17.

The school鈥檚 principal, following guidance that allows students to decide whether to inform parents of their gender identity, refused to meet with her. But she found clues elsewhere 鈥� an alternate ID card with the name Toby stuffed in a backpack, and emails between district staff discussing which name to use in the yearbook.

Over time, she discovered her child鈥檚 transition was an open secret at school 鈥� one kept by staff, administrators, a district equity officer, the superintendent, even the president of the local teachers union.

鈥淭hey were strategizing against me,鈥� Lydia said.

Her experience now lies at the center of a major push by the U.S. Department of Education to clamp down on policies that allow schools to conceal changes in students鈥� gender identity from parents.  

In a March press release announcing an investigation into , Education Secretary Linda McMahon said teachers and counselors should stay out of 鈥渃onsequential decisions鈥� about children鈥檚 sexual identities. Officials are probing similar allegations in and .

In an unprecedented move, the department is threatening to pull millions of dollars in federal education funding from all three states. 

But it鈥檚 putting all schools on notice. In , federal officials warned states and districts that their support of student 鈥済ender plans鈥� had become a 鈥減riority concern.鈥� For educators, the message was as stunning as its rationale. The department is relying on a novel, and according to some critics, incorrect, interpretation of a 50-year-old student privacy law known as the Family Educational Rights and Privacy Act, or FERPA.

The law is typically used to safeguard student records and allow parents to inspect them. But it doesn鈥檛 compel schools to inform parents how their children identify in the classroom. If schools link a record to a student, 鈥渢he parent has a right of access to it if they request it,鈥� said LeRoy Rooker, who oversaw compliance with FERPA at the Education Department for over 20 years. But 鈥渢he school doesn’t have to be proactive and call and say 鈥楬ey, we did this.鈥� 鈥�

Department leaders appear to be stretching the reach of the law in an attempt to bolster conservative arguments that schools are meddling in deeply personal decisions that should be left to parents. In response to the Washington investigation, state Superintendent Chris Reykdal said in a statement that his state is the 鈥渓atest target in the administration鈥檚 dangerous war against individuals who are transgender鈥� and that officials are twisting student privacy laws 鈥渢o undermine the health, safety and well-being of students.鈥� 

To Julie Hamill, a Los Angeles-area attorney who to investigate, Lydia鈥檚 story demonstrates that a law designed to keep parents informed is now working against them.

鈥漈he parents are in the dark,鈥� said Hamill of the conservative California Justice Center. 鈥淧arents will not know student records are being withheld unless they鈥檝e somehow discovered it on their own.鈥�

In tackling the role of schools in student gender transitions, the department is dipping into one of the more emotionally fraught issues in the culture war, one that President Donald Trump campaigned on and weaponized once he was back in the White House. 

In one of his first , Trump said, without evidence, that schools are 鈥渟teering students toward surgical and chemical mutilation.鈥� In March, who reversed their gendering processes. She criticized the 鈥渓engths schools would go to in order to hide this information from parents.鈥�

To many experts, the administration鈥檚 scrutiny is out of proportion to the scope of the issue. In the overwhelming majority of cases, schools and students are just navigating preferred names and pronouns, and even those situations are infrequent. Multiple estimate that about 3% of teens are transgender. Far fewer are likely to approach school officials with a request for a name or pronoun change, said Brian Dittmeier, the director of public policy at GLSEN, which advocates for LGBTQ students.

Loretta Whitson, executive director of the California Association of School Counselors, said it is 鈥渞are鈥� for school officials to discuss transitioning with students, and that her group鈥檚 members say the only gender plans they鈥檝e completed were done at the request of parents. 

At the same time, most Americans agree that schools should get parents鈥� permission before changing a child鈥檚 pronouns in school records. Polls in and found that roughly three-quarters of adults support mandatory parental notification.

鈥楾his is not real鈥�

Lydia鈥檚 story exemplifies that loss of trust in the system.

The artist and former ballerina she thought of as her daughter began identifying as transgender upon entering Academy of the Canyons, a public high school in Santa Clarita, an upscale suburb of Los Angeles. Homeschooled since kindergarten, the teen wanted to pursue art and take advantage of options in their district. The school is located on a college campus where students can attend post-secondary classes while earning their high school diplomas.

鈥淚 thought it would be a good opportunity,鈥� Lydia said.

In the fall of 2021, while cleaning the ninth grader鈥檚 bedroom, Lydia flipped through some art journals. But instead of schoolwork, she found disturbing sketches of bloody body parts and notes about wanting a chest binder, top surgery and a new name. 

鈥淪hocked and scared鈥� that her child might be suicidal, her thoughts turned immediately to a friend of her son鈥檚 who鈥檇 recently taken his own life, apparently without warning. 

鈥淣o suicide notes. No threats,鈥� she recalled. 鈥淭he ones that never use it as a weapon are the ones that follow through.鈥�

She began searching for answers online. Initially, she only found sites about supporting a child鈥檚 transition  鈥� advice she rejected.

Unlike many parents in her shoes, she鈥檚 neither conservative nor religious. In fact, she quipped, an outsider might have assumed she was  鈥渢he poster mom for transitioning my kid.鈥�

She described her own parents 鈥� a Black father and a Jewish mother 鈥� as 鈥渉ippie artists鈥� who raised her to be a 鈥渇ree thinker鈥� without religion. Lydia鈥檚 mother changed her name to Michael in the 1960s because it was easier to make it in the art world with a man鈥檚 name. A lifelong Democrat, Lydia voted against a ban on gay marriage when it was on the state ballot in 2008.

But when it came time to have kids of her own, she embraced more conservative values, wanting to 鈥減rotect their childhood.鈥�

Speaking as a liberal, Lydia said, 鈥淚 really should have been like 鈥榊eah, sure, explore your transgenderism.鈥欌�� But instead, she did the opposite, taking a hard line against the shift. 鈥淚 said 鈥� I love you, but I鈥檓 not affirming you. This is not real.鈥� 鈥� 

That view belies a that some children can identify differently as young as 3 or 4. Other research shows children can experience due to gender dysphoria 鈥� feeling that their sex was misassigned at birth 鈥� starting at age 7. 

In attempting to explain what was happening with her child, Lydia turned to a controversial theory of researcher Lisa Littman. In a , the former Brown University scientist described the rise in rapid onset gender dysphoria among  as a 鈥渃ontagion鈥� driven by peer pressure and social media.

鈥淚 did what every parent did during the pandemic 鈥� let their kid be online way too much,鈥� Lydia said. 

Littman鈥檚 research methods from her own university and the broader research community because she based her conclusions largely on reports from self-selecting parents recruited from online forums that were unsupportive, or at least skeptical, of gender transition. They included , which labels itself as 鈥渁 community of people who question the medicalization of gender-atypical youth.鈥� 

Littman later published an amended of the paper, responding to the controversy and clarifying that the behavior she observed did not amount to a formal diagnosis. Her work, however, continues to drive trans-inclusive policies in school and the views of the Trump administration 鈥� and Lydia.

鈥淭here is no such thing as a trans child,鈥� Lydia said. 

鈥楢 lot of weight鈥�

It is a debate where the voices of kids directly affected are often absent. J.J. Koechell, a Wisconsin 20-year-old, transitioned in sixth grade after a suicide attempt. He now advocates for other LGBTQ students he says are 鈥渆ntitled to some privacy and consent.鈥�

鈥淭hey鈥檙e trying to figure things out and they don鈥檛 want to get it wrong. To disappoint parents is a lot of weight on a struggling youth.鈥�

He watched the school district he attended, Kettle-Moraine, and 鈥渟afe spaces.鈥� In 2023, as the result of , leaders stopped allowing staff to refer to students by different names and pronouns without parents鈥� permission. Some staff members over the controversy, including a librarian Koechell trusted. Koechell dropped out and is now finishing high school online.

鈥淢y teachers were all I had at school. I didn鈥檛 have any friends,鈥� he said. 鈥淐oming out was a matter of life and death for me. My identity wasn鈥檛 and still isn鈥檛 optional.鈥� 

Protecting students like Koechell is the purpose of a new California law 鈥� , also known as the 鈥淪AFETY Act.鈥� It prohibits schools from requiring staff to disclose a child鈥檚 gender identity to their parents. 

In announcing the Department of Education鈥檚 investigation of the state, Secretary McMahon said the law 鈥渁ppears to conflict with FERPA.鈥澨鼴ut GLSEN鈥檚 Dittmeier highlighted that the legislation still requires schools to comply with the federal privacy law 鈥� and honor parents鈥� requests for records.听

One department staffer is worried where the investigation could lead. 

鈥淭his is irregular, based on our history 鈥� to take up an allegation [with] no official complaint, but one that is motivated by an attorney group that is bending the department鈥檚 ear about something,鈥� said an employee familiar with the case who asked to speak anonymously to protect his job. He said the administration’s goal is to pressure states and districts into rescinding policies that allow students to decide when to go public with their gender identity. 鈥淭his will result in districts adopting forced outing and will result in harming children.鈥�

鈥楲ife-altering decisions鈥�

In , the was raging long before the current controversy. 

, police removed state Superintendent Tony Thurmond from a meeting in the Chino Valley Unified School District after a tense exchange with board members over the district鈥檚 parental notification policy. He warned the board that their policy could 鈥減ut our students at risk because they may not be in homes where they can be safe.鈥� The state later against the district as well as others that passed similar measures. 

Continuing its battle with Thurmond, Chino Valley is now the state over the SAFETY Act, saying that minors are 鈥渢oo young to make life-altering decisions鈥� without their parents. 

National data show that of trans and nonbinary students say their home is gender-affirming. found that transgender adolescents assigned female at birth were more likely than other teens to report being psychologically traumatized by parents or other adults in the home. 

鈥淭here have been kids whose parents have physically abused them and kicked them out of the house when this information is disclosed,鈥� said Amelia Vance, president of the Public Interest Privacy Center and an expert on student privacy. 

Even before California passed the SAFETY Act, the state education agency and the urged schools to get students鈥� permission before informing parents about changes in their gender identity.  When officials at Hart Unified High School District refused to meet with Lydia, they cited a that protects trans students鈥� access to programs, sports and facilities that align with their gender identity. 

On the advice of an advocacy group, Lydia initially filed a public records request in search of a 鈥渟ecret social transition鈥� plan she believed Academy of the Canyons maintained. She also asked for communications between her child and teachers using the 鈥渘on-birth name.鈥�

The district turned her down.

Contacted by 社区黑料, Hart Unified spokeswoman Debbie Dunn declined to answer questions about the investigation or Lydia鈥檚 experience, but said officials would 鈥渃ontinue to follow the laws and procedures applicable to the district.鈥�

In January 2023, Lydia spoke at a school board meeting about being shut out by the district. Her story caught the attention of Board Member Joe Messina, a conservative radio talk show host.

鈥淪he came up to the podium one night and she was crying,鈥� he said. 鈥淪he looked at the superintendent and said, 鈥業’ve reached out to you. You’ve not called me back鈥�. She looked to the trustee who handles her area and she said, 鈥業’ve left you four messages. You’ve never called me back.鈥� 鈥�

Messina and Lydia talked after the meeting, and he connected her with the Pacific Justice Institute, a right-leaning law firm.

He noted that the issue transcended their political differences. 鈥淟ydia’s a lifelong Democrat, and I’m an outspoken Republican,鈥� Messina said. 鈥淔or her and I to come together 鈥� the rest of the world would say, 鈥榃hat’s wrong with you people?鈥欌�� 

Even with advocates on her side, Lydia continued to face obstacles. For months, the Academy of the Canyons declined to release an autobiographical English essay written by her child under the name Toby.

The district finally turned it over on advice from their lawyers. The essay revealed the child鈥檚 trepidation about coming out to Lydia. The piece recounted a moment before the pandemic, when the student, then 11, broached the subject of being queer. Lydia said her child was first exposed to LGBTQ issues while participating in a homeschool theater group. 

鈥淭he weather was overcast, and we were driving home from theater rehearsal,鈥� the then-10th grader wrote. 鈥淥nce again summoning all my courage, I mentioned to her that one of my friends had confided in me about their attraction to girls, and that I too might be queer. Unfortunately, my mom’s immediate response was dismissive and critical.”

As parent-child confrontations often go, Lydia remembers it differently. She said she treated the declaration as a teachable moment.

鈥淲e talked about what that word meant,鈥� she said, 鈥渁nd why I felt she had time as she grew up to really know what sexual orientation she would be.鈥�

In a memo, the district鈥檚 lawyers also named the elephant in the room 鈥� that officials had been withholding the essay out of a desire to shield the child鈥檚 shifting gender identity.

鈥淚n general, parents have the statutory right to review a student鈥檚 classwork/homework,鈥� the memo stated. 鈥淭his issue becomes clouded 鈥� if the classwork could reveal a student鈥檚 gender identity/expression.鈥�

Despite refusing to accept that her child was transgender, Lydia said she tried to stay connected. In 2023, they attended over a dozen concerts together, seeing Hozier, Bastille and Penelope Scott 鈥� experiences that Lydia called 鈥減art of the healing process.鈥� The two went on a long-promised trip to Europe, during which Lydia gave her child an ultimatum: stop identifying as a boy or go back to being homeschooled. That fall, the school agreed to honor Lydia鈥檚 wishes to cease social transitioning, but her child still resisted, asking teachers to continue using the name Toby.  

This time, the district let Lydia know. 

Lydia did not make her child available for an interview, saying 鈥渟he isn’t ready to tell her side of the story.鈥�

Nearly two years later, she says her child, who graduated from high school last week, 鈥渨ants to put it all behind her.鈥� While the teen identifies as a girl, the changes have been subtle. There are days when she dresses in what her mom called 鈥渙versized, ugly boy shirts鈥� and others when she does her makeup and wears more feminine clothes. Recently, she switched back to her birth name on all of her social media accounts.

鈥淚 get a little choked up,鈥� Lydia said, 鈥渂ut that’s pretty huge.鈥� 

PROTECT Kids

The story might have ended there, but Lydia鈥檚 two-minute plea to the Hart school board, across social media, reached other parent rights advocates just as Trump renewed his campaign for the White House. When the president took office, Hamill, with the California Justice Center, seized the opportunity to file a complaint with an administration guided by , the right-wing Heritage Foundation鈥檚 blueprint for the president鈥檚 second term.

Requiring schools to notify parents if a student changes their gender identity, which already do, is one of the tenets of the plan. Heritage expert Lindsey Burke, who joined the department Friday, also wants Congress to give FERPA more teeth by allowing parents to sue under the law. Currently, parents can only file a grievance with their state or the Education Department鈥檚 privacy office 鈥� for years. 

Privacy laws 鈥渁re a core part of [the administration鈥檚] arguments for how parental rights need to be respected and strengthened,鈥� said Vance, the privacy expert. But the potential for lawsuits under FERPA, she added 鈥渨ould be extremely messy and expensive for schools.鈥� 

In April, the House education committee advanced a bill 鈥�  the 鈥� that would require elementary and middle schools to secure parental consent before students change their pronouns or preferred names or use different bathrooms or locker rooms. 

The committee debate demonstrated the deep divisions over gender identity and how schools should accommodate LGBTQ students. Rep. Mark Takano, a California Democrat who is gay, offered a personal story.

鈥淲hen I came out to my parents, it was at a time, place and manner of my own choosing,鈥� he said. 鈥淚 would not have wanted anyone else to make that decision for me.鈥�

To Hamill, gender transition is much more than 鈥渃oming out鈥� because it can lead to physical changes that later regret. Research shows that figure is , a fraction of those who undergo surgery. Even so, she said California鈥檚 policies add up to an elaborate 鈥渃oncealment scheme鈥� that pits children against their parents. 

鈥淚f you suspect the parents are abusive and they’re going to harm the child, you have to report that to [child protective services],鈥� she said. 鈥淏ut the government cannot by default assume that every parent is harmful and is going to reject and hurt their children.鈥�

was originally reported by Orion Rummler of . .

On Thursday, the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) published a of research on gender-affirming care for transgender youth, as directed by President Donald Trump. The agency used the release of the report to that available science does not support providing gender-affirming care to trans youth. LGBTQ+ advocacy groups worry the report will be used to further restrict gender-affirming care and to change medical guidelines in ways that harm trans youth.

The president mandated the report in an condemning the medical treatment 鈥� without evidence 鈥� as a form of mutilation, amid a broader push by the administration to from public life. Trump鈥檚 order asked the health agency to review the 鈥渂est practices for promoting the health of children who assert gender dysphoria,鈥� while to halt treatment or lose federal funding.

Now, the HHS has produced that report. The agency combed through research on the outcomes of puberty blockers, hormone replacement therapy, social transition, psychotherapy, and the rare cases of surgeries on adolescents and young adults diagnosed with gender dysphoria. 

Gender dysphoria, the reason that most trans people undergo , is a strong and persistent distress felt when one鈥檚 body is out of sync with their gender identity. Without treatment, gender dysphoria can lead to severe negative impacts in day-to-day life. 

The agency states in its of the report that the document is not meant to provide clinical practice guidelines or issue legislative or policy recommendations. However, the report does imply that health care providers should refuse to offer gender-affirming care to adolescents and young adults on the basis that such care comes with the potential for risk 鈥� despite little evidence for that risk actually being found in the report. 

鈥淭he evidence for benefit of pediatric medical transition is very uncertain, while the evidence for harm is less uncertain,鈥� the executive summary states. 鈥淲hen medical interventions pose unnecessary, disproportionate risks of harm, healthcare providers should refuse to offer them even when they are preferred, requested, or demanded by patients.鈥�

In its research review, the HHS determined that evidence measuring the effects of gender-affirming care on psychological outcomes, quality of life, regret and long-term health is of 鈥渧ery low鈥� quality. This conclusion ignores decades of research, as well as a recent survey of in the United States that found an overwhelming majority report more life satisfaction after having transitioned. Access to gender-affirming care has been linked to and depression in trans youth, while gender-affirming surgeries have been found to for adults.

Even when analyzing research that the administration deemed low-bias, the HHS found 鈥渟parse鈥� to no evidence of harm from gender-affirming care. What鈥檚 more, the report frequently found evidence demonstrating the benefits of gender-affirming care 鈥� though it ultimately downplays those findings as not significant. 

Available research on puberty blockers found high satisfaction ratings and low rates of regret. A systematic review of hormone replacement therapy described improved gender dysphoria and body satisfaction. Another found that hormone treatment leads to improved mental health. Two before-and-after studies reported reduced treatment needs or lower levels of suicidality and self-harm after hormone treatment. When measuring safety outcomes of hormone treatment, side effects did not have a major impact on treatment and complications were limited. 

Despite these findings, the Department of Health and Human Services advertised the report in a Thursday as one that 鈥渉ighlights a growing body of evidence pointing to significant risks鈥� of gender-affirming care. At the White House briefing room Thursday, deputy chief of staff for policy Stephen Miller touted the new report and attributed the idea of being transgender as part of a 鈥渃ancerous communist woke culture鈥� that is 鈥渄estroying this country.鈥澨�

There are side effects to many of the medications that transgender people 鈥� and cisgender people 鈥� take to receive gender-affirming care, as is the case with most medical treatments. These side effects, like the risk of decreased bone density when taking puberty blockers, are and communicated to patients.

LGBTQ+ advocacy organizations denounced the report as a political attack on transgender youth. Multiple groups said that the report鈥檚 endorsement of psychotherapy as a 鈥渘oninvasive alternative鈥� to puberty blockers and hormone treatment amounts to an endorsement of conversion therapy 鈥� a practice wherein mental health professionals try to change a youth鈥檚 sexual orientation or gender identity.

“It is already clear that this report is a willful distortion of the evidence intended to stoke fear about a field of safe and effective medicine that has existed for decades, in order to justify dangerous practices which amount to conversion therapy,鈥� said Sinead Murano Kinney, health policy analyst at Advocates for Trans Equality. 

The Human Rights Campaign, the country鈥檚 largest LGBTQ+ rights organization, accused the HHS of producing a report that is attempting to lay the groundwork to replace medical care for trans and nonbinary people with conversion therapy. 

鈥淭rans people are who we are. We鈥檙e born this way. And we deserve to live our best lives and have a fair shot and equal opportunity at living a good life,鈥� said Jay Brown, chief of staff at the Human Rights Campaign. 鈥淭his report 鈥� lays the groundwork to push parents and doctors aside and allow politicians to subject our kids to the debunked practice of conversion therapy.鈥� 

No authors or contributors are named in the report or in its executive summary. The agency says these names are being initially withheld to 鈥渕aintain the integrity of this process,鈥� and states that chapters of the document were subject to peer review.

In 2023, Montgomery County Public Schools ended an opt-out policy, prompting the parents, backed by religious freedom advocates, to take the district to court. 

A federal appeals court agreed with the suburban Washington district鈥檚 argument that it didn鈥檛 coerce the students to change their beliefs about gender and sexuality simply by exposing them to stories with gay or transgender characters. But some conservative justices in Tuesday鈥檚 oral arguments agreed with the families, who say the books alone pose a burden on parents鈥� religious beliefs and the district clearly intends to 鈥渄isrupt鈥� students鈥� thinking about issues like same-sex marriage and whether someone can change their pronouns. 

鈥淲hat is the big deal about allowing them to opt out of this?鈥� Justice Samuel Alito asked Alan Schoenfeld, who represents the school district. As an example of a 鈥渃lear moral message,鈥� he pointed to Uncle Bobby鈥檚 Wedding, a picture book focusing on a girl鈥檚 feelings of jealousy when her favorite uncle gets married to another man. 鈥淚t doesn’t just say 鈥楲ook, Uncle Bobby and Jamie are getting married.鈥� It expresses the idea [that] this is a good thing.鈥� 

Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson, however, warned that because the case is still at such an early stage 鈥� the parents just want to restore the opt-out policy for now 鈥� the court shouldn鈥檛 be making a decision that would force districts nationwide to adopt such policies for curriculum that could offend parents鈥� religious beliefs.

鈥淚nstead of having democratically elected representatives and experts in the field making the decision about which books should be taught to kids in the classroom, you have federal judges flipping through the picture books and deciding whether these are appropriate for 5 year olds,鈥� she said. 鈥淚t seems pretty troubling, because ordinarily, public education has been the subject of local control.鈥�

鈥楴ot a sea change鈥�

The case, brings together multiple issues at the forefront of President Donald Trump鈥檚 conservative agenda: parental rights, religious freedom and eliminating what Trump calls from the nation鈥檚 schools. Sarah Harris, principal deputy solicitor general argued, for the government, saying that other states, including Pennsylvania, Arizona and Hawaii have 鈥渧ery broad鈥� opt-out policies. She rejected the school district鈥檚 position that such arrangements pose administrative challenges for schools and teachers.

鈥淚t’s something that schools have done for a long time,鈥� she said 鈥淚t is not a sea change.鈥�

The Montgomery County board, however, abruptly decided to end opt outs in 2023, said Eric Baxter, an attorney with Becket, a law firm that represents the parents and focuses on religious liberty. That鈥檚 when the conflict began. 

District leaders, Baxter said, chose books that are 鈥渃learly indoctrinating students鈥� to believe differently. Because the district allows opt outs from sex education classes, the families argue the same option should be available when teachers plan to read the books in class.

The district chose the books to be inclusive and teach respect toward those with different beliefs and lifestyles, Schoenfeld said. The opt outs, according to the district, were increasingly disruptive, with at least one school seeing 鈥渄ozens鈥� of requests. Some parents kept students home for the entire day to avoid the readings. District officials maintain that they鈥檙e not discriminating against religion because they ended opt outs for all reasons, not just religious ones. 

Justice Amy Coney Barrett, one of the six conservatives on the court, focused on written materials that advise teachers how to respond in class if, for example, a student says 鈥淎 girl can only like boys because she’s a girl.鈥�

The guidance instructs teachers to make comments like 鈥淲hen we’re born, people make a guess about our gender and label us boy or girl based on our body parts. Sometimes they’re right sometimes; they’re wrong.鈥� 

Those statements, Barrett said, 鈥渟eem to be more about influence and 鈥� shaping of ideas and less about communicating respect.鈥� 

But Schoenfeld said there鈥檚 not enough evidence in the record showing how teachers ultimately used the books in the classroom to determine if coercion actually occurred. 

Justice Kavanaugh, who said he鈥檚 a 鈥渓ifelong resident鈥� of Montgomery County, expounded on the religious diversity of the community and questioned why the district took such a hardline position. 

鈥淵ou see religious building after religious building. I’m surprised 鈥� that this is the hill we’re gonna die on in terms of not respecting religious liberty,鈥� he said. The goal in such cases, he said, has been to 鈥渓ook for the win-win鈥� 鈥� to accommodate religious beliefs while still allowing the government to pursue its goals.

鈥淭hey’re not asking you to change what’s taught in the classroom,鈥� he said about the parents. 鈥淭hey’re only seeking to be able to walk out.鈥� 

鈥榃here the court is headed鈥�

While the record in the case is limited, it does include a comment from Board Member Lynne Harris, who said parents don鈥檛 have a right to 鈥渕icromanage their child鈥檚 public-school experience鈥� and are free to send their children to a private religious school if they disagree with what鈥檚 taught. 

Joshua Dunn, executive director of the Institute of American Civics at the University of Tennessee, Knoxville, is looking to the court鈥檚 past religious freedom cases as a guide to how the justices might view this debate. Former Justice Stephen Breyer, a liberal, foreshadowed how far the conservative wing of the court might go to accommodate the rights of families to practice their faith, Dunn said.

In a 2017 Missouri case, , Breyer sided with the conservative majority in ruling in favor for a church that was turned down for a state grant. To him, it was just obviously wrong to deny Trinity Lutheran access to a grant program for recycled rubber for a playground,鈥� Dunn said. 鈥淚t had nothing to do with religion.鈥�

But his views changed in and 鈥� two cases focusing on public funds for tax credits or vouchers at faith-based schools. In Carson, Breyer asked whether 鈥減ublic schools must pay equivalent funds to parents who wish to send their children to religious schools.鈥� 

Maryland doesn鈥檛 have a private school choice program, and vouchers for parents who object to the books on religious grounds are not on the table in this case, Dunn said. But he听wonders whether the conservative justices could apply the same logic that concerned Breyer.听

In other words, would the court reason that because the government funds education for students whose parents don鈥檛 object to the books, it should be obligated to fund schooling for those who oppose such materials on religious grounds? 

鈥淎ll you have to do,鈥� he said 鈥渋s be able to read and count noses and you can see where the court is headed.鈥� 

For now, advocates on the district鈥檚 side want the court to show restraint and deny the parents鈥� request to reinstate the opt-out policy.

鈥淭hey’re trying to get a court-mandated order that any parent can opt their children out of class rather than have virtually any type of exposure to books with LGBTQ characters,鈥� said Eileen Hershenov, chief legal officer for PEN America, a free speech organization that filed a brief in the case and advocates against restrictions on books. 鈥淚t’s a recipe for administrative nightmares for public schools with the likely result that students will have little or no exposure to families or characters other than those that offend no religious sensibilities.鈥�

A group of parents sued the Montgomery County Public Schools in Maryland, arguing that requiring children to sit through storybook readings on topics such as a and a girl giving to another girl offends their religious beliefs.

鈥淲e were forced to choose between God and education,鈥� said Billy Moges, a Christian mother of three and a board member for Kids First, an advocacy group that formed to oppose the district鈥檚 move. She pulled her children out of the school system when officials ended the opt-out policy and has since started a private Christian school, , that meets in a Silver Spring church. 

鈥淲e’re not asking for any special treatment,鈥� she said. 鈥榃e’re asking for our rights to be restored.鈥�

Regardless of who wins, the case will head back to the district court for further action.

The appeal centers on parents鈥� request to reinstate the opt-out policy until the district court can rule on whether the district violated their rights. But the court鈥檚 conservative majority may also use the oral arguments to address the underlying facts, said Joshua Dunn, executive director of the Institute of American Civics at the University of Tennessee, Knoxville.

鈥淭he school board didn’t relent, and then compelled students to sit through these books being read,鈥� he said. 鈥淚 just think that for some of the justices on the court, that’s going to strike them as extraordinarily wrong-headed.鈥� 

District officials say the books, intended for pre-K through third grade, were never intended to push views about sex and gender. The opt outs, they argue, became increasingly disruptive and contributed to absenteeism because some parents let their children skip the whole day if a lesson included one of the books. 

Opt-outs 鈥渟tigmatized LGBTQ students and students who have LGBTQ families,鈥� said Aditi Fruitwala, a staff attorney with the American Civil Liberties Union, which supports the district. Reinstating the policy, she said, would 鈥渦ndermine the entire purpose of a public education system, which is to create good citizens who can thrive in a society with people from a variety of backgrounds, faiths and cultures.鈥� 

The case, , illustrates the growing tension between inclusion and religious freedom. That鈥檚 likely the reason the conservative-learning court agreed to hear the appeal, Fruitwala said. The parents who sued 鈥� Muslim, Catholic and Orthodox Christian 鈥� also have the : Solicitor General John Sauer will participate in the oral arguments. In a brief, the Department of Justice said the board鈥檚 policy forces parents to be in 鈥渄ereliction of their religious duties鈥� by sending their children to public school. Twenty-six Republican-led states and 66 members of Congress also support the parents. 

Religiously diverse

Over the past few years, confrontations over these issues have escalated in districts across the country. In February, parents in the , district, near Rochester, objected to the district鈥檚 use of The Rainbow Parade, a picture book about a young girl and her two mothers attending a Pride parade. 

Nationally, the public leans in favor of schools allowing parents to opt their children out of lessons about sexual orientation and gender identity. Fifty-four percent agreed with that view in a Pew Research poll , but the partisan divide was stark: Support for opt outs was 79% among Republicans, compared with 32% among Democrats.

Despite clashes over such materials from to , both sides of the conflict agree that Montgomery County offers an especially apt setting for the debate. The county is one of the most in the nation, according to the Public Religion Research Institute. 

Will Haun, senior counsel at Becket, a law firm that focuses on religious liberty and represents the parents, said it鈥檚 鈥渁stonishing,鈥� that such a district would abandon the longstanding practice of accommodating parents鈥� opt-out requests.听

Fruitwala said the district鈥檚 rich religious and diversity is precisely why the books belong in the curriculum. District leaders, she said, have an 鈥渙pportunity to incorporate books from a wide variety of cultures and perspectives and backgrounds that reflect the families in the school district.鈥� 

The 160,000-student district鈥檚 effort to bring more diversity to its reading program began in 2022-23, when the school board voted to add six books featuring LGBTQ characters. Officials said they chose the titles for the same reasons they would add any storybooks to the curriculum 鈥� to teach sentence structure, word choice and style.

In a brief to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit, the National Education Association and its Maryland and Montgomery County affiliates highlighted comments from teachers that demonstrated students鈥� eager response to the books. 

A veteran second grade teacher relayed what happened when she read , a picture book about a mother who makes a rainbow-colored wig for her transgender daughter. 鈥淯pon hearing the words, 鈥業鈥檓 a transgender girl,鈥� one of the children in my class called out, 鈥楾hat鈥檚 like my sister!鈥� This child felt seen,鈥� the teacher said, according to the brief.

Ignoring LGBTQ families, district leaders say, puts schools at risk of violating state that prohibit discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation or gender identity. 

The ruled that refusing to allow children to opt out of the readings put no burden on religious parents. That鈥檚 when the families appealed to the Supreme Court.

They argue that since the district permits families to opt their children out of sex education, under a state law, that choice should extend to books that represent LGBTQ themes in other subjects. 

鈥淎ll the school board had to do,鈥� Haun said, 鈥渨as simply recharacterize sexuality and gender instruction as English language arts and they get out of a long-standing national consensus that allows parents to opt their children out of that kind of instruction.鈥�

Last fall, the district in question 鈥� My Rainbow and , a rhyming alphabet book about a puppy that runs off during a Pride parade. But Rev. Rachel Cornwell, a Methodist minister who has two students in Montgomery County schools, said she wouldn鈥檛 be surprised if the district was forced to remove all of the storybooks.

She wishes the parents would suggest different books rather than leave the district. 

鈥淚 think the vast majority of people in Montgomery County support the inclusion of these books into the curriculum,鈥� she said. 鈥淭hese are not books about sex. They are books about people’s lives and about the diversity of our community.鈥� 

As the mother of a transgender son, she said she and other LGBTQ families want their children to feel like they belong.

鈥淲e鈥檙e not trying to indoctrinate anybody or say this is right or wrong,鈥� she said. 鈥淭hat’s for you to have a conversation about with your kid at home.鈥�

The landscape for LGBTQ+ students in many states is becoming increasingly hostile. As of late February 2025, lawmakers in 48 states had introduced some seeking to roll back rights or legal protections for transgender people. Last year鈥檚 entire legislative session saw a total of 641 such measures, indicating an in bills targeting the LGBTQ+ community.

These proposed laws encompass a range of restrictions, including bans on participation by transgender students in sports teams that align with their gender identity; restrictions on gender-affirming medical treatments such as hormone therapy and puberty blockers for transgender minors; measures that deny or complicate the legal recognition of transgender individuals’ gender identities; and policies that require schools to inform parents if a student identifies as LGBTQ+, potentially exposing young people to unsupportive or hostile environments at home.

The stakes are high. According to The Trevor Project鈥檚 2022 National Survey on LGBTQ Youth Mental Health, LGBTQ+ youth in affirming schools reported significantly than those in non-affirming environments. A separate study published in the Journal of Adolescent Health demonstrated that the presence of gay-straight alliances in schools was associated with among both LGBTQ+ and heterosexual students.

Despite these clear benefits, the wave of anti-LGBTQ+ legislation threatens to undermine the progress that has been made. These policies don鈥檛 merely restrict; they harm. LGBTQ+ youth already face disproportionate rates of bullying, mental health challenges and social isolation. Limiting affirming spaces and discussions only compounds these challenges, leaving vulnerable students with fewer resources and less hope.

Research is unequivocal about the importance of inclusive environments. Students in supportive schools have better academic outcomes, improved mental health and lower rates of substance abuse. A study by GLSEN found that LGBTQ+ students in schools with comprehensive policies feel , experience less victimization, and have a greater sense of belonging. have also that LGBTQ+ students in schools with anti-bullying policies that specifically mention sexual orientation or gender identity reported less homophobic victimization and greater psychosocial adjustment over time than students in schools without such policies.

Creating these inclusive environments isn鈥檛 just beneficial for LGBTQ+ students 鈥� it enriches the educational experience for all. It teaches empathy, broadens perspectives and prepares students for a diverse world. The skills learned in an inclusive environment 鈥� respect for differences, effective communication and conflict resolution 鈥� are invaluable in any future career or personal relationship. And schools that implement these measures report better outcomes for all students.

As the socio-political climate becomes increasingly charged, it鈥檚 vital for schools to stand as beacons of safety and acceptance. They must adopt and enforce inclusive policies, provide professional development for staff on LGBTQ+ issues and support gay-straight alliances and similar student organizations. Parents and community members can play a crucial role by advocating for these measures and holding schools accountable for their implementation.

This is a call to action: to ensure that every student, regardless of identity, feels seen, heard and valued. The time to act is now. Young people are owed safe spaces where they can thrive, free from fear and filled with the promise of a brighter, more inclusive future. This mission also intersects with broader struggles for equity and justice across other marginalized identities, including racial, ethnic and socio-economic groups. 

To create these inclusive spaces, especially in the face of such restrictive legislation, GLSEN offers these resources and recommendations:

• Implement comprehensive anti-bullying and anti-discrimination policies that explicitly protect LGBTQ+ students.
  
• Provide professional development for staff on LGBTQ+ issues and creating inclusive classrooms.
  
• Support student-led clubs like gay-straight alliances.
  
• Include LGBTQ+ history and perspectives in the curriculum, where possible.
  
• Display visible signs of support, such as Safe Space stickers or posters.

School is where young people spend most of their waking hours. Students worrying about bullying or hiding their true self can’t fully engage in learning. That’s why focusing on academics alone overlooks the critical role that a sense of belonging and safety plays in a student’s ability to learn. But when students feel supported and accepted for who they are, their academic and personal development flourishes. 

How can educators and parents support this crucial cause? Start conversations in local communities about the importance of inclusivity by organizing public forums or joining school board meetings to advocate for inclusive policies. Collaborate with local organizations to raise awareness and foster dialogue on LGBTQ+ issues. Attend school board meetings and advocate for comprehensive policies. Support organizations like GLSEN, that provide resources and training. Seek out (demand!) professional development opportunities to better support your LGBTQ+ students.

The need for LGBTQ+ inclusive school environments is more urgent than ever. In the face of discriminatory legislation, schools can and must be a beacon of hope and acceptance. Creating these safe spaces not only improves outcomes for LGBTQ+ youth 鈥� it fosters a broader cultural and social understanding in schools, benefiting all students by cultivating empathy and mutual respect.

The and behaviors among teenage girls . Experts point to social media, cyberbullying and as potential new sources of stress for teenagers.

Denver resident Leslie Williams鈥� daughter, who is transgender, turned 18 in December, something she had been looking forward to given the lessened restrictions on access to gender-affirming care for adults.

Williams and her family moved to Denver from Kentucky in 2023 so her daughter could access hormone replacement therapy, and they鈥檝e gone to Children鈥檚 Hospital Colorado since she was 16 years old. She takes estrogen tablets and gets regular lab testing to ensure proper levels.

鈥淚t took a while for us to get in, but since then everything鈥檚 gone very smoothly,鈥� Williams said. 鈥淭he physicians have been wonderful. Everybody was wonderful. We had a really good experience there every time we鈥檝e been.鈥�

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Williams said she received a message from the hospital this week notifying her they can no longer provide gender-affirming care to anyone under 19 years old.

鈥淪he鈥檚 really been struggling a lot lately,鈥� Williams said. 鈥淭he last two weeks have been really rough, and then getting the notification that her care is going to be possibly suspended or delayed has been a really big blow to her.鈥�

Colorado Newsline, confirming the message Williams received, that Children鈥檚 Hospital Colorado sent to staffers telling them that the hospital had stopped offering all gender-affirming medical treatment to patients 18 years old and younger.

President Donald Trump issued an on Jan. 28 that prohibits the federal government from funding gender-affirming care for anyone under 19 and threatens to pull other funding from any entity that offers such care. It also removes Medicare and Medicaid coverage for gender-affirming care, among other changes.

Gender-affirming care, endorsed by both the American Medical Association and the American Academy of Pediatrics, can range from non-medical interventions like haircuts and name changes to services like hormone therapy and surgery to support the patient鈥檚 gender identity.

Access to gender-affirming care has made a 鈥渂ig difference鈥� for her daughter鈥檚 self esteem and the way she perceives herself, Williams said. She said she鈥檚 scrambling now to find another solution since other clinics are also shutting down access for anyone under 19, and anyone that does offer care has long wait times.

鈥淚t鈥檚 just really sad to see,鈥� Williams said. 鈥淭rans kids already have to go through a lot and they already have higher than normal suicide rates, and so it鈥檚 just a really scary time for trans people.鈥�

Children鈥檚 Hospital Colorado said in a statement it will continue to provide 鈥渂ehavioral health and supportive care services once approved prescriptions for current patients expire.鈥� The hospital never offered gender-affirming surgical care to patients under 18.

鈥淟ike other hospitals across the country, we will continue to assess the rapidly evolving healthcare landscape,鈥� the hospital statement said. 鈥淲e care deeply about our gender-diverse patients and their families, and we will carefully and responsibly support them as we evolve the model of care we offer.鈥�

Colorado saw an increased need for service following the election. The Trevor Project, a crisis intervention organization for LGBTQ+ youth, on Nov. 6, the day after the election, than in the weeks prior. In 2023, the organization that 90% of LGBTQ+ youth felt that the current political environment negatively affects their well-being.

Broomfield resident Jessica Broadbent鈥檚 15-year-old son is transgender and has gone to Denver Health for gender-affirming care since he was 12. The first step in his transition was changing his name, a decision Broadbent said he came to all on his own.

鈥淭his has been all him making these decisions and me just kind of helping support him along the way and getting all the professional help that we can,鈥� Broadbent said. 鈥淚t鈥檚 been some time, and he鈥檚 made these decisions slowly, surely and with informed and professional input. So it鈥檚 really frustrating on all levels.鈥�

Her son started taking puberty blockers, and switched to weekly testosterone shots once he turned 14. He recently switched to a daily testosterone cream instead, because he has a fear of needles.

Broadbent said she鈥檚 scared for how her son will be affected should he lose access to his medications, as gender-affirming care has been 鈥渓ife changing鈥� for him. She has had 鈥渟ome very disheartening conversations鈥� with her son in recent weeks, and she鈥檚 worried more about the mental and emotional consequences than the physical effects if he loses access to his medication.

鈥淚t鈥檚 frustrating having my kid feeling like he has to suppress who he is, what he believes in, hide to be safe,鈥� Broadbent said.

Denver Health stopped providing some gender-affirming care this week, the reported. The health system said in a Jan. 30 that the Trump order 鈥渋ncludes criminal and financial consequences for those who do not comply鈥� and puts at risk its ability to participate in federal programs like Medicare and Medicaid, which represents 鈥渁 significant portion of Denver Health鈥檚 funding.鈥�

鈥淒enver Health is committed to and deeply concerned for the health and safety of our gender diverse patients under the age of 19 in light of the executive order regarding youth gender-affirming care,鈥� the statement says. 鈥淲e recognize this order will impact gender-diverse youth, including increased risk of depression, anxiety and suicidality.鈥�

Existing patients should continue with any scheduled appointments, and Denver Health will work privately with its patients to determine the best changes to their medical care, the statement said.

Shelby Wieman, a spokesperson for Colorado Gov. Jared Polis, a Democrat, said the governor wants to ensure 鈥渆very Coloradan can access the healthcare they need, no matter who they are or how they identify.鈥�

鈥淲e are continuing to evaluate Trump鈥檚 executive order, which blatantly attacks members of the LGBTQ community, to understand its impact in Colorado and how people can continue to get access to needed care,鈥� Wieman said in a statement.

Williams said she鈥檚 seen the governor talk about 鈥減rotecting trans kids and protecting trans folks in Colorado, and I don鈥檛 know how much they can really do when it鈥檚 federal funding that鈥檚 being cut.鈥� But she wants to see elected officials talk more about how they can actually make a difference.

UCHealth spokesperson Kelli Christensen said the system has only offered gender-affirming care to patients 18 and older, but after the executive order, it will only offer services to patients 19 and older. That includes gender-affirming surgeries as well as medical therapies listed in the executive order.

鈥淲e know these changes may be challenging, especially for 18-year-old patients previously approved for gender affirming care, and behavioral health services will be available to help support our patients as they navigate these changes,鈥� Christensen said in a statement.

A spokesperson for AdventHealth said it does not offer gender-affirming care to anyone under 18. HCA HealthONE hospitals also do not offer gender-affirming care. Spokesperson Stephanie Sullivan said its physicians would consult with patients, but they don鈥檛 offer any treatments.

鈥業t鈥檚 supposed to be safe鈥�

Broadbent said she plans to talk to her son鈥檚 doctor about getting a three-month supply of his medication before the end of the month. She is also looking for other providers that might be able to prescribe his testosterone cream without putting access to federal funding at risk.

鈥淚t鈥檚 kind of putting us all up against the wall,鈥� Broadbent said. 鈥淚 didn鈥檛 expect it so soon.鈥�

Being in Colorado where 鈥渋t鈥檚 supposed to be safe,鈥� Broadbent said she thought the state would be 鈥渟omewhat insulated,鈥� though not immune to pressure from the federal government. She and her family moved to Colorado from Florida eight years ago.

鈥淧art of the appeal of being here is the access to care. It鈥檚 part of why we paid more to live here,鈥� she said.

Broadbent and her husband are ready to pack up everything they have and leave the country if that鈥檚 ultimately what will be best for their children. But her son is a freshman in high school, and he wants to finish school, where he鈥檚 already established roots.

Colorado officials need to acknowledge what is happening and to work actively to protect their constituents, Broadbent said. She called the office of U.S. Rep. Diana DeGette鈥檚, a Denver Democrat, and the office shared information on efforts to fight the executive order, a conversation Broadbent said gave her 鈥渁 little bit of hope.鈥�

In a statement to Newsline, DeGette described the executive order as 鈥渃ruel鈥� and said it 鈥渋gnores the fact that this kind of care is supported by every major medical association.鈥� She said executive actions like the ones Trump has taken do not have the authority to override the U.S. Constitution, legal precedent, or federal statute.

鈥淭rump鈥檚 actions, which are not based on science or accepted medical practice, are demonizing an already vulnerable group of Americans and denying them the care they need to live as their true selves,鈥� DeGette said.

Colorado Attorney General Phil Weiser, a Democrat who is running for governor in 2026, joined a group of other attorneys general in Wednesday. An executive order from the president cannot make gender-affirming care illegal, because there is no federal law that does, Weiser said in a statement.

The statement said a U.S. Justice Department order last week stated that federal agencies cannot pause financial awards or obligations on the basis of an executive order, meaning 鈥渇ederal funding to institutions that provide gender-affirming care continues to be available, irrespective of the recent executive order.鈥�

鈥淎s state attorneys general, we stand firmly in support of health care policies that respect the dignity and rights of all people,鈥� the statement says. 鈥淗ealth care decisions should be made by patients, families, and doctors, not by politicians trying to use their power to restrict freedoms. Gender-affirming care is essential, life-saving medical treatment that supports individuals in living as their authentic selves.鈥�

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Colorado Newsline maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Quentin Young for questions: info@coloradonewsline.com.

The U.S. Supreme Court agreed Friday to hear an appeal from a group of Montgomery County parents challenging a school system policy that does not let them opt their lower elementary school children out of classes that use LGBTQ+ books.

Ohio Gov. Mike DeWine has signed a bill into law that will require school districts to create a mandatory religious instruction release time policy and require educators to out a students鈥� sexuality to their parents.

The law will take effect 90 days after DeWine signed the bill.

during the final day of the lame duck session in 2024 and LGBTQ advocates called on .

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State Reps. D.J. Swearingen, R-Huron, and Sara Carruthers, R-Hamilton, introduced . Supporters called the bill the 鈥淧arents鈥� Bill of Rights鈥� while opponents called it the 鈥淒on鈥檛 Say Gay鈥� bill, due to its similar language to Florida鈥檚 鈥楧on鈥檛 Say Gay鈥� law that passed in 2022.

The bill requires public schools to let parents know about sexuality content materials ahead of time so they can request alternative instructions.

It also prohibits any sexuality content from being taught to students in kindergarten through third grade. H.B. 8 defines sexuality content as 鈥渙ral or written instruction, presentation, image or description of sexual concepts or gender ideology.鈥�

This bill is one of a few during the most recent General Assembly.

This new law strengthens Ohio鈥檚 existing law around religious release time by creating a mandate. Currently, Ohio allows school district boards of education to make a policy to let students go to a course in religious instruction during the school day, but this now becomes a requirement for Ohio school boards.

鈥淧arents, not government bureaucrats, should be making healthcare and education decisions for their kids,鈥� Center for Christian Virtue President Aaron Baer said in a . 鈥淗.B. 8 protects children by safeguarding parents鈥� rights to make important decisions for their children.鈥�

The United States Supreme Court upheld religious released time laws during the 1952 case, which allowed a school district to have students leave school for part of the day to receive religious instruction.

Religious release time instruction must meet three criteria: the courses must take place off school property, be privately funded, and students must have parental permission.

a Hilliard-based religious instruction program, already enrolls students in about 160 Ohio school districts and celebrated the governor鈥檚 signing.

鈥淎ll Ohio families have the freedom to choose off-campus religious instruction during school hours for their students,鈥� LifeWise said in a statement.

Two central Ohio school districts, Westerville and Worthington, rescinded their religious release time policy last year. Both districts formerly allowed  off-campus for Bible classes during school hours.

鈥淲e are especially grateful that any local programs that had been put on hold will be able to resume their growing programs and that communities will now have the clarity they need to provide families with the opportunity to choose Bible-based character education for their child,鈥� LifeWise said in a statement.

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Ohio Capital Journal maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor David Dewitt for questions: info@ohiocapitaljournal.com.

Karen Grant and fellow school librarians throughout New Jersey have heard an increasingly loud chorus of parents and conservative activists demanding that certain books 鈥� often about race, gender and sexuality 鈥� be removed from the shelves.

In the past year, Grant and her colleagues in the Ewing Public Schools just north of Trenton updated a 3-decade-old policy on reviewing parents鈥� challenges to books they see as pornographic or inappropriate. Grant鈥檚 team feared that without a new policy, the district would immediately bend to someone who wanted certain books banned.

Around the same time, state lawmakers in Trenton were readying legislation to set a book challenge policy for the entire state, preventing book bans based solely on the subject of a book or the author鈥檚 background or views, while also protecting public and school librarians from legal or civil liabilities from people upset by the reading materials they offer.

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When Democratic Gov. Phil Murphy signed that measure into law last month, Grant breathed a little easier.

鈥淲e just hear so many stories of our librarians feeling threatened and targeted,鈥� said Grant, who works at Parkway Elementary School and serves as president of the New Jersey Association of School Librarians. 鈥淭his has been a wrong, an injustice that needs to be made right.鈥�

Amid a national rise in book bans in school libraries and new laws in some red states that threaten criminal penalties against librarians, a growing number of blue states are taking the opposite approach.

New Jersey at least five other states 鈥� California, Illinois, Maryland, Minnesota and Washington 鈥� that have passed legislation within the past two years that aims to preserve access to reading materials that deal with racial and sexual themes, including those about the LGBTQ+ community.

Conservative groups have led the effort to ban materials to shield children from what they deem as harmful content. In the 2023-24 school year, there were 10,000 instances of book bans across the U.S. 鈥� nearly three times as many as the year before, according to by PEN America, a nonprofit that advocates for literary freedom.

鈥淐ertain books are harmful to children 鈥� just like drugs, alcohol, Rated R movies and tattoos are harmful to them,鈥� Kit Hart, chair of the Carroll County, Maryland, chapter of Moms for Liberty, a national organization leading the book banning effort, wrote in an email.

But some states are now safeguarding librarians and the books they offer.

鈥淪tate leaders are demonstrating that censorship has no place in their state and that the freedom to read is a principle that is supported and protected,鈥� said Kasey Meehan, director of the Freedom to Read program at PEN America, which has been tracking book bans since 2021.

The drive to ban certain books is not waning, however. While a handful of states fight censorship in school libraries, some communities within those states are attempting to retake local control and continuing to remove materials that conservative local officials regard as lurid and harmful to children.

鈥楲ives are in the balance鈥�

The New Jersey not only sets minimum standards for localities when they adopt a policy on how books are curated or can be challenged but also prevents school districts from removing material based on 鈥渢he origin, background, or views of the library material or those contributing to its creation.鈥�

The law also gives librarians immunity from civil and criminal liability for 鈥済ood faith actions.鈥�

New Jersey state Sen. Andrew Zwicker, a Democrat who introduced the legislation, said until recently he thought that book bans were a disturbing trend, but one limited to other states. But early last year, he went to a brunch event and met a school librarian who told him she faced a torrent of verbal and online abuse for refusing to remove a handful of books with LGBTQ+ themes from her library鈥檚 shelves.

鈥淭hat鈥檚 when I realized that I was so horribly mistaken, that these attacks on librarians and on the freedom to read were happening everywhere,鈥� Zwicker told Stateline. 鈥淚 went up to her and asked, 鈥榃hat can I do?鈥欌��

He said he鈥檚 already heard from lawmakers in Rhode Island who are considering introducing a similar measure this year.

A child who identifies with the LGBTQ+ community can read a memoir like 鈥溾�� by Maia Kobabe and feel seen for the first time in their lives, he said.

鈥淚 do not think it鈥檚 an overstatement to say that lives are in the balance here, that these books are that important to people, and that librarians are trusted gatekeepers to ensure that what鈥檚 on the shelf of a library has been curated and is appropriate,鈥� Zwicker said.

These new state laws, several of which are titled the 鈥淔reedom to Read Act,鈥� passed almost entirely along party lines, with unanimous Democratic support.

In New Jersey, Republican state Assemblywoman Dawn Fantasia, who has worked in schools for the past 18 years, including as an English teacher, vehemently opposed the measure. She did not respond to an interview request.

鈥淭his isn鈥檛 puritanical parents saying, 鈥極h, I don鈥檛 want my child to learn how babies are made,鈥欌�� during a September committee hearing. 鈥淭hat鈥檚 ridiculous, and we all know it.鈥�

She added, 鈥淲hat I do want is for us to be able to have an honest conversation about some of what is in these texts that is extraordinarily inappropriate for that grade level.鈥�

Enforcement and penalties

Legislation differs by state, including in enforcement and how to penalize noncompliant localities.

In Illinois, for example, school districts risk losing thousands of dollars in state grant funding if they violate the state鈥檚 new law discouraging book bans. But as the Chicago Tribune , that financial penalty was not enough to persuade many school districts throughout the state to comply, with administrators saying they are concerned about giving up local control on school decisions.

Several school districts in other states have similarly rebelled.

North of Minneapolis, St. Francis Area Schools鈥� board last month it would consult with conservative group BookLooks to determine which books it will buy for its school libraries. BookLooks uses a 0-through-5 that flags books for violent and sexual content.

Under its rating system, books that have long had a place in school libraries 鈥� such as the Holocaust memoir 鈥淣ight鈥� by Elie Wiesel or 鈥淚 Know Why the Caged Bird Sings鈥� by Maya Angelou 鈥� would require parental consent to read.

Asked about the school district potentially violating state law, school board member Amy Kelly, who led the drive to use BookLooks, declined to be interviewed. Karsten Anderson, superintendent of St. Francis Area Schools, also declined an interview request.

In Maryland, Carroll County schools the state in banning books in recent years, removing in the 2023-2024 school year at least 59 titles that were 鈥渟exually explicit,鈥� according to a tally by PEN America.

Schools should not allow children to see 鈥渒ink and porn,鈥� wrote Hart, of Moms for Liberty. She got involved in the effort more than three years ago, saying she wanted to protect her five children and parents鈥� rights to make educational decisions.

She pointed to one book to make her point: 鈥�: The Teen鈥檚 Guide to Sex, Relationships, and Being a Human,鈥� a nonfiction book in graphic novel form by Erika Moen and Matthew Nolan that seeks to educate teenagers about anatomy and consensual and safe sex. The book explores other issues of gender and sexuality, as well. Hart likened the book鈥檚 illustrations showing different ways of having sex to 鈥渆rotica.鈥�

鈥淧arents who provide their children with alcohol or drugs, or to give them a tattoo would rightly be charged with crimes,鈥� she wrote Stateline in an email. 鈥淪chools that provide children with sexually explicit content are negligent at best.鈥�

The future of book bans

Around 8,000 of the more than 10,000 instances of banned books during the 2023-24 school year were in Florida and Iowa schools, according to PEN America. Lawmakers in those states enacted legislation in 2023 that created processes for school districts to remove books that have sexual content.

Iowa now that reading materials offered in schools be 鈥渁ge-appropriate,鈥� while the Florida ensures that books challenged for depicting or describing 鈥渟exual conduct鈥� be removed from shelves while the challenge is processed by the district.

Some of those banned books classics, such as 鈥淩oots鈥� by Alex Haley and 鈥淎 Tree Grows in Brooklyn鈥� by Betty Smith.

Over the past year, lawmakers in Idaho, Tennessee and Utah passed measures that ban certain reading materials that deal with sex or are otherwise deemed inappropriate, according to from EveryLibrary, an Illinois-based organization that advocates against book bans. Arizona Democratic Gov. Katie Hobbs similar legislation in June.

Laws that allow for book bans have been the subject of in recent years, as plaintiffs argue those measures violate constitutional protections of free expression.

Late last month, a federal judge parts of a 2023 Arkansas law that threatened prison time for librarians who distribute 鈥渉armful鈥� material to minors. Arkansas Attorney General Tim Griffin, a Republican, announced the state would appeal the decision.

EveryLibrary is 26 bills in five states that lawmakers will consider this year that would target books with sexual and racial themes.

The organized effort to remove books because of LGBTQ+ or racial themes will continue, said Deborah Caldwell-Stone, director of the American Library Association鈥檚 Office for Intellectual Freedom.

The association, which book bans as part of its mission to support libraries and information science, found that most of the around the country had LGBTQ+ protagonists.

鈥淟ibrarians have always been all about providing individuals with access to the information they need, whether it鈥檚 for education, for enrichment, for understanding,鈥� she said in an interview. 鈥淐ensorship is diametrically opposed to that mission.鈥�

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They appeared to favor leaving such consequential matters up to lawmakers, but also wrestled with the possible implications of doing so.

鈥淭here are risks both ways in allowing the treatment or not allowing the treatment,鈥� Justice Brett Kavanaugh said after hearing arguments over a Tennessee law that prohibits gender-affirming medication or surgery for trans minors. 鈥淭here’s no kind of perfect way out 鈥� where everyone benefits and no one is harmed.鈥�

In her comments, U.S. Solicitor General Elizabeth Prelogar argued that the ban discriminates on the basis of sex and violates the 14th Amendment guarantee of equal protection. 

鈥淭here is a consensus that these treatments can be medically necessary for some adolescents,鈥� she said, noting that they can reduce suicide attempts. The Tennessee legislature, she added, has 鈥渃ompletely decided to override the views of the parents, the patients, the doctors who are grappling with these decisions.鈥� 

Justice Samuel Alito asked if she wanted to change her view that there鈥檚 a strong research basis for the procedures in light of moves by Britain, Sweden and other European countries to dial them back. Kavanaugh noted that these countries were 鈥減umping the brakes on this kind of treatment.鈥�

She replied that, unlike Tennessee, those countries haven鈥檛 banned the practice. The Biden administration is asking the justices to send the case back to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit to reconsider whether a blanket ban is appropriate.听

But J. Matthew Rice, Tennessee鈥檚 Tennessee Solicitor General, argued that the state isn鈥檛 discriminating based on a patient鈥檚 birth sex, but holding that such treatments cannot be used for the purpose of transitioning.

鈥淛ust as using morphine to manage pain differs from using it to assist suicide, using hormones and puberty blockers to address a physical condition is far different from using it to address psychological distress associated with one’s body,鈥� Rice said. 

The liberal justices agreed with Prelogar that the state is treating youth differently based on sex because such treatments would be allowed, for example, in the case of a boy or girl who started puberty too early.

鈥淚’m worried that we’re undermining the foundations of some of our bedrock equal protection cases,鈥� Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson said.

The challenge to comes amid questions over what President-elect Donald Trump鈥檚 reelection means for both gender-related health care and, more broadly, the future of anti-discrimination protections for LGBTQ youth. During the campaign, in which the issue became highly politicized, Trump vowed to for schools that he says push 鈥渞adical gender ideology.鈥� He repeatedly warned, , that schools secretly arrange gender transition surgeries for students without their parents鈥� consent. And with Republicans taking control of both houses of Congress, it becomes more likely that anti-trans laws like those passed by many states could be enacted nationwide.

A showed that a majority of voters think activism over trans people鈥檚 rights in government and society has gone too far. That includes some , who have voiced new reservations about trans girls competing on teams that match their gender identity. 

In Wednesday鈥檚 hearing 鈥� which included American Civil Liberties Union lawyer Chase Strangio, the first known openly trans lawyer to argue before the court 鈥� the conservative justices struggled with whether it鈥檚 the court鈥檚 place to rule in an area where the science is unsettled.

The court鈥檚 decision in this case is likely to have a broad impact: Tennessee is one of 26 GOP-led states with banning puberty blockers or hormones for trans youth.

Dr. Susan Lacy, a Memphis gynecologist, and three families, sued the state, claiming the ban violates the Constitution because it treats trans youth differently and violates parents鈥� rights to make medical decisions for their children. The Biden administration joined the case in support of their arguments.

In 2020, the Supreme Court decided in Bostock v. Clayton County that LGBTQ employees are a protected class in the workplace. Prelogar said the same standard should apply in this instance. 

While the Tennessee case doesn鈥檛 directly pertain to schools, court documents detail the educational struggles of its teen litigants. One identified as John Doe 鈥渨ould have an incredibly difficult time wanting to be around other people and go to school鈥� without gender-affirming medical care. Another trans boy using the pseudonym Ryan Roe would throw up before school because of anxiety over puberty and didn鈥檛 want to speak with a feminine-sounding voice. After receiving hormone therapy from Vanderbilt University, Ryan began participating more in class. 

The American Academy of Pediatrics such care for transgender and 鈥済ender diverse鈥� youth, restating its position as recently as last year in the face of widespread GOP to criminalize the practice. A of 220 trans youth found that the majority who received gender-affirming care were highly satisfied with the treatment at least three years later. Nine regretted taking puberty blockers or hormones, and four stopped taking the medication.

But call the treatments child abuse and reject the phrase 鈥済ender-affirming care.鈥� They say the procedures cause irreversible physical harm and that most children would of gender dysphoria if they don鈥檛 transition. An from Britain鈥檚 National Health Service reinforced their view. Dr. Hilary Cass, the report鈥檚 author, concluded that there is insufficient research to determine if the treatments have positive or negative effects, and largely discouraged them. Based on her review, the NHS no longer prescribes puberty blockers or hormones outside of clinical trials.听

鈥淔or the majority of young people, a medical pathway may not be the best way to manage their gender-related distress,鈥� the report said. 鈥淔or those young people for whom a medical pathway is clinically indicated, it is not enough to provide this without also addressing wider mental health and/or psychosocially challenging problems.鈥�

In with The New York Times, she said she disagrees with the American Academy of Pediatrics over the issue and suggests the organization could be 鈥渕isleading the public.鈥�

Republican Sen. Bill Cassidy of Louisiana, incoming chair of the education committee, pointed to the Cass report when he for the Academy to explain why it continues to support the treatments for minors. A spokesman for Cassidy said they have not received a 鈥渟ubstantive response.鈥�

As legal challenges to the bans on those treatments reached the federal courts, the and circuits ruled that such practices don鈥檛 discriminate against trans youth, allowing the restrictions to stand. But the and circuits sided with opponents of the laws.

On such a divisive issue, Prelogar argued compromise is possible, pointing to a that stopped short of a ban and allows treatment when at least two doctors agree that a patient has gender dysphoria and is at risk of self harm.

鈥淚 do think that there is room here for states to enact tailored measures to try to guard against the kind of risk that you’re concerned about,鈥� she told the justices.