Providence – 社区黑料 America's Education News Source Mon, 15 Dec 2025 20:48:08 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=6.7.2 /wp-content/uploads/2022/05/cropped-74_favicon-32x32.png Providence – 社区黑料 32 32 A Community in Grief Gathers to Hold Light in 鈥極ne of Providence鈥檚 Darkest Times鈥 /article/a-community-in-grief-gathers-to-hold-light-in-one-of-providences-darkest-times/ Tue, 16 Dec 2025 15:30:00 +0000 /?post_type=article&p=1026083 This article was originally published in

PROVIDENCE 鈥 It was supposed to be a joyful event. But a Christmas tree and menorah lighting scheduled for late Sunday afternoon at Lippitt Memorial Park was turned into a vigil for the victims of Saturday鈥檚 shooting at Brown University.

Despite the mid-20-degree weather and falling snow in Providence, over 200 people gathered to light candles to honor the two students who were killed and nine others who were wounded inside the Barus and Holley engineering building.


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Councilor Sue AnderBois began the holiday event at the park near the Pawtucket line last year.

鈥淚nstead, we are gathered here to share light with one another in one of Providence鈥檚 darkest times,鈥 AnderBois told the crowd. 鈥淲e鈥檙e here together to be together and to support.鈥

AnderBois was joined by several of Rhode Island鈥檚 elected officials including Gov. Dan McKee, who earlier in the afternoon ordered flags at all state buildings and facilities to be lowered to half-staff as a sign of respect for the victims of the shooting.

McKee did not speak during the vigil, nor did most elected officials in attendance. Remarks during the 10-minute ceremony were given by AnderBois, Mayor Brett Smiley and Sarah Mack, senior rabbi of Temple Beth-El near Wayland Square in Providence.

Smiley, who converted to Judaism last year, invoked the first night of Hanukkah in his remarks, noting that the initial lighting of the menorah represents a small spark that grows into a bright light by the end of the eight-night festival. He said he hoped the vigil would be 鈥渢he first little flicker for our community to start to heal and get better together.鈥

鈥淚t鈥檚 going to be a long road, but what I know about this community is that we will be here for one another,鈥 Smiley said.

Mack similarly spoke of the need for Rhode Islanders to come together as a way to provide light in these dark times.

鈥淲e can use our light to kindle other lights 鈥 to care for one another,鈥 she said. 鈥淭hat is how we get through this dark moment.鈥

After Mack concluded her speech, the crowd spontaneously began to sing 鈥淎mazing Grace.鈥 Officials had no further press briefings scheduled for Sunday night on the status of their investigation.

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Rhode Island Current maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Janine L. Weisman for questions: info@rhodeislandcurrent.com.

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Opinion: For Some Kids, Getting to School Is Really Hard. They Still Need to Go Every Day /article/for-some-kids-getting-to-school-is-really-hard-they-still-need-to-go-every-day/ Fri, 19 Sep 2025 16:30:00 +0000 /?post_type=article&p=1020889 As students head back to school, chronic absence rates remain much higher than they were before COVID: Nearly students nationwide miss more than 10% of school days. Low scores on the 2024 underscore that high levels of absenteeism continue to contribute to the decline in student performance, and an of past NAEP results shows that students who miss more school scored far lower than their peers who do not.

As an in longstanding partnership with public schools and the of a nonprofit organization focused specifically on attendance, we鈥檙e hearing questions from educators, district leaders, families and policymakers about whether the old standards for attendance are still reasonable. Do students still need to go to school every day? Is it fair to ask educators to work on improving attendance when so many barriers exist outside of school? 


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Given what we know from research and from schools across the country, backing away from a strong focus on chronic absence places children鈥檚 well-being in jeopardy, because attendance matters as much now as ever.

Early evidence from a UChicago Consortium on School Research study that is underway shows that the relationships among attendance and grades, test scores and test gains remain as strong as before COVID-19. This suggests that, despite all the extra supports that have been put into schools since the pandemic, chronic absence is a key factor in poor performance on exams across the country. This is for every age and demographic group.

These findings affirm decades of research showing that school attendance matters for students鈥 academic success, holistic development and well-being. Children in pre-K-2 who were chronically absent for several years by grade 3. Attendance also is important in the elementary and middle grades for students鈥 eventual , ability to pass their classes and graduate. And it’s not just the absent students who are affected; the content and pace of the classroom and even how adults and resources across the school are deployed can be detrimental to those who do show up.

Beyond academics, school is a key space for young people鈥檚 development 鈥 building social connections and skills with peers and adults, exploring their interests through classes and extracurriculars, and accessing resources, whether directly in school or through referrals from teachers. Students who are absent frequently miss out. 

Attendance rises when schools focus on fostering students鈥 development. Those with strong 鈥 where young people feel safe and supported and teachers collaborate with one another and with families 鈥 have higher attendance rates than other schools. No wonder boosting students鈥 is seen as a to chronic absence. When students and see their school as a place of community, stability, safety and support, they are more likely to come consistently, even when there are challenges. Teachers and school staff get a clearer sense of what families need, and how to help. They are more likely to seek assistance when they need it and work with to find solutions that work for them. In turn, school leaders and staff get a clearer sense of what families need, and how to help.

Addressing chronic absence can feel like an overwhelming, or even an impossible, problem because it is affected by many aspects of a young person鈥檚 life. Yet, we鈥檝e seen schools make substantial progress when they focus on key data and supports. Chicago moved ninth grade attendance rates from 80% to 91% from 2008 to 2018 after showed absenteeism in the first year of high school was the driving factor behind low graduation rates. The district provided schools with real-time data on ninth graders鈥 attendance and grades, and principals and teachers were held accountable for a metric they could actually move, while being helped with by organizations like the Network for College Success. 

Nathaniel Green Middle School in Providence reduced its chronic absence rate from in three years after Principal Jackson Reilly organized students into cohorts taught by teams of teachers so they could build in time for relationships among students, teachers, and students and their teachers. This created a sense of community that brought back joy into the classroom. They then used data on who was missing 10% or more of school to identify which students needed extra outreach and support.

At Compass Berclair Charter School in Memphis, absenteeism dropped from 28% to 2% between 2021-22 and 2023-24. Principal Camie Cowan used morning meetings with all students and monthly family check-ins to strengthen relationships. Like Nathaniel Green, it also used chronic absence data to identify and offer assistance to students still struggling with attendance barriers.   

Kansas City Kansas Public Schools have reduced chronic absence districtwide from over 50%  in 2021-22 to less than 35%, and leaders anticipate further reductions in the coming school year. The district has moved away from taking a punitive approach to absences; a key component of its success has been a focus on relationship building. Every school has a team that reviews data as well as develops and implements a year-long plan of action that emphasizes universal strategies (morning meetings or restorative circles) along with targeted supports (positive phone calls and mentoring).

These examples demonstrate that schools can have a big impact on students鈥 attendance rates. The key is building relationships with young people and their families 鈥 asking students and families what motivates them to show up even when it isn鈥檛 easy. Are the barriers an unsafe path to school or a lack of access to health care? Is the student struggling academically or being bullied? Schools can use these answers to partner with students and families to find solutions. 

What educators in schools do matters 鈥 a lot. Progress is not just possible for improving attendance rates in schools; it鈥檚 critical. Children鈥檚 current and future well-being depend on it.  

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Kept in the Dark: Inside the Providence Schools Ransomware Attack /article/kept-in-the-dark-inside-the-providence-schools-ransomware-attack/ Mon, 03 Mar 2025 11:30:00 +0000 /?post_type=article&p=1010931 Kept in the Dark is an in-depth investigation into more than 300 K-12 school cyberattacks over the last five years, revealing the forces that leave students, families and district staff unaware that their sensitive data was exposed. Use the search feature below to learn how cybercrimes 鈥 and subsequent data breaches 鈥 have played out in your own community. Here鈥檚 what we uncovered about a massive ransomware attack on the Providence, Rhode Island school district.

After the Providence, Rhode Island, school district fell victim to a September 2024 cyberattack by the Medusa ransomware gang, school officials said an ongoing investigation found 鈥渘o evidence that any personal information for students has been impacted.鈥 


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An investigation by 社区黑料, including a review of stolen files captured in the 217-gigabyte leak, indicates otherwise. Sexual misconduct allegations involving both students and teachers, children鈥檚 special education records and their vaccine histories were posted online after Providence Public Schools did not pay the cybercriminals鈥 $1 million ransom demand. 

The district鈥檚 failure to acknowledge that students鈥 records had been exposed 鈥 even after being informed otherwise by 社区黑料 鈥 means that parents and students were likely unaware that their private affairs had entered the public domain. 

In October 2024, Providence schools notified 12,000 current and former employees that their personal information, such as their names, addresses and Social Security numbers, had been compromised. But the letter never makes mention of students鈥 sensitive records. 

In response to 社区黑料鈥檚 findings in mid-October 2024, a district spokesperson didn鈥檛 acknowledge that students鈥 sensitive information was compromised. He said the district 鈥渉as been able to confirm that some [of its] files鈥 were accessed by an 鈥渦nauthorized, third party,鈥 and that 鈥渟ecurity consultants are going through a comprehensive review鈥 to determine whether the leaked files contain personal information 鈥渇or individuals beyond current and former staff members.鈥 

Meanwhile, in an unsolicited phone call to 社区黑料, a state education department spokesperson appeared to contradict that, saying 鈥渘o one had actually gone in to see the files.鈥 

Photo illustration of Medusa鈥檚 blog counting down to how much time the Providence Public School District has to meet its $1 million ransom demand. (Eamonn Fitzmaurice/社区黑料).

Included in the leak is the 2024-25 Individualized Education Program for a 4-year-old boy who pre-K educators observed had 鈥渟ignificant difficulty sustaining attention to task鈥 and who 鈥渨andered around the classroom setting without purpose.鈥 Another special education plan notes a 3-year-old boy 鈥渞andomly roamed the room humming the tune to 鈥榃heels on the Bus,鈥 pushed chairs and threw objects.鈥 

A single spreadsheet lists the names of some 20,000 students and their demographic information, including disability status, home addresses, contact information and parents鈥 names. Another contains information about their race and the languages spoken at home.

A 鈥渢ermination list鈥 included in the breach notes the names of more than 600 district employees who were let go between 2002 and 2024, including an art teacher who 鈥渞etired in lieu鈥 of being fired and a middle school English teacher who 鈥渞esigned per agreement.鈥 Another set of documents reveals a fifth-grade teacher鈥檚 request 鈥 and denial 鈥 for workplace accommodations for obsessive compulsive disorder, anxiety and panic attacks that make her 鈥渓ess effective as an educator if I am not supported with the accommodations because I can not sleep at night.鈥 

A Providence Public School District student鈥檚 vaccine record. 社区黑料 cropped the photo above to remove the student鈥檚 name. (Screenshot)

In one leaked April 2024 email, a senior central office administrator sought a concealed handgun permit from the state attorney general, noting they 鈥渉ave a safe at work as well as one at home.鈥

Following an investigation published by 社区黑料 and in October, the district to families acknowledging that students鈥 personal information, such as vaccine records and special education details, were exposed in the attack.

In response to an inquiry from 社区黑料, a district spokesperson said in a November statement that educators remain 鈥渃ommitted to transparency and the security of personal information.鈥

鈥淒uring these types of incidents, districts typically start with limited information on what occurred and then gain more information over the course of the investigation,鈥 the statement continues. 鈥淎s we navigated the initial uncertainty of the situation, PPSD prioritized taking real-time action and communicating with all stakeholders as we gathered more information.鈥

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Providence Mayor Warns of Tax Hikes and Service Cuts Amid School Budget Battle /article/providence-mayor-warns-of-tax-hikes-and-service-cuts-amid-school-budget-battle/ Thu, 12 Dec 2024 17:30:00 +0000 /?post_type=article&p=736937 This article was originally published in

The city of Providence has halted all discretionary spending and imposed a hiring freeze to comply with a court mandate to fund the city鈥檚 public schools 鈥 with the potential for cuts to municipal services and even a property tax hike, Mayor Brett Smiley told reporters gathered in his office Tuesday.

The warning about tough choices ahead comes three days after a Providence Superior Court judge (RIDE), which is withholding millions in state aid to Providence until the city appropriates local dollars to fund its public schools, which have been under state control for the past five years.

鈥淭he decision the court handed down put the city鈥檚 finances at risk,鈥 Smiley said. 鈥淎nd we鈥檙e going to have to make very difficult decisions in the days ahead.鈥


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That could include cuts to all grant programs for the community libraries, housing support, and parks programs. Smiley said his office would also consider rolling back police patrols at PVDFest and other holiday celebrations.

鈥淭hat will all have to stop,鈥 he said.

Rhode Island Superior Court Judge Jeffrey A. Lanphear on Friday upheld a request from Education Commissioner Ang茅lica Infante-Green to state Treasurer James Diossa to withhold $8.5 million in state car tax payments from the city, claiming Providence owed nearly $30 million to the district under the that authorized RIDE鈥檚 2019 takeover of the Providence Public School Department.

A decision on how much the city must pay was originally scheduled for Wednesday morning but was postponed to Nov. 20. The City Council鈥檚 Committee on Finance was scheduled to meet to reallocate $1.5 million in federal COVID relief funds to help cover school budget shortfalls at its Tuesday meeting, but postponed that part of its agenda to Monday, Nov. 18.

Michelle Moreno Silva, spokesperson for Diossa鈥檚 office, declined to comment on the Superior Court鈥檚 ruling.

鈥淥ur role here is very minimal,鈥 she said in a phone interview. 鈥淲e just hold the money.鈥

Smiley told reporters Tuesday that the city may have to conduct layoffs and furlough additional employees 鈥 which he said would save the city $200,000 per day. Also possible, he said, the city could impose a mid-year tax hike, something it can鈥檛 do without General Assembly approval.

鈥淚f legislation is introduced, it will be thoroughly reviewed through the public committee hearing process,鈥 Senate spokesperson Greg Pare said in an email.

Last week鈥檚 Superior Court ruling intensified the battle over funding obligations to the district. The feud went public in early October after Smiley to reveal an 鈥渦ltimatum鈥 made by Providence Superintendent Javier Monta帽ez asking for $10.9 million for the district.

Monta帽ez warned Smiley that without the cash from the city, the district would have to cut winter and spring sports, along with revoking students鈥 Rhode Island Public Transit Authority bus passes.

Smiley responded with a $1 million offer the following day, promising to use money from a payment-in-lieu-of-taxes agreement recently struck with Lifespan Corporation, plus a parking agreement with the Rhode Island School of Design. The City Council promised to repurpose $1.5 million from its share of federal pandemic relief money.

But Smiley said the combined offer was not accepted as of Tuesday.

鈥淎ll of this is in the context of irresponsible spending from the school department,鈥 he said Tuesday. 鈥淲e all know there was going to be a fiscal cliff when the federal COVID aid expired and they did nothing to plan for it other than to send us the bill and expect Providence taxpayers would foot that bill.鈥

Smiley blamed Infante-Green鈥檚 administration at RIDE for a lack of collaboration, adding the city would help to instill discipline and oversight on state spending.

鈥淚t is clear the commissioner views her ability to run our schools as one without checks and balances,鈥 he said. 鈥淐ooperation is a one-way street with her.鈥

Smiley and City Council President Rachel Miller called on the state to put the district back on local control 鈥 something the Rhode Island Council on Elementary and Secondary Education declined to do , instead extending the takeover through 2027.

鈥淥ur city is not a bank for a state-controlled experiment,鈥 Miller said. 鈥淎fter four years, it has become abundantly clear the state takeover is not working to promote the collaboration and the transparent decision making that our students need.鈥

RIDE spokesperson Victor Morente said it was a lack of city resources and underperformance that led the state to take over the school district in the first palace.

鈥淐ity leaders have repeatedly stated they are ready to prove to the State that they are prepared to regain local control, but their budget priorities say otherwise,鈥 Morente said in a statement.

The budget feud led outside of City Hall on Tuesday.

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Rhode Island Current maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Janine L. Weisman for questions: info@rhodeislandcurrent.com.

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Budget Battle Over Providence Schools Intensifies as Smiley Warns of Tax Hikes, Service Cuts /article/budget-battle-over-providence-schools-intensifies-as-smiley-warns-of-tax-hikes-service-cuts/ Fri, 15 Nov 2024 15:30:00 +0000 /?post_type=article&p=735390 This article was originally published in

The city of Providence has halted all discretionary spending and imposed a hiring freeze to comply with a court mandate to fund the city鈥檚 public schools 鈥 with the potential for cuts to municipal services and even a property tax hike, Mayor Brett Smiley told reporters gathered in his office Tuesday.

The warning about tough choices ahead comes three days after a Providence Superior Court judge (RIDE), which is withholding millions in state aid to Providence until the city appropriates local dollars to fund its public schools, which have been under state control for the past five years.

鈥淭he decision the court handed down put the city鈥檚 finances at risk,鈥 Smiley said. 鈥淎nd we鈥檙e going to have to make very difficult decisions in the days ahead.鈥


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That could include cuts to all grant programs for the community libraries, housing support, and parks programs. Smiley said his office would also consider rolling back police patrols at PVDFest and other holiday celebrations.

鈥淭hat will all have to stop,鈥 he said.

Rhode Island Superior Court Judge Jeffrey A. Lanphear on Friday upheld a request from Education Commissioner Ang茅lica Infante-Green to state Treasurer James Diossa to withhold $8.5 million in state car tax payments from the city, claiming Providence owed nearly $30 million to the district under the that authorized RIDE鈥檚 2019 takeover of the Providence Public School Department.

A decision on how much the city must pay was originally scheduled for Wednesday morning but was postponed to Nov. 20. The City Council鈥檚 Committee on Finance was scheduled to meet to reallocate $1.5 million in federal COVID relief funds to help cover school budget shortfalls at its Tuesday meeting, but postponed that part of its agenda to Monday, Nov. 18.

Michelle Moreno Silva, spokesperson for Diossa鈥檚 office, declined to comment on the Superior Court鈥檚 ruling.

鈥淥ur role here is very minimal,鈥 she said in a phone interview. 鈥淲e just hold the money.鈥

Smiley told reporters Tuesday that the city may have to conduct layoffs and furlough additional employees 鈥 which he said would save the city $200,000 per day. Also possible, he said, the city could impose a mid-year tax hike, something it can鈥檛 do without General Assembly approval.

鈥淚f legislation is introduced, it will be thoroughly reviewed through the public committee hearing process,鈥 Senate spokesperson Greg Pare said in an email.

Last week鈥檚 Superior Court ruling intensified the battle over funding obligations to the district. The feud went public in early October after Smiley to reveal an 鈥渦ltimatum鈥 made by Providence Superintendent Javier Monta帽ez asking for $10.9 million for the district.

Monta帽ez warned Smiley that without the cash from the city, the district would have to cut winter and spring sports, along with revoking students鈥 Rhode Island Public Transit Authority bus passes.

Smiley responded with a $1 million offer the following day, promising to use money from a payment-in-lieu-of-taxes agreement recently struck with Lifespan Corporation, plus a parking agreement with the Rhode Island School of Design. The City Council promised to repurpose $1.5 million from its share of federal pandemic relief money.

But Smiley said the combined offer was not accepted as of Tuesday.

鈥淎ll of this is in the context of irresponsible spending from the school department,鈥 he said Tuesday. 鈥淲e all know there was going to be a fiscal cliff when the federal COVID aid expired and they did nothing to plan for it other than to send us the bill and expect Providence taxpayers would foot that bill.鈥

Smiley blamed Infante-Green鈥檚 administration at RIDE for a lack of collaboration, adding the city would help to instill discipline and oversight on state spending.

鈥淚t is clear the commissioner views her ability to run our schools as one without checks and balances,鈥 he said. 鈥淐ooperation is a one-way street with her.鈥

Smiley and City Council President Rachel Miller called on the state to put the district back on local control 鈥 something the Rhode Island Council on Elementary and Secondary Education declined to do , instead extending the takeover through 2027.

鈥淥ur city is not a bank for a state-controlled experiment,鈥 Miller said. 鈥淎fter four years, it has become abundantly clear the state takeover is not working to promote the collaboration and the transparent decision making that our students need.鈥

RIDE spokesperson Victor Morente said it was a lack of city resources and underperformance that led the state to take over the school district in the first palace.

鈥淐ity leaders have repeatedly stated they are ready to prove to the State that they are prepared to regain local control, but their budget priorities say otherwise,鈥 Morente said in a statement.

The budget feud led outside of City Hall on Tuesday.

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Rhode Island Current maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Janine L. Weisman for questions: info@rhodeislandcurrent.com. Follow Rhode Island Current on and .

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Another School District Stumbles After Cyberattack /article/providence-schools-hit-by-cyberattack-yet-to-address-student-victims/ Wed, 30 Oct 2024 18:50:08 +0000 /?post_type=article&p=734827
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Opinion: Legacy Laws Hurt Providence Public School Students. Question 1 Offers a Solution /article/legacy-laws-hurt-providence-public-school-students-question-1-offers-a-solution/ Sat, 26 Oct 2024 16:01:00 +0000 /?post_type=article&p=734607 The tug-of-war between the city of Providence and the Rhode Island Department of Education over the latter鈥檚 takeover of the city鈥檚 public schools, now in its fifth year, would be humorous if it weren鈥檛 so ugly for the kids.

But on Nov. 5, voters have the power to give the situation a makeover.

Failing urban students is a time-honored habit in Rhode Island, first documented exhaustively in the . The equally depressing also focused on toxic provisions in the Providence teachers contract.


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But unlike those two reports, the May 2024, led by Sen. Sam Zurier, a Providence Democrat, dug deeper, delving into certain state laws that function like concrete shoes, drowning any hope for pro-education teacher contracts.

Most of these laws are antiquated legacies from the 1960s and 1970s when teachers first unionized. They wanted better pay, but also protections from insults like getting fired for being pregnant. At the time, unionization advocates turned to the already established labor contracts in the auto industry for examples they could adapt.

Back then, the historical context was radically different. In 1950, the public school dropout rate was 52%. But, no problem. Young people with limited education could get good middle class jobs in the then-booming manufacturing economy. No longer.

Auto labor and management negotiated salary, benefits and work conditions. But most work conditions were built into the design and function of assembly lines. Loyal, competent workers, doing similar if not identical work, got annual step raises as well as assurances that senior members had first dibs on advancement. Fair enough.

But teachers are college-educated professionals whose work conditions are unique to each school and its student population. Most of their work conditions should be decided by them, in conjunction with the school community.

The Zurier commission heard expert testimony about how these tired old laws prevent unionized schools from entering the 21st century. Schools can鈥檛 improve the quality of their personnel or deploy resources to meet the needs of their kids.

As a result, it doesn鈥檛 matter who controls Providence鈥檚 ungovernable school system.To stay focused on the city鈥檚 kids, the commission鈥檚 legislative recommendations apply only to Providence schools. They are:

General Law . Suspension because of decrease in school population 鈥 Seniority 鈥 Reinstatement.

For unionized teachers, hiring by seniority is the law. When the student population decreases 鈥 鈥 or a district鈥檚 budget is stressed for whatever reason, administrators have no say over who stays or goes.

This practice is also known as LIFO, or Last In, First Out. Usually awarded after three  years of teaching, tenure gives solid job security to sub-par teachers. LIFO can also erase efforts to diversify the workforce because many teachers of color are new to the profession.

Wise, willing labor and management leaders can negotiate whatever they want in a three-year contract, but the law makes their decisions easy targets for lawsuits. One expert told the commission about how a new Providence superintendent dismantled Hope High School鈥檚 lauded redesign to appease those who resented Hope鈥檚 flexibility and subsequent success. The law was on their side.

RI General Law . Minimum salary schedule.

Municipalities and their school districts must establish 鈥渁 salary schedule recognizing years of service, experience, and training for all certified personnel regularly employed in the public schools and having no more than twelve (12) annual steps.鈥

Also known as 鈥渓ock-step鈥 pay, each year teachers get a 鈥渟tep pay鈥 bump (as well as a raise, usually), no matter the teacher鈥檚 performance, which the law makes irrelevant.

Administrators can鈥檛 adjust salary to make hard-to-fill positions more attractive or reward teachers for taking on more responsibility. Choices about deploying fiscal resources are off limits for incentivizing or, yes, disciplining anyone on staff.

RI is only one of 14 states that still has a lock-step salary statute.

Statement of cause for dismissal 鈥 Hearing 鈥 Appeals 鈥 Arbitration.

Under this law, terminating a non-performing teacher opens a Pandora鈥檚 box of such onerous demands that efforts to dismiss are literally not worth it. The sub-par teacher holds all the cards, forcing administrators to choose between putting up with a 鈥渂ad apple鈥 or spending their career trying to remove a dead spot in kids鈥 education.

The commission cites an example of a teacher terminated for cause in 2014. After the initial, evidence-laden termination letter, the case went to a second district hearing and then 鈥渁n appeal to a hearing officer, a review by the Commissioner, a second review by the Commissioner, an appeal to the Council on Elementary and Secondary Education and an appeal to the Superior Court which upheld the termination.鈥

The matter might still go to the Supreme Court.

Little has changed since the 1960s, thanks to these legacy laws.

So, given the legislature鈥檚 reluctance to free schools from these laws, the only avenue forward is to approve , which asks voters if Rhode Island should hold a constitutional convention. The question comes up every 10 years. The last such convention was held in 1986.

Bear in mind that the 鈥淰ote No鈥 fliers coming to our houses are funded by teachers unions, mainly the D.C-based Sixteen Thirty Fund, run by a former leader from the National Education Association, the largest public-services union in the U.S. Teachers unions wield much power in Rhode Island.  Their job is to fight for the adults, even at the expense of the kids and the state鈥檚 workforce.

I鈥檓 voting yes on Question #1.  How else are we ever going to get rid of those terrible laws?

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Rhode Island Current maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Janine L. Weisman for questions: info@rhodeislandcurrent.com. Follow Rhode Island Current on and .

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With State Still in Charge, Providence Will Elect New School Board Members /article/with-state-still-in-charge-providence-will-elect-new-school-board-members/ Thu, 24 Oct 2024 10:30:00 +0000 /?post_type=article&p=734531 Voters in Providence, Rhode Island, won鈥檛 have as much power over their city鈥檚 schools as some had hoped when they elect five new school board members on Election Day 鈥 but it will be more than they鈥檝e had in decades. 

For the first time since the late 1960s, voters will elect half the school board 鈥 picking new members to join the five the mayor will appoint 鈥 as the district navigates a minefield of budget woes, declining enrollment, school closures, test scores that are still below pre-pandemic levels, and a demand for more charter schools.

On top of all that, the new board will have limited power and will need to split loyalties between voters and the Rhode Island Department of Education, which took control of the district in 2019 and just extended its control for another three years.


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That extension by the state Council on Elementary and Secondary Education last month deflated hopes of some the district would return to the city鈥檚 control. A release of state control would have given the new board power to govern the schools, not just be an advisory board to Infante-Green.

Even so, 17 candidates are vying for five seats representing different sections of the city in this non鈥攑artisan election with no primary. Candidates include four current school board members and others who have previously run for city council but lost.

The Providence Teachers Union has endorsed five candidates, one in each of the five races. Stop The Wait, a charter school advocacy group, has in opposition to those who are union-backed.

Both the union and charter advocates are in an ongoing battle over whether to close schools with falling enrollment and turn the buildings over to charter schools. The debate most recently flared this summer over a proposal to put two charters in a recently-closed district school. Advocates say there is a long waitlist of students seeking spaces in charter schools, while the union says charters drain students and money from the district.

District funding is set by the city and state. And the city, not the board, controls who can use old school buildings, a key issue as charter schools seek facilities to grow. Still, contributions are likely to flow into the school board races, helping candidates on both sides. Campaign donations were not available to review in time for this story.

Though the new board members won鈥檛 have much power right away, observers and advocates say their role will still be important.

Brown University Professor John Papay, who has helped advise the district, said the new board can counter Infante-Green鈥檚 鈥渃lear concerns about the board鈥檚 current capacity鈥 to govern.

鈥淭he Board, both as individual members and collectively as an institution, must fundamentally focus on building their capacity to constructively support the district,鈥 she wrote the city and board after her decision.

Papay said the board can use the three years to learn best practices of how boards work and improve its interaction with the state and others, which has often been confrontational.

鈥淚’ve heard that people are excited for the school board,鈥 Papay said. 鈥淢aybe this election will help鈥o the work necessary to be able to facilitate the return to local control.鈥

Others, like charter school advocate Janie Segui Rodriguez, are taking a longer view. The board members are all running for four-year terms, which leaves them with a year left when state control ends.

鈥淭he board is very limited in their power, but at the same time, this is the board that’s going to receive the schools back in three years,鈥 said Rodriguez, founder and CEO of Stop The Wait. 鈥淭hese are the people who are going to have the ability to implement and voice how we should do things going forward.鈥

The Providence Public School District, whose board has been appointed by the mayor since the late 1960s, has struggled academically for years and has lost more than 4,000 students over the last 20 years to now have less than 20,000 enrolled in its 37 schools.

A found that Providence lost almost 17 percent of its students since 2019 alone, some to charters, some to homeschooling, dropping out and population loss

The state took control of the district in 2019 after a Johns Hopkins University report found its academic performance and management faulty. Since then, the board has had little control. Infante-Green, not the board, hired and then extended the contract of superintendent Javier Montanez. 

With that control originally planned to end this year, voters in 2022 passed a city charter amendment calling for half of the board to be elected and half to be appointed by the mayor after this year鈥檚 election.

Though four current board members are running 鈥 Toni Akin in Region 2, Night Jean Muhingabo and Michael Nina in Region 3, and Ty鈥橰elle Stephens in Region 4 鈥 Mayor Brett Smiley isn鈥檛 endorsing anyone. He also won鈥檛 say if he would re-appoint any of the four if they lose or any of the five current members not running.

He must appoint a member from each region, however, after a nominating committee sends him recommendations.

Loyalty to the mayor or willingness to challenge him looms as a recurring issue for board members, both over charter schools and school funding.

Though Infante-Green placed some responsibility on the board for not governing well, she also delayed ending state control because the city does not give the school district enough money. State law requires Providence 鈥 or any city with schools under state control 鈥 to increase school funding each year by the same percentage as the state does.

Infante-Green has repeatedly warned the city that it is failing to meet that requirement, but school board members appointed by Smiley have criticized Infante-Green more than Smiley. The mayor even earlier this year, but failed.

The funding issue has flared up again, as superintendent Montanez Oct. 9 that he blamed on too little city support. The shortfall, he said, could force layoffs, and cuts of busing and winter and spring sports.

Candidates have not weighed in on those potential cuts yet. 

社区黑料 asked every candidate who made contact information available whether the board or other officials were most to blame for Infante-Green not ending state control. All avoided blaming the board and though a few mentioned the budget issues, none assigned responsibility to anyone.

The ability of charter schools to open in the city is another hot button issue. The Rhode Island Department of Education said about 32,400 students statewide 鈥 more than 19,000 from Providence 鈥 applied for about 2,900 open charter school seats for this school year. To charter advocates, that鈥檚 a clear indication more charter schools are needed.

鈥淒espite the fact that there’s growing demand鈥e probably have the largest wait list in the country鈥ur politicians don’t respond to that,鈥 Rodriguez said.

She added: 鈥淲e need people who are going to be able to champion what parents and families want, not one system over the other.鈥

She was frustrated that Providence City Council blocked an agreement earlier this year between Smiley and Achievement First Rhode Island Inc. and Excel Academy Rhode Island to

Stop The Wait has endorsed four candidates 鈥 incumbent board member Michael Nina in Region 4, private school administrator Michelle Fontes in Region 2, Jenny Mercado in District 3 and DeNeil Jones in District 5.

The Providence Teachers Union has endorsed Corey Jones, a former city council candidate with several other endorsements from local officials in Region 1, Andrew Grover in Region 2, Heidi Silverio in Region 3 and incumbent board members Night Jean Muhingabo and Ty鈥橰ell Stephens in Regions 4 and 5.

The union did not reply to a request for comment on the endorsements from 社区黑料.

But Muhingabo and Stephens angered charter advocates and strengthened support of teachers when they questioned the lease of the Lauro school to charters.

鈥淭his resolution promotes the expansion of charter schools, diverting essential resources from our public schools and undermining our commitment to quality public education for all,鈥 Muhingabo wrote on X, formerly Twitter. 鈥淲e need to protect our public schools!鈥

Overall, candidates have mostly called for better cooperation between the city, state and schools and for making sure the state can release the district from its control. A few have broken out of that mold by also offering other ideas, including:

  • DeNeil Jones, in Region 5, wants to move students in low鈥攑erforming schools to open seats in higher鈥攑erforming ones to improve learning and save money. Though not stated, such a change could open schools for charters.
  • Corey Jones in Region 1 wants state and other social services placed in schools to easily help students.
  • David Talan in Region 4 wants to make it easier, as students are assigned schools based on openings, for students to attend schools close to them and to open a school in the Washington Park neighborhood.
  • Mercado in Region 3 hopes to create an app that helps parents with school registration, dual language programs and access to local services.
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Providence鈥檚 Refusal to Acknowledge Sensitive Student Data Leak Feels Familiar /article/providence-hack-exposes-thousands-of-sensitive-student-records/ Sat, 19 Oct 2024 12:01:00 +0000 /?post_type=article&p=734414 School (in)Security is our biweekly briefing on the latest school safety news, vetted by Mark KeierleberSubscribe here.

Medusa鈥檚 back at it. 

The cybergang, which has become notorious for devastating ransomware attacks on K-12 school systems, has claimed the Providence, Rhode Island, district as its latest victim, leaking tens of thousands of sensitive student records on its Telegram channel. 

Yet the district remains unaware 鈥 or is perhaps unwilling to admit 鈥 that students鈥 private affairs have entered the public domain. Sexual misconduct reports. Special education records. Medical records. Vaccine histories. All are available with a Google search and a few mouse clicks. 

So why won鈥檛 the district acknowledge to parents and students that their information was stolen? It鈥檚 a refusal I鈥檝e seen repeated again and again while reporting on school cyberattacks over the last few years. 

Photo illustration of Medusa’s blog counting down to how much time the Providence Public School District has to meet its $1 million ransom demand. (Eamonn Fitzmaurice/社区黑料).

Earlier this month, the Providence district spokesman told reporters that an ongoing investigation had uncovered that any personal information for students has been impacted.鈥 Yet when 社区黑料 presented the district this week with evidence to the contrary, he doubled down. Third-party consultants are conducting 鈥渁 comprehensive review鈥 to determine what files were stolen, he told 社区黑料 without uttering the word 鈥渟tudent.鈥 

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The files have been available for download for nearly a month. The state education department spokesperson told me 鈥 in an unsolicited phone call this week after catching wind of my latest investigation 鈥 that nobody (except me, apparently) was previously able to access the breached records. 

鈥淣o one had actually gone in to see the files,鈥 he said. 

Click here to read my latest story on the K-12 ransomware beat. And thank you to our partners at The Boston Globe our story Friday.


In the news

As Eric Adams, the mayor of New York City and a former police officer, faces not one but four (!) criminal investigations, federal agents searched the offices of the city police department鈥檚 school safety division. The raid was part of an inquiry into a possible bribery scheme involving a company that sells panic buttons to districts nationwide. |

GAO Report K-12 Education: Nationally, Black Girls Receive More Frequent and More Severe Discipline in School Than Other Girls

鈥楤lack girls were always the ones who got disciplined鈥: Black girls face harsher and more frequent disciplinary actions than their white female classmates 鈥 in the same schools and for similar behaviors 鈥 according to a new Government Accountability Office report on racial disparities in student suspensions. | 社区黑料

Kids who are removed from their homes for abuse or neglect routinely find themselves sleeping in the offices of child protective services. Here鈥檚 how often it happens in Indiana. |

鈥業鈥檝e got to finish up my school shooter outfit, just kidding鈥: Prosecutors say the father of a teenager accused of unleashing a deadly mass shooting at his Georgia high school knew the boy was obsessed with previous gunmen 鈥 and had a shrine above his bed to the school shooter in Parkland, Florida. |

Specialized schools in Michigan that serve students with complex behavioral issues routinely call the cops for backup. The frequent calls, critics argue, offer evidence the schools are failing the kids they鈥檙e designed to help. |

How DACA helps everyone: Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals 鈥 the Obama-era policy that provides deportation relief to undocumented immigrants who entered the country as young children 鈥 is a boon for U.S.-born kids, a new study suggests. The program 鈥渋mproves test scores and educational attainment not only for those directly eligible, but also for their peers.鈥 |

How a 15-word statement led to the arrest of a 10-year-old boy with autism at his Texas elementary school. |

The Massachusetts attorney general鈥檚 office has sued TikTok, alleging the social media company knew its service was addictive to teens and was associated with sleep disruption, depression and anxiety. |

Nov. 5 is approaching 鈥 And schools worry about the safety of their students when their campuses are used as polling locations. |

Utah lawmakers earmarked $100 million for schools to meet new security requirements, including panic buttons, locks and armed guards. The actual price tag? $800 million. |


ICYMI @The74

1st Federal Survey of Trans Students: 72% Feel 鈥楬opeless,鈥 1 in 4 Tried Suicide

L.A. Housing Crisis Hits LAUSD as Number of Homeless Students Continues to Grow

NYC Schools Launch Anti-Hate Hotline as Antisemitism and Islamophobia Reports Rise

Banned Books Find Shelter in Maryland 鈥楽anctuary Library鈥


Emotional Support

Leo, who lives with my colleague Jo Napolitano, came prepared for school photo day.

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Providence Students鈥 Data Exposed in Cyberattack 鈥 District Denies Leak /article/providence-students-sensitive-data-exposed-in-cyberattack-district-denies-leak/ Fri, 18 Oct 2024 10:30:00 +0000 /?post_type=article&p=734352 Sexual misconduct allegations involving both students and teachers, children鈥檚 special education records and their vaccine histories are readily available online after the Providence, Rhode Island, school district fell victim to a cyberattack last month. 

A ransomware gang uploaded those and other sensitive student information to an instant messaging service after Providence Public Schools did not pay their $1 million extortion demand, an investigation by 社区黑料 revealed. Though the files have been available online for nearly a month, parents and students are likely unaware that their private affairs have entered the public domain 鈥 and district officials have denied the leaked records exist. 

Earlier this month, the school district notified 12,000 current and former employees that personal information, such as their names, addresses and Social Security numbers, had been compromised and offered them five years of credit-monitoring services. But the letter never made mention of students鈥 sensitive records and, district spokesperson Jay W茅gimont told reporters at the time that an ongoing investigation had uncovered that any personal information for students has been impacted.鈥

An analysis by 社区黑料 of the stolen files 鈥 posted by the threat actors to the messaging platform Telegram  鈥 indicates otherwise. Included in the 217 gigabyte data leak are students鈥 specific special education accommodations and medications. Other files offer detailed insight into district investigations into sexual misconduct allegations naming both educators and students. 

In one complaint, a middle school girl accused a male classmate of showing her unsolicited sexual videos on his cellphone, lifting up her skirt, snapping her bra strap and pulling her hair. In another, a mother accused two high school boys of putting their hands into her disabled daughter鈥檚 underwear. After one incident, a boy uttered a threat: 鈥淒on鈥檛 tell nobody.鈥 

Providence Public School District documents leaked after a data breach and redacted by 社区黑料. (Screenshot).

In a statement to 社区黑料 on Wednesday, W茅gimont said the district has 鈥渂een able to confirm that some files鈥 stored on the district鈥檚 internal servers were accessed by an 鈥渦nauthorized, third party,鈥 and that 鈥渟ecurity consultants are going through a comprehensive review鈥 to determine whether the leaked files contain personal information 鈥渇or individuals beyond current and former staff members.鈥 

W茅gimont鈥檚 statement doesn鈥檛 acknowledge that students鈥 records had been compromised. 

The district鈥檚 failure to acknowledge the breach affected students and parents 鈥 even after being informed otherwise 鈥 is 鈥渁 massive violation of trust with communities,鈥 student privacy expert Amelia Vance told 社区黑料.

鈥淧eople should be aware 鈥 especially when particularly sensitive information is being released in ways that could make it findable and searchable later,鈥 said Vance, the founder and president of Public Interest Privacy Consulting. As cybercriminals turn their focus beyond financial records to sensitive information like sexual misconduct allegations, breaches like the one in Providence 鈥渁re likely to have a substantial impact on people鈥檚 future lives, whether it be their opportunities, their ability to get a job or their relationships with others.鈥 

The school district acknowledged in an Oct. 4 letter to the state attorney general鈥檚 office 鈥 and in letters to the individuals themselves 鈥 that the sensitive information of 12,000 current and former employees was 鈥減otentially impacted鈥 in the attack. A spokesperson for the AG鈥檚 office shared the letter that Providence Superintendent Javier Monta帽ez submitted 鈥渁s required by statute,鈥 but declined to comment further on the students and families who were also victimized in the breach.

Javier Monta帽ez

Under the , schools and other municipal agencies are required to notify affected individuals within 30 days 鈥 but the breach 鈥減oses a significant risk of identity theft.鈥 Covered records include individuals鈥 names, Social Security numbers, driver鈥檚 license numbers, financial information, medical records, health insurance information and email log-in credentials. 

It鈥檚 unclear how the district determined as many as 12,000 current and former educators were affected. Nobody, including the school district, was previously able to access the breached records, Victor Morente, the state education department鈥檚 spokesperson, said in a phone call on Wednesday. 

鈥淣o one had actually gone in to see the files,鈥 he told 社区黑料, although the district had said it was conducting an ongoing analysis. 

Providence Public School District documents leaked after a data breach and redacted by 社区黑料. (screenshot)

The state took control of the 20,000-student Providence district in 2019 after a report found it was among the lowest performing in the country. State education officials are 鈥渨orking closely with the district鈥 on its ransomware recovery, Morente said. 

Thousands of students impacted

Included in the leak is the 2024-25 Individualized Education Program for a 4-year-old boy who pre-K educators observed had 鈥渟ignificant difficulty sustaining attention to task鈥 and who 鈥渨andered around the classroom setting without purpose.鈥 Another special education plan notes a 3-year-old boy 鈥渞andomly roamed the room humming the tune to 鈥榃heels on the Bus,鈥 pushed chairs and threw objects.鈥 

A single spreadsheet lists the names of some 20,000 students and demographic information including their disability status, home addresses, contact information and parents鈥 names. Another includes information about their race and the languages spoken at home.

A 鈥渢ermination list鈥 included in the breach notes the names of more than 600 district employees who were let go between 2002 and 2024, including an art teacher who 鈥渞etired in lieu鈥 of being fired and a middle school English teacher who 鈥渞esigned per agreement.鈥 Another set of documents revealed a fifth-grade teacher鈥檚 request 鈥 and denial 鈥 for workplace accommodations for obsessive compulsive disorder, anxiety and panic attacks that make her 鈥渓ess effective as an educator if I am not supported with the accommodations because I can not sleep at night.鈥 

In one leaked April 2024 email, a senior central office administrator sought a concealed handgun permit from the state attorney general, noting they 鈥渉ave a safe at work as well as one at home.鈥

A Providence Public School District student’s vaccine record. 社区黑料 cropped the photo above to remove the student’s name. (Screenshot)

Threat actors with the ransomware gang Medusa, believed by cybersecurity researchers to be Russian, took credit for the September attack. The group, which has repeatedly used highly personal student records as part of its extortion scheme, posted Providence public schools to its dark web blog where it demanded $1 million. 

While ransomware gangs have long restricted their activities to the dark web, according to the cybersecurity company Bitdefender. After Medusa outs its latest target on its dark web 鈥渘ame and shame blog,鈥 it then previews the victim鈥檚 stolen records in a video on a faux technology blog that appears to be directly tied to the attackers.

The files are then made available for download on Telegram. While the dark web requires special tools and some know-how to access, the preview video and download link to the Providence files and those of other Medusa victims are available with little more than a Google search. 

Medusa鈥檚 many tentacles 

The Medusa attack and Providence鈥檚 response is similar to those of other school districts in the last two years. After Medusa claimed a 2023 ransomware attack on the Minneapolis school district 鈥 what officials there vaguely called an 鈥渆ncryption event鈥 鈥 the threat actors leaked an extensive archive of stolen files, including school-by-school security plans and documents outlining campus rape cases, child abuse inquiries, student mental health crises and suspension reports.

In St. Landry Parish, Louisiana, school officials waited five months to notify people their information was stolen in a July 2023 Medusa cyberattack 鈥 and only after a joint investigation by 社区黑料 and The Acadiana Advocate prompted an inquiry from the Louisiana Attorney General鈥檚 Office. 

The Providence district records available on Telegram are extensive, totaling more than  337,000 individual files and 217 gigabytes of data. Even the 24-minute video preview exposes an extensive amount of personally identifiable information. Though the group focuses on the theft of sensitive records 鈥 like those pertaining to student civil rights investigations, security plans and financial records 鈥 a tally of the total number of affected Providence district data breach victims is unknown. 

Personally identifiable information is intertwined with more mundane documents housed on the breached school district server, including veterinarian bills for a high school teacher鈥檚 German Shepherd named Sheba and a recipe for pulled BBQ chicken sliders with pineapple coleslaw. 

Indicators of a cyberattack on the Providence district first appeared in September when the school system was forced to go several days without internet due to what 鈥渋rregular activity鈥 on its computer network but on whether they鈥檇 been the target of ransomware. In 鈥 and the same day that Medusa鈥檚 ransom deadline expired 鈥 Superintendent Monta帽ez acknowledged that 鈥渁n unverified, anonymous group鈥 had gained 鈥渦nauthorized access鈥 to its computer network and claimed to have stolen sensitive records. 

鈥淲hile we cannot confirm the authenticity of these files and verify their claims,鈥 Monta帽ez wrote, 鈥渢here could be concerns that these alleged documents could contain personal information.鈥

Three days later, on Sept. 28, hundreds of thousands of files became available for download on Telegram.

This story was supported by a grant from the Fund for Investigative Journalism.

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Stolen Providence School District Data May Be Making Its Way Online /article/stolen-providence-school-district-data-may-be-making-its-way-online/ Sun, 13 Oct 2024 13:00:00 +0000 /?post_type=article&p=733980 This article was originally published in

Providence public school officials last Friday were about to finalize a credit monitoring agreement to provide protection for district teachers and staff after a recent ransomware attack on the district鈥檚 network.

Then over the weekend, a video preview of selected data allegedly stolen from the Providence Public School Department (PPSD) showed up on a regular website. The site is accessible via any internet browser 鈥 what鈥檚 sometimes called the 鈥渃learnet鈥 鈥 unlike the dark web ransom page where cybercriminal group Medusa first alleged to .

While a forensic analysis of the breach continues, the credit monitoring agreement with an unspecified vendor was finalized as of Thursday and the district was drafting a letter to go out to the staff 鈥渧ery soon鈥 with information on how to access those services, spokesperson Jay G. W茅gimont said in an email.


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鈥淔irst and foremost, the safety and security of our staff members is of utmost importance, and the District continues to make decisions with that in mind,鈥 W茅gimont said.

鈥淲e will also continue to explore any additional services we can offer to protect the security of our staff members and students.鈥

Meanwhile, the data breach has yet to be formally reported to the Rhode Island Attorney General鈥檚 office, said spokesperson Brian Hodge. requires any municipal or government agency to inform the AG鈥檚 office, credit reporting agencies, and people affected by a breach within 30 days of the breach鈥檚 confirmation.

PPSD first used the wording 鈥渦nauthorized access鈥 to describe the breach in a Sept. 25 letter from Superintendent Javier Monta帽ez, although the Providence School Board had used the term 鈥渂reach鈥 in a public statement on Sept. 18.

Providence Mayor Brett Smiley was 鈥渆ncouraged鈥 the district was advising potentially affected staff and finalizing the credit monitoring agreement, spokesperson Anthony Vega said in a statement emailed Tuesday to Rhode Island Current.

The Providence City Council declined to comment, said spokesperson Roxie Richner in an email. Gov. Dan Mckee鈥檚 office did not respond to a request for comment.

鈥楻obert鈥 makes a video

Ransomware group Medusa first took public credit for the pirated PPSD data on Sept. 16, when it demanded a $1 million ransom to be paid by the morning of Sept. 25.

Rhode Island Current previously reported that the alleged ransom landing page did not provide access to files, but did show file and folder names, as well as partially obscured screenshots of the allegedly stolen data.

The clearnet-hosted leak includes a 24-minute screen recording in which someone clicks through an assortment of the allegedly leaked files and folders on an otherwise empty Windows desktop. The post sports a disclaimer that its author is 鈥渘ot engaged in illegal activities鈥 and showcases leaks only for 鈥減ossible information security problems.鈥

The author signs off: 鈥淭raditional thanks to The Providence Public School Department for the provided data. Do not skimp on information security. Always yours. Robert.鈥

While the uploader does not explicitly brand themself as affiliated with Medusa, the 鈥淩obert鈥 source appears to share all the same leaks Medusa does, and both sources use the same encrypted messaging address, according to threat researchers at Bitdefender.

Ransomware attacks, and Medusa鈥檚 methodology as well, have long been associated with social engineering 鈥 like getting people to click phishing links in emails. But it鈥檚 becoming more common that outdated hardware or software are to blame, said Bill Garneau, vice president of operations at CMIT Solutions in Cranston.

鈥淲hat we鈥檝e started to see in terms of ransomware is, it鈥檚 not only business email compromise,鈥 Garneau said. 鈥淭hreat actors out there are really pursuing systems that are out of compliance.鈥

That could mean equipment at the end of its manufacturer-supported lifespan, or software that needs to be patched. Garneau鈥檚 company uses a crafted by the National Institute of Standards and Technology. One of its standards is to patch devices within 30 days of the patch release, before threat actors can exploit the vulnerabilities patches are meant to fix.

鈥淚f there鈥檚 a patch available, it鈥檚 because there鈥檚 a bad guy out there that knows that there鈥檚 a vulnerability, and there鈥檚 somebody that鈥檚 knocking on doors trying to find it,鈥 Garneau said.

To insure or not to insure?

Cyber insurance policies can cover some costs incurred by attacks. But they can鈥檛 prevent future threats or suddenly make insecure networks better, Garneau noted.

鈥淚nsurance is great, right? But that鈥檚 not going to solve any problem,鈥 Garneau said.

PPSD has not responded to requests about whether the district has cyber insurance. According to Lauren Greene, a spokesperson for the Rhode Island League of Cities and Towns, no public entity would disclose that information anyway. 鈥淎s you can understand, it poses a security risk for municipalities to disclose if and what type of cybersecurity insurance that they have,鈥 Greene said in an email.

鈥淢unicipalities continue to prioritize training for their staff in order to mitigate risk and draw awareness to the constantly evolving threats,鈥 Greene added, and noted that a community鈥檚 IT staff may work across multiple areas or departments like public safety and schools.

A released Monday, however, showed that states-level IT officials and security officers are not feeling confident about the budgets for their states鈥 IT infrastructure.

鈥淭he attack surface is expanding as state leaders鈥 reliance on information becomes increasingly central to the operation of government itself,鈥 Srini Subramanian, principal of Deloitte & Touche LLP, said in an with States Newsroom. 鈥淎nd CISOs (chief information security officers) have an increasingly challenging mission to make the technology infrastructure resilient against ever-increasing cyber threats.鈥

Those challenges were reflected in the survey numbers, which found almost half of respondents did not know their state鈥檚 budget for cybersecurity. Roughly 40% of state IT officers said they did not have enough funds to comply with regulations or other legal requirements.

That finding echoes a , which scores and analyzes municipal bonds. 鈥淲hile robust cybersecurity practices can help reduce exposure, initiatives that are costly and require a shift in resources away from core services are a credit challenge,鈥 wrote Gregory Sobel, a Moody鈥檚 analyst and assistant vice president, in the report.

Moody鈥檚 also noted that one survey showed 92% of local governments had cyber insurance, a twofold increase over five years. But that popularity came with higher rates: One county in South Carolina went from paying a $70,000 premium in 2021 to a $210,000 premium in 2022. Those higher costs are also in addition to stricter stipulations on risk management practices before a policy will pay out, like better firewalls, consistent data backups and multi-factor authentication.

Douglas W. Hubbard, the CEO of consulting firm Hubbard Decision Research and coauthor of 鈥淗ow to Measure Anything in Cybersecurity Risk,鈥 told Rhode Island Current in an email that schools should exhaust the low-cost, shared or free resources available to help them manage cyber risk. Examples include (CISA) or a by the Federal Communications Commission for K-12 schools.

鈥淔or specific cybersecurity recommendations鈥here are a few things that are so fundamental that administrators don鈥檛 really even need a risk analysis to get started,鈥 Hubbard said. They include training staff and students on best practices including strong passwords or avoiding mysterious links. Multi-factor authentication is 鈥減robably the single most effective technology a school could implement,鈥 even if it involves an upfront cost, Hubbard said.

鈥淭he fundamental responsibilities of the schools should include at least using the resources which have been made available to them through the programs I mentioned,鈥 Hubbard said. 鈥淚f they aren鈥檛 doing at least that, there is room for blame.鈥

This article was corrected to show that Rhode Island state law requires municipal agencies to notify affected parties and the state Attorney General within 30 days of a data breach. The article originally stated 45 days, which is the timeframe required for individuals to report a breach. 

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Rhode Island Current maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Janine L. Weisman for questions: info@rhodeislandcurrent.com. Follow Rhode Island Current on and .

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Providence School Officials Quiet on Data Breach Details /article/providence-school-officials-are-quiet-on-data-breach-details/ Wed, 25 Sep 2024 14:30:00 +0000 /?post_type=article&p=733221 This article was originally published in

The Providence School Board typically broadcasts its meetings to .

But Wednesday evening鈥檚 board meeting would not be televised.

Less than five minutes before the scheduled start time, school board President Erlin Rogel to express his regret that a weeklong internet outage at Providence schools would also affect the board鈥檚 regularly scheduled programming. But the portion of the meeting most germane to the network issues wouldn鈥檛 have been broadcast anyway, since it met in executive session.


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In a statement issued Thursday, Rogel described the executive session as 鈥渞egarding the recent breach of the district鈥檚 network.鈥 It included a presentation from the Rhode Island Department of Education (RIDE) and the Providence Public School Department (PPSD).

鈥淲hile I cannot disclose the specific contents of our discussion, I can state that the district is awaiting an analysis of this breach to learn more about its severity and the degree to which any information was exposed,鈥 Rogel wrote. 鈥淲hile we await the results of that analysis, PPSD continues to mobilize every resource available to ensure that learning proceeds with as little disruption as possible.鈥

Rogel did not respond to multiple requests for comment from Rhode Island Current.

The school board president鈥檚 use of the term 鈥渂reach鈥 differs from the district鈥檚 official language, which has tiptoed around the problem鈥檚 exact nature. A to the PPSD community described 鈥渋rregular activity鈥 on the district network, which ultimately led IT staff to shut down internet access across district offices and schools. Internet remains largely absent in Providence schools, aside from a fleet of enlisted to provide connectivity in the main network鈥檚 absence.

A sent from PPSD to community members said a forensic analysis was still ongoing and that 鈥渢here is no evidence that PPSD data has been affected.鈥

But on Monday, for the 鈥渋rregular activity鈥 with a post to its publicly accessible ransom blog that purported to include 41 watermarked, sometimes partially obscured, screenshots that preview the contents of the 201 gigabytes of data the hackers claim to have stolen, with identifying information 鈥 like alleged serial numbers for employee cell phones and parents鈥 contact information 鈥 included.

After penetrating a system, Medusa ransomware and amasses exploitable data. Once the bounty is big enough, it will encrypt files and make them inaccessible to users. A ransom note is then delivered to victims, with files held hostage unless a ransom is paid. Medusa hackers also employ a 鈥溾 method, meaning they not only steal files, but will sell or release the data publicly if payment is not received.

The ransom page suggests PPSD can recover or delete its data by paying $1 million. A $100,000 payment would extend the timer by one day. The deadline is the morning of Sept. 25, according to the hackers鈥 countdown timer.

Specifics about district kept secure

Jay G. W茅gimont, PPSD spokesperson, did not respond to numerous requests for clarification or comment on Friday.

Forensic analyses , meaning those answers won鈥檛 be available immediately. But it鈥檚 still unknown whether the school department has a cyber insurance policy, or the possible costs associated with the usage of hotspots that are currently substituting for a dedicated network. Also up in the air is whether the district successfully awarded a 2024 contract that would for copies of security software Cortex XDR Pro, a product from Palo Alto Networks that promises with proper installation.

W茅gimont did not provide information as to the status of the district鈥檚 senior director of information technology, for which a has been online since May. The role is also vacant according to a Jan. 2024 . The contains 13 full-time information services roles for PPSD, down three from the previous year.

鈥淲e also want to note that our student and staff information systems are also separate from our network,鈥 Superintendent Javier Monta帽ez wrote in a Sept. 16 letter to the PPSD community.

W茅gimont did not clarify what this means. Typically, large networks called domains offer varying levels of access for different types of users across IT services for big organizations like school districts.

Back-to-school for threat actors, too

Perennially underfunded school districts nationwide are a favorite among ransomware actors. A report published in Oct. 2022 cited research that over 647,000 K-12 students were potential victims of ransomware attacks as of 2021. Resulting learning loss ranged from days to weeks, while it took districts鈥 infrastructure anywhere from two to nine months to recover.

Providence officials have not confirmed ransomware as the source of their network woes. The alleged hack comes at an inopportune time for PPSD, which has been under state control since 2019 and will remain so for , state education officials announced last month.

If Medusa leaks the PPSD data it claims to have, and it contains private student information, the leakage could be in, a federal law meant to shield confidential student data. Best practices determine that affected school districts contact authorities once a breach is suspected. (Schools do not, however, have to contact the U.S. Department of Education about ransomware, although it is so they can receive federal resources.)

鈥淎s is standard operating procedure, the District and their professional third-party IT agency contacted RI State Police, Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), and Department of Homeland Security (DHS) last Wednesday,鈥 W茅gimont said in a Sept. 18 email.

Kristen Setera, a spokesperson for the FBI Boston Division, declined to comment.

鈥淕enerally speaking, we do not comment on specific incidents because victims should feel confident that, when reporting a crime to the FBI, their status as 鈥榲ictim鈥 is paramount to the investigation and that their identity will not be disclosed,鈥 Setera said in a Thursday morning email to Rhode Island Current. 鈥淚f a victim wants to disclose our involvement, we leave it up to them to do so.鈥

In the meantime, Providence schools have made do with older technologies. Maribeth Calabro, president of the Providence Teachers Union, did not acknowledge requests for comment from Rhode Island Current, but did previously speak with multiple news outlets about the effects on the district鈥檚 teachers. Some are confused about which devices they can or can鈥檛 use, Calabro told the , and have opted to teach the old-school way instead, without computers.

A Tuesday on a social media post about the potential Providence hack seems to voice one student鈥檚 concern: 鈥淏ro.. I just want the school wifi back.鈥

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Rhode Island Current maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Janine L. Weisman for questions: info@rhodeislandcurrent.com. Follow Rhode Island Current on and .

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Rhode Island to Keep Control of Providence Schools for Three More Years /article/rhode-island-to-keep-control-of-providence-schools-for-three-more-years/ Fri, 06 Sep 2024 18:30:00 +0000 /?post_type=article&p=732497 This article was originally published in

Providence will get its schools back from state control, Rhode Island鈥檚 education commissioner promised Thursday night. Just not right now.

Ang茅lica Infante-Green, commissioner of the Rhode Island Department of Education (RIDE), supplied her as to whether the state takeover of Providence鈥檚 public schools, which started in November 2019, should continue, at a of the Rhode Island Council on Elementary and Secondary Education.

鈥淩IDE does not intend 鈥 and I wanna repeat that 鈥 does not intend to keep the district forever,鈥 Infante-Green told the council.


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But the state does want to hold the district close a little longer: Infante-Green advised that the council extend the state intervention through Oct.15, 2027, and it was unanimously approved by the council.

Infante-Green indicated that there was also a chance local control could return before the end of the three year period, if there鈥檚 sufficient progress in student proficiency and other stakeholders鈥 willingness to work in tandem with RIDE. That didn鈥檛 mollify the Providence School Board, the mayor鈥檚 office or the City Council, all of whom noted their disappointment in statements following the meeting. 

A premature end to the takeover extension would require council approval, the council鈥檚 chair Patricia DiCenso confirmed to reporters after the meeting. But it would not necessitate that the district fulfills everything outlined in the state鈥檚 鈥渢urnaround action plan鈥 鈥 the guiding set of metrics used to evaluate the takeover鈥檚 success. 

During the meeting, a pair of old wooden chairs helped Infante-Green illustrate why the state takeover of Providence public schools isn鈥檛 ready to end. 

She motioned to the scratched, chipped and dented seats, which were staged against a wall in an education department conference room. The councilors spun around to look. The chairs once belonged to the auditorium in Providence鈥檚 , which first underwent state intervention back in the 2000s and initially saw gains in problem areas before within a few years.

The chairs are normally stationed outside the commissioner鈥檚 office 鈥 a reminder, she said, of the need to see things through for students.

鈥淚t reminds me that we cannot fail them yet again,鈥 Infante-Green said. 鈥淭he importance of the symbolism of Hope High School is the cautionary example of what happens when the state leaves too early.鈥

State control not unique

When Infante-Green , the day two progress reports on the takeover were released, she said that all three options 鈥 end, continue or revise the takeover 鈥 were 鈥渟till on the table.鈥 

showed post-pandemic progress in Providence schools compared to similar districts in other New England states. But anyone who read , from education consulting firm SchoolWorks, might have surmised that the school system is nowhere near reaching its turnaround goals.

One example: In the 2022-2023 school year, eighth-graders鈥 math proficiency was at 6%, which was one percentage point lower than the pre-takeover baseline numbers from 2018. The turnaround action plan wanted 50% proficiency in math by 2026.

In five years, the Providence takeover has drawn much media and legislative attention 鈥 including a study commission led by Sen. Sam Zurier, a Providence Democrat and education committee member who often reminisces fondly at state house meetings about his own time in Providence schools. The commission鈥檚 in May, concluded that a more lasting solution for the Providence takeover could derive inspiration from other states, like the in Massachusetts that nullified 鈥渢he threat of an imminent state takeover鈥 with new arrangements for collective bargaining and shared governance of schools.

As Zurier鈥檚 commission found, history indeed repeats, and the Providence takeover is . State control has been tested to varied results in school districts big and small. The state of Texas took over in 2023, a big experiment given that the district serves over 194,000 students, a lot more than Providence鈥檚 approximately 22,000 students. came under state control in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina in 2005, and the city has since transitioned to a distinct model of charter-only education. Even in Rhode Island, Providence鈥檚 neighbor Central Falls has had its schools under state control for . The Providence Public Schools building on Westminster Street is where the Providence School Board meets. But the board鈥檚 powers have been delimited since the state takeover in 2019, rendering some of their actions 鈥 like an Aug. 21, 2024, resolution to end the takeover 鈥 statutorily toothless. (Alexander Castro/Rhode Island Current)

Underperformance and funding tend to underline the decision to seize control of a municipal school district. Subpar education in Providence was a salient argument in the that predated the takeover: 鈥淭he great majority of students are not learning on, or even near, grade level,鈥 the report stated.

Rhode Island鈥檚 annual proficiency assessments for third- and eighth-grade students will be released this fall, but the recent SchoolWorks data suggests that underperformance is still the norm. 

Tepid reception to takeover

Before the council voted on the commissioner鈥檚 recommendation, chair DiCenso pointed to funding as the foremost challenge.

鈥淲hen this district went into control, they were listed as the worst in the country,鈥 DiCenso said. 鈥淎nd I don鈥檛 think it was the families鈥 fault. I don鈥檛 think it was the children鈥檚 fault. I don鈥檛 think it was the teachers鈥 fault. I look back at 17 years, or at least 10-plus years, of level funding, no funding from this city to say 鈥榃e believe in our schools.鈥欌

鈥淲e just can鈥檛 pretend that it鈥檚 all about what鈥檚 happening at the building level and at the district level,鈥 DiCenso said.

Michael Grey, who chairs the state Board of Education, seemed content with the turnaround plan鈥檚 potential for accountability.

鈥淚 also think that this is incumbent upon the commissioner, because the weight of this is on her, statutorily, and on us as advisers to be the one that makes the call,鈥 Grey said.

That contrasted the opinion of the Providence School Board, who voted unanimously last Thursday to pass a resolution urging the commissioner to end the takeover 鈥 a motion as symbolic as the chairs outside Infante-Green鈥檚 office, given that the state takeover has stripped away most of the municipal body鈥檚 powers. 

鈥淚 have felt, and I think I can speak for some of my board members, completely powerless,鈥 said board member Anjel Newmann last week. 鈥淎nd if we feel powerless, how do our students and families feel? 鈥 No shade to the commissioner [but] I want to see the district come back to a community, into a collective, and not be subject to one person鈥檚 veto power.鈥

School board President Erlin Rogel reaffirmed that viewpoint in an email Thursday after the council vote, and called the continued takeover 鈥渄isappointing鈥 鈥 a sentiment shared by Providence Mayor Brett Smiley and City Council President Rachel Miller.

鈥淲e have also heard from families, teachers and our own city departments that there is still a lot of room for improvement in fostering a climate of collaboration and community that is required to move the district forward on a timeline that our students deserve,鈥 Smiley and Miller offered in a joint statement Thursday, and added that they were 鈥渄isappointed by the recommendation.鈥

Speaking to reporters after the meeting, Infante-Green characterized her decision as a positive one for Providence students and families.

鈥淭his is about supporting the district in a way that could not happen,鈥 she said. 鈥淭hat is the bottom line. I think we all know that mayor after mayor after mayor has tried. I think this mayor鈥檚 putting some processes in place, but there鈥檚 a lot of work that still needs to happen.鈥

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Rhode Island Current maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Janine L. Weisman for questions: info@rhodeislandcurrent.com. Follow Rhode Island Current on and .

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Ed Commissioner Ponders Next Steps for Control of Providence鈥檚 Public Schools /article/ed-commissioner-ponders-next-steps-for-control-of-providences-public-schools/ Tue, 20 Aug 2024 16:30:00 +0000 /?post_type=article&p=731593 This article was originally published in

By the time Providence public school students go back to class on Sept. 3, Rhode Island鈥檚 education commissioner may have chosen whether to end, continue, or reconfigure the state takeover of their schools five years ago.

A from consulting firm SchoolWorks on the 2019 action that handed control of the capital city鈥檚 underperforming schools over to the Rhode Island Department of Education (RIDE) could help guide Commissioner of Education Ang茅lica Infante-Green in making her decision.

鈥淚 have not ruled out any options,鈥 Infante-Green said Friday morning. 鈥淚鈥檓 letting the process play out.鈥


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Infante-Green shared and summarized the findings in a letter to the Providence Public Schools District (PPSD) community before taking questions from reporters at RIDE鈥檚 main offices in downtown Providence.

鈥淭his is about 30, 35, years of struggle for this district, and it鈥檚 not going to be fixed overnight,鈥 Infante-Green told reporters. 鈥淲e talk about it as a big ship with a little rudder 鈥 in a hurricane. That鈥檚 how it was happening during the pandemic.鈥

Math and English test scores from the 2022-2023 school year show just how far the district has to go to achieve the academic goals prescribed in its 鈥.鈥 For example, among eighth-graders, only 6% were at grade level in math, and 15% were proficient in English Language Arts (ELA).

Compared to the 2018, pre-takeover baseline, eighth-graders鈥 math proficiency dropped one percentage point. The turnaround action plan called for 50% proficiency in math and 63% in ELA for eighth-graders by the 2026 school year.

Victor Morente, a RIDE spokesperson, told reporters the commissioned report 鈥 with its $120,600 sticker price 鈥 is a statutory of the takeover process. The Crowley Act, codified in state law in 1997, allowed state education officials to exercise administrative powers over Providence鈥檚 underperforming schools.

鈥淭here has been progress in the hurricane, in the pandemic,鈥 Infante-Green said.

SchoolWorks students, families, teachers and leadership across schools, the district, Mayor Brett Smiley鈥檚 office and Providence City Councilors about how well the plan has fared. The research team also visited schools and reviewed documents from some of the many stakeholders involved: RIDE, Providence Public Schools Department, the city and its school board.

鈥淐ity Council members, School Committee members, and community members reported a need for improved collaboration, communication, and transparency between municipal entities including RIDE, the School Committee, and PPSD,鈥 the report reads.

Absent from that list is the state鈥檚 Council on Elementary and Secondary Education, to whom Infante-Green could supply her decision at their next meeting on Aug. 29. The commissioner is also set to attend the Providence school board鈥檚 .

Another report released Friday from Harvard Graduate School for Education鈥檚 Center for Education Policy Research didn鈥檛 cost the state anything, but is part of a series of assessments being done for various school districts on the impacts of pandemic learning loss. The report compares the state鈥檚 recent school reforms to similar districts in Massachusetts and Connecticut.

鈥淎lthough the results suggest Providence is moving in the right direction, especially in ELA [English Language Arts], it is too early to draw conclusions about the efficacy of the Providence reform efforts,鈥 the Harvard report noted. 鈥淭he pandemic disrupted schooling in the Spring of 2020, just months after the state take-over. We only have two years of reliable student assessments post-pandemic (and a single year change in annual scores) by which to judge.鈥

鈥楢 lot of material鈥

The plight of Providence schools has been on people鈥檚 minds, with a recent legislative study commission led by Sen. Sam Zurier, a Providence Democrat, attempting to suss out what can be done about the at-times awkward coupling of municipal and state-level leadership.

Asked to comment on the pair of reports Friday afternoon, Zurier told Rhode Island Current that they contain 鈥渁 lot of material,鈥 and he鈥檇 be reviewing them over the weekend.

Zurier鈥檚 reticence to comment too quickly is understandable: At a combined 89 letter-sized pages, the two reports are not light reading. Even the authors of the Harvard University report concluded that they were working with data perhaps that lacks definite shape.

Erlin Rogel, president of the Providence School Board, didn鈥檛 need as much time to assess the new report.

鈥淩IDE commissioning a progress report is like a student filling in their own report card,鈥 Rogel wrote in an emailed statement sent to news outlets, claiming the agency has 鈥渞oundly rejected鈥 the school board鈥檚 attempts to be included in the decision-making process.

Rogel also argued that the report鈥檚 assertion that the school board does not act cohesively, and even lacks a 鈥渟hared vision for governance,鈥 echoes 鈥淩IDE鈥檚 belief that the Board exists to silently rubber stamp their agenda.鈥

鈥淚 am no longer surprised by RIDE鈥檚 rejection of attempts to hold the agency accountable to the people, but I am deeply concerned by their lack of self awareness,鈥 wrote Rogel, who did not immediately reply Friday afternoon to a request to answer follow-up questions.

But the SchoolWorks report does voice some of the board鈥檚 concerns: 鈥淪chool committee members also stated that they are not consistently engaged by the Superintendent or senior leaders from PPSD regarding programmatic changes, nor are they engaged in an advisory capacity regarding analysis of student outcomes.鈥

The report does not evaluate individual job performances or personnel 鈥 like that of Infante-Green, or of Providence Superintendent Javier Mo帽tanez, who recently signed a three-year contract extension with the district. A copy of the contract was not immediately available Friday afternoon.

鈥淭he report is evaluating the system,鈥 Infante-Green told reporters, pointing to the report鈥檚 drill down into metrics and standards as markers of the superintendent鈥檚 work.

According to the , the firm has worked with education officials in Colorado, Chicago, Louisiana and Massachusetts. Kim Perron, president of Schoolworks, said in an email that the company would not be providing any comments, and directed questions to RIDE.

Highlights from the SchoolWorks report on the Providence School Department:

Skill issues across grade levels: Rhode Island鈥檚 Comprehensive Assessment Score, or RICAS, measures third- and eighth-grade students鈥 learning in crucial areas like ELA (English language arts) and math. The report assessed that none of the RICAS scores, except third grade math, were on track with the turnaround plan.

Meanwhile, in high schools, ninth-graders are meeting turnaround plan targets for 鈥渂eing on track postsecondary success.鈥 But the number of students who graduate high school with AP or college credit, or have progressed in a career or technical education track, are at 35%, which is 5% under the target. No SAT categories met turnaround numbers either.

Municipal struggles: The City of Providence is shortchanging its schools and has not upped its investments for the district in ways consistent with the Crowley Act, even with higher funds thanks to a 2019 Collaboration Agreement. (The City Council has successfully an additional $2.5 million for 2025). Money issues aside, the report still concluded the city is 鈥渂eginning to provide value-added leadership鈥 in its commitments to the schools.

鈥淭he City has received the SchoolWorks report and has begun an in-depth review while we await the upcoming recommendation from the Rhode Island department of Education. The Mayor will be briefed this afternoon on the findings by the Department of Education,鈥 Josh Estrella, a spokesperson for the city, said in an email Friday.

As Rogel鈥檚 comments might imply, there is also discord within and between the various stakeholders: 鈥淪chool Committee members shared examples of how mistrust among their members and across entities (superintendent, RIDE, PPSD leadership, mayor, City Council) is a barrier to collaboration.鈥

Parental advisory: Parents had mixed feelings when surveyed. They said they receive regular updates on their students鈥 progress, but high teacher turnover has led to reduced confidence in the takeover process in general. Overall, families with a favorable perception of the district dropped to 53% in the 2022 school year. That was a 7% drop from the previous year, and 12% below target.

Asked about parental perceptions, Infante-Green said that鈥檚 a primary challenge the superintendent faces: 鈥淭he difficult part about that is that when you鈥檙e making change, there are people that are going to be unhappy, right? And it goes back and forth,鈥 she said. 鈥淏ut the goal is that when we have a strong district, that parents are feeling like their kids are getting educated.鈥

Some good news: Students are feeling an increased 鈥渟ense of belonging,鈥 17 percentage points higher in the 2022-2023 school year than in 2020-2021. School leaders are also feeling more secure in making decisions thanks to regular review of data 鈥 at least 90% of the surveyed leaders use district software to review student data at least once a week. Also improved: The conditions of the school buildings themselves. Lamentable facilities were prominently mentioned in the report that preceded the takeover. But 鈥渆very stakeholder group interviewed鈥 by SchoolWorks noted better working and learning conditions in their school environments.

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Rhode Island Current maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Janine L. Weisman for questions: info@rhodeislandcurrent.com. Follow Rhode Island Current on and .

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Parents Invoke ‘Brown’ in Lawsuit over Closure of RI School for English Learners /article/parents-invoke-brown-in-lawsuit-over-closure-of-ri-school-for-english-learners/ Sat, 22 Jun 2024 15:30:00 +0000 /?post_type=article&p=728947 Updated July 17

Families who sued over the closure of Providence’s 360 High School have entered into a with the school district, Rhode Island Department of Education, Providence School Board and state Commissioner of Education Ang茅lica Infante-Green. The settlement does not reverse the shutdown but details changes that must be made to the plan to merge the school with the Juanita Sanchez Educational Complex. Those include specific initiatives to prioritize the needs of English learners and their parents and opportunities for displaced staff to apply for positions at the newly merged school.

The impending closure of a small Rhode Island high school has prompted some rare pushback: Spanish-speaking families have brought a federal class-action against the Providence Public School District, Providence School Board, state Department of Education and state education commissioner under the . With an argument that traces a direct line back to Brown vs. Board of Education, the plaintiffs are claiming that the shutdown of 360 High School violates the students’ and their families’ right to an equal education.

Typically, the act is invoked after a denial of guaranteed services. But these plaintiffs are bringing a case to preserve a school that they say already meets their needs. Attorney Jennifer Wood, director of the Rhode Island Center for Justice, said the act codified in law that schools must remove barriers for English learners and their parents. The act was based on the Supreme Court’s ruling in a 1973 case called , which descended from Brown and determined that failing to provide supplemental language classes violated the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the 14th Amendment.

Describing an 鈥渁rc of history鈥 from Brown through to the 1974 legislation, Wood said, 鈥淓ach one of those redefines who gets to be in public schools and how we are going to fully include them.鈥


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In February, Providence district leaders, under state oversight, unexpectedly announced that 360 was slated for a 鈥渕erger鈥 at the end of the academic year. Students, but not teachers or administrators, would be absorbed into the Juanita Sanchez Educational Complex鈥檚 new Life Sciences Institute. 

District and state leaders said closing 360 would benefit its students by providing them access to programs Juanita Sanchez runs through partnerships with the state Department of Health, alongside internships and research opportunities with local industry collaborators, labs and hospitals. They cited 360鈥檚 . 鈥淚 have to make some very tough decisions,鈥 Superintendent Javier Monta帽ez said at a City Council meeting. 鈥淚鈥檓 going to do everything I can to protect my students.鈥 The merger was to save the district $1.5 million to 2 million.

But 360’s families and staff were not convinced. Math teacher Ellen Foley, who has worked at the school since its founding nine years ago, said in an interview that it follows a clear philosophy: 鈥淵ou鈥檙e building a community when you build a school.鈥 In a district where students choose their high school at the end of eighth grade, 360’s families specifically selected the school in part due to its reputation for supporting English learners. The students 鈥  of whom don’t speak the language at home 鈥 take English classes that are co-taught by ESL teachers, and Student Council meetings are conducted in English and Spanish. 

Hundreds of alumni, parents, teachers, staff and students attended meetings of the , , and committees to plead for the closure decision to be reversed. There were protests and rallies. Some meetings required and were so crowded that police were called. At one meeting, 360 senior Michael Isom said, 鈥淭hey didn鈥檛 let me speak and they didn鈥檛 let my mother speak. They don鈥檛 let certain people speak.鈥 

Still, community members advocated wherever they could be heard. At school board meetings, they donned custom T-shirts and passed out bright orange and blue stickers proclaiming 鈥淪ave 360.鈥 They pointed to data showing that 360 the district in nearly every category in terms of how community stakeholders feel about their schools.

After Wood learned about the school鈥檚 forthcoming closure from student activists, she attended a February school board meeting that lasted nearly four hours. She listened as parent Lucia Mejia told the board through a Spanish translator that her nonverbal son was confused about the closure and testified to 鈥渢he love that he has for going to school.鈥

But at every meeting, district and state leaders repeated that their decision to close 360 was irreversible, and families began to look for other options. Wood met with several who had testified. 鈥淭he words they used with us were, 鈥榃e want to fight for our children,鈥 鈥 she said. Plaintiffs told Wood their experiences at 360 High School were far better than those at other schools in the district. 鈥淭hey had really good communication from the school, which was a contrast to their prior experiences,鈥 said Wood.

They were also concerned about their children鈥檚 safety at other schools, citing fears that they wouldn鈥檛 be told if something went wrong or that communication wouldn鈥檛 be conducted in a language they understood. And they worried that students hadn’t been given adequate transition planning for shifting over to the new school. Already, at least 17 of the 286 students enrolled at 360 have decided not to attend Juanita Sanchez and are choosing other options.

Wood believed the families had a strong case to stop the closure under the Equal Educational Opportunities Act and filed a against Providence Public School District, Providence School Board, the state Department of Education and Commissioner of Education Ang茅lica Infante-Green on April 22. 

Juanita Sanchez, the lawsuit says, has been classified as low-performing for 13 years, about a decade longer than 360. And while only of 360鈥檚 English learners met growth targets on standardized assessments, Wood said families fear they will not receive a stronger education elsewhere. The district has for years to with the act and provide appropriate services for students with limited or no English. 

Wood filed a motion for preliminary injunction on April 29, asking the court to halt the closure of 360 until a decision is reached in the case. District spokesman Jay Wegimont declined to comment on the lawsuit other than to say the district and state “acted in the best interests of students and are committed to expanding access to high-quality learning opportunities for all students, including multilingual learners.鈥 

On June 6, Chief Judge John McConnell of the United States District Court of Rhode Island 鈥嬧媎enied a motion by the defendants for summary judgment and ordered that the parties enter an expedited discovery process. After that, he will rule on the preliminary injunction. While Wood and the plaintiffs are pushing for a decision as soon as possible, it may not come before the last day of school on June 24. 

But the end of the school year would not mean the end of the lawsuit. If a preliminary injunction is granted after June 24, the school closure will still be halted until the court decides the case. Displaced 360 teachers and administrators, including some who have taken jobs at other district schools, would need to be reinstated, and student placements would need to be adjusted. Wood said this sort of last-minute shuffling is sometimes hard for the community, but it has been done before in the case of lawsuits or settlements in various urban districts.

In school closure cases where a preliminary injunction was not granted, lawsuits have proceeded even after specific schools shut their doors for good. Though the eventual rulings did not save particular schools, they could still have an impact on the procedure followed in future closure decisions. 

Even if the preliminary injunction is granted, the district could close 360 later. Depending on the eventual outcome of the case, what that would look like for students and families could change. 
Meanwhile, at 360, Foley said the students, teachers and families are pushing forward 鈥 focused on celebrating their 鈥渨onderful community鈥 and 鈥渃losing with dignity and celebration鈥 鈥 before their potential last-ever day of school. But Wood believes that if her case prevails, English learners could 鈥済et a pathway forward where their needs and perspectives are taken into consideration.鈥

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Excessive Heat and Humidity in Rhode Island Leads to Widespread School Closures /article/excessive-heat-and-humidity-in-rhode-island-leads-to-widespread-school-closures/ Sun, 10 Sep 2023 04:30:00 +0000 /?post_type=article&p=714364 This article was originally published in

PROVIDENCE 鈥 With a large black SUV with AC on full blast standing by for when heat got too oppressive, five school food service workers were working underneath a blue tarp at the Bucklin Kitchen on Daboll Street when Claudia Morales approached.

Morales was there to pick up three boxed lunches for two of her children 鈥 a high school junior and senior 鈥 and one grandchild 鈥 a kindergartner, Thursday because the Providence Public School District (PPSD) closed 19 of its 37 schools due to excessive heat. Providence joined 19 other local education agencies that either closed or dismissed classes early due to the weather.

鈥淎t home, I wasn鈥檛 prepared,鈥 she said when asked why she came to the food site. 鈥淥ne of my kids goes to Classical and today was supposed to be her first day. She hasn鈥檛 even started yet.鈥


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鈥淚 didn鈥檛 mind the decision, I think [officials] made the right call,鈥 she continued. 鈥淚 think maybe they鈥檒l do it again tomorrow.鈥

PPSD announced schools would be closed Thursday on Wednesday night due to concerns around the health and safety of students and staff.

鈥淭he Providence Public School District (PPSD) is committed to the safety and well-being of our students, staff, and families,鈥 said PPSD Public Information Officer Jay Wegimont in a statement Wednesday night. 鈥淲e understand the challenges that extreme heat conditions can bring, and we appreciate families鈥 cooperation and understanding.鈥

The district 鈥渨ill continue to monitor the weather,鈥 according to its announcement. The National Weather Service has issued through 8 p.m. Friday, noting heat index values 鈥 what the temperature feels like when high humidity combines with high temperatures 鈥 of up to 98.

Pawtucket announced via Twitter Wednesday night that all schools would be closed Thursday.

鈥淒ue to the extreme heat forecast tomorrow, there will be no school Thursday, September 7, 2023,鈥 a Tweet from the Pawtucket School District said. 鈥12 Month employees to report to work. Employees, any questions contact your immediate supervisor.鈥

Meteorologist Bryce Wilson at the National Weather Service in Norton, Massachusetts, said temperatures in Providence could hit the mid-90s Thursday, but that鈥檚 not where the real danger lies.

鈥淭he big issue is it鈥檚 not just going to be hot,鈥 he said. 鈥淚t鈥檚 going to be humid. We have dew points in the mid-70s.鈥

鈥淲hen you have moisture in the air you can鈥檛 sweat and cool off,鈥 he said. 鈥淭hat鈥檚 why it鈥檚 more dangerous than a dry heat.鈥

Ashley Cullinane, a spokeswoman for the Rhode Island Department of Education, said the weather has led to cancellations regionally.

鈥淭here have been reports of the heat impacting districts across New England, so it鈥檚 important to note that this issue impacts schools beyond Providence,鈥 Cullinane said in an email, 鈥渕any of which do not have properly electrical capacity to house cooling units and systems.鈥

Closures and early dismissals across R.I.

Officials with the Rhode Island Department of Education listed the 19 other local education agencies which closed schools or ended classes early due to the heat and humidity. The list included: Blessed Sacrament School in Providence, LaSalle Academy in Providence, all schools in Pawtucket, the Met East Bay School in Newport, William M. Davies Career and Technical High School in Lincoln, and the Rhode Island Transition Academy at Roger Williams University.

Officials dismissed students early in: Barrington, Burrillville, Cranston, Coventry, Cumberland, East Greenwich, East Providence, Johnston, Scituate, Smithfield, West Warwick, and Woonsocket.

鈥淚 have visited several of our schools and have found that classrooms are certainly warm and buildings with classrooms on second floors are even warmer in temperature,鈥 Cumberland Superintendent Philip D. Thornton said in a message to families sent Wednesday night. 鈥淭o accommodate for the warm weather, administrators and teachers are making adjustments to the physical education classes, recess schedule and providing alternative teaching areas for students as needed.鈥

鈥淲ater is easily accessible to everyone. However, even with these adjustments, the weather forecast for Thursday calls for even warmer temperatures.鈥

Age of schools a factor in capital

It鈥檚 no secret that school buildings in Providence tend to be old and often lack air conditioning, . According to commissioned by PPSD, the average age of schools in Providence is about 70 years old.

鈥淲e know our facilities are old/outdated,鈥 said Maribeth Calabro, president of the Providence Teachers Union, in a text message. 鈥淲e also know how much money is required to upgrade, update and in some cases rebuild 21st century schools.鈥

She said that a $235 million bond approved in November by voters would provide some of the necessary upgrades and 鈥渕ake it so we don鈥檛 have to close 19 schools.鈥 According to there are over $900 million worth of infrastructure deficiencies in Providence schools.

Given current conditions though, Calabro said the decision to call off school Thursday was the right one.

鈥淪tate and District leadership made the difficult but appropriate decision to close schools without air conditioning,鈥 she said. 鈥淒ue to the excessive heat, classrooms were unbearably hot and created unhealthy situations for students and staff.鈥

Chanda Womack, the executive director of the Alliance of Rhode Island Southeast Asians for Education, was more blunt in her assessment.

鈥淚t鈥檚 hot and the schools don鈥檛 have AC,鈥 Womack said via text. 鈥淸PPSD] Buildings are trash. It鈥檚 simple.鈥

Providence Public Schools District School Committee Member Ty鈥橰elle Stephens said that he visited several schools Wednesday.

鈥淚 was definitely sweating in some of the schools I visited yesterday,鈥 he said. 鈥淚 definitely believe that a lot of our schools need to be upgraded and do not have air conditioning.鈥

For Morales though, the fact that so many schools have no air conditioning makes her question district leaders鈥 priorities.

鈥淭hey鈥檙e not paying attention to the children,鈥 she said.

PPSD has been working on improvising buildings, promising to invest more than $50 million into facility repairs and improvements by 2030. Slightly more than 7%, about $31 million, of the department鈥檚 fiscal year 2024 budget is set to go toward school building maintenance costs.

Cullinane said that Providence schools also that aims to update the technology and functionality of school structures.

鈥淎fter opening just one new school in the last 14 years, Providence is slated to open three new and like-new schools this year under the intervention,鈥 she said. 鈥淧rojects are expected to receive an estimated 91% reimbursement by the State.鈥

On top of the list for improvements is , which has around $151 million in deficiencies according to the Downes Report. The school may face demolition, refurbishment, or a combination of the two by 2025. Costs on that project 鈥 starting at $120 million 鈥 will be covered with money from the $235 million bond.

For Morales though, she said this is a learning opportunity, this time not so much for the students.

鈥淚 hope PPSD learns from it,鈥 she said. 鈥淎nd maybe they鈥檒l fix the ACs.鈥

is part of States Newsroom, a network of news bureaus supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Rhode Island Current maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Janine L. Weisman for questions: info@rhodeislandcurrent.com. Follow Rhode Island Current on and .

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Internships Rule at The Met, Where High School is a Matter of 鈥楾rial and Error鈥 /article/innovative-high-schools-the-met/ Wed, 16 Aug 2023 10:30:00 +0000 /?post_type=article&p=710200 Providence

After weeks working side-by-side in a tiny nut-free bakery, Susan Lagasse and her young apprentice reached what was perhaps their most fraught lesson: the scourge of cake crumbs in buttercream frosting.

鈥淥nce you have a little crumb, it spreads throughout the entire cake,鈥 said Lagasse. 鈥淚t鈥檚 like a disease.鈥

The apprentice, 17-year-old Caroline Bonga, nodded in agreement. For the past several weeks, she鈥檇 been spending a lot of her time on crumb control at Lagasse鈥檚 bakery, Awesome Sweets, covering naked cakes with a base layer of frosting prior to decoration. 

Across the small table sat Lillian John, who gently guided the conversation back to a key question: How can we end this internship with a bang?

John is an adviser at The Metropolitan Regional Career and Technical Center, a legendary public high school universally known as The Met. For more than a quarter of a century, Met advisers have been sitting in on meetings like these, transforming work-focused internships and student-driven exhibitions into a coherent education for some of the state鈥檚 neediest students.

Originally housed in space shared with the University of Rhode Island, in 2002 The Met opened in its current configuration in the Upper South Side, Providence鈥檚 poorest neighborhood. Built on the site of abandoned housing, next to a former hospital, the school sits on a wide-open swath of green with four small schools, each in a corner of campus.

The size is intentional: Each school houses fewer than 150 students, in core groups of 14 to 18, led by a single adviser like John who guides them from freshman to senior year. 

It鈥檚 an unusual arrangement that leads to something rare in high school: long-term, trusting relations between kids and adults that bear fruit in ways most schools never aspire to, said Met Co-Director Nancy Diaz.

Schools should be small, she said, their relationships loving and caring. 鈥淭hat’s what we do.鈥

Nancy Diaz

While they meet with their entire groups several times a week, advisers don鈥檛 necessarily teach traditional classes, instead spending much of their time managing students鈥 individualized learning plans. 

In fact, the only subject routinely taught in a traditional classroom is math, and that鈥檚 via a designated specialist. Virtually everything else a student needs to learn, according to The Met, comes from projects, individualized assignments from advisers and, most notably, internships in the real world, like Bonga鈥檚 at the nut-free bakery.

As a result, most days students come and go in a relaxed fashion, an experience more akin to an elite college campus or white-collar workplace than a teeming high school.

鈥楾he plan behind the madness鈥

Created in 1996 by educators Dennis Littky and Elliot Washor, The Met has quietly become a touchstone among educators nationwide seeking to create small, personalized high schools around relevant, career-focused aspirations. Its enrollment is highly diverse: 79% are students of color and 71% come from low-income families. Its latest graduation rate: 96%.

Twenty-seven years later, The Met essentially runs its own school district, one that comprises these four schools as well as two others here and in Newport, R.I., with a total enrollment of about 820 students. Its enrollment is lottery-based, with a waiting list that resets each year so students can鈥檛 be on it for more than one year. No entrance exam is required.

Like many Met students, Mei Mei Long, class of 2017, took a while to discover its possibilities. 鈥淚 didn鈥檛 really like it the first year,鈥 she admitted at a recent alumni gathering. 

Interested in medicine when she arrived as a freshman, Long found she couldn鈥檛 find any internships in the field that would enroll a 14-year-old. So she broadened her criteria and tried out a host of different topics, eventually settling on international relations. Six years later, it鈥檚 now the topic of a masters degree she鈥檚 earning at URI, a top destination for Met students. 

鈥淚t definitely helped me prepare to be more independent in school as well in the career field,鈥 she said. 鈥淚’m not afraid to just go out there and learn new things.鈥

Jordan Maddox, class of 2007, floundered at two traditional high schools before he applied to The Met for junior year. An aunt and cousin worked there and urged him to consider it.

One look at its flexible structure and dearth of organized classes and he didn鈥檛 quite know what to make of the place. 鈥淚 remember telling my mother, 鈥楳om, this is a daycare for high school students.鈥 And she was like, 鈥楪ive it a chance. Give it time.鈥欌

After a disastrous first quarter, Maddox鈥檚 adviser took him aside and gently noted that he was doing just enough to get by 鈥 and it showed in his projects. That wasn鈥檛 good enough, she said.

It would take him a few months to grasp 鈥渢he plan behind the madness,鈥 as he calls it: 鈥淚 realized I wasn’t doing much with my time, and students around me were making things happen.鈥 They鈥檇 created impressive internships and other experiences.

After taking in a few classmates鈥 quarterly independent-study exhibitions, he stepped back and realized that those who were using their time wisely 鈥渉ad excellent exhibitions.鈥 Students who 鈥渓oafed around鈥 had terrible ones. 

Then he got it: 鈥淭he Met is similar to the real world. What you put in is what you will receive.鈥

Maddox began challenging himself in subsequent efforts, in the process tapping into his own interests. A year later, he developed an ambitious, eight-week afterschool curriculum for children that explored R&B, jazz and the Motown sound. He raised enough money to take a group of students on a two-week summer trip to Detroit, Memphis and Chicago, one that brought them to Motown鈥檚 headquarters and other music-related sites. 

鈥淚 think that’s what the Met taught me: Don’t really limit yourself.鈥

鈥楾hey’re not just hanging with 15-year-olds鈥

The power of the internships stems from two simple realities: They push teens to try lots of new things, and to spend time with adults, not peers.

After 27 years of sending students into the workplace, The Met maintains a database of more than 6,000 internship sites. They typically run for about three months, and most students do two or three per school year.

鈥淭hey can realize what they love, what they hate, and what they really want to focus on,鈥 said Diaz, the co-director.

One of senior Angel Feliz鈥檚 recent internships had him helping an architecture firm power a homeless shelter with solar energy 鈥 a resume-worthy credential. But in the process, Feliz realized he didn鈥檛 enjoy working in an office 鈥渨here everybody was super quiet.鈥

So he focused instead on information technology, and last spring interned at the University of Rhode Island’s more convivial, far less quiet, I.T. Department. His latest assignment: Improving cybersecurity and updating databases at its .

鈥淵ou go through a lot of trial and error here,鈥 he said, 鈥渂ut through that you understand what you do like.鈥

Joe Battaglia

Curriculum Director Joe Battaglia said one of the school鈥檚 key values is to help students build their extended social networks, which can be particularly difficult for students of color. That鈥檚 not something most high schools do, he said.

Co-founder Littky said one key to the school is that it puts students in proximity with adults. 鈥淭hey’re not just hanging with 15-year-olds or 18-year-olds鈥 all day, he said, so they learn professional behaviors that will stay with them for years. 鈥淚t’s way beyond, in my mind, any other skills they get.鈥

Rigor vs. vigor

For critics who might scoff at the idea of a smooth crumb coat as the kind of rigorous work a high schooler should undertake, Battaglia, the curriculum director, said state standards in culinary arts likely list 鈥渟mooth crumb coats鈥 as a core competency. For what it鈥檚 worth, at nearby Johnson & Wales University, , its cake production course, requires students to 鈥渁ssemble, ice, stack, tier and finish鈥 cakes using a variety of ingredients, including buttercream.

Battaglia also said The Met hews to a basic tenet: depth over breadth. In that sense, it reflects the values of the, which for 30 years promoted not just depth but personalization, trust, and teachers as coaches.

Littky noted that the late Hungarian-American psychologist, father of the concept of 鈥渇low鈥 in work and play, has written that the way one becomes an adult thinker is to study something 鈥 anything 鈥 deeply.

In schools, Littky said, the way most adults think about rigor is all wrong: It鈥檚 about output, not input. A math teacher who fails most of his students is 鈥渞igorous,鈥 he said, much more so than the science teacher who inspires all of his students to become scientists.

Dennis Littky

Washor, Littky鈥檚 co-founder, likes to talk about 鈥渧igor rather than rigor鈥 鈥 鈥渞igor,鈥 he jokes, is Latin for 鈥渄ead and stiff.鈥

鈥淪chools are places of certainty, run by churches and people who want to install certain content. But the world is uncertain. The world is alive and dynamic.鈥

Young people, he said, thrive in uncertainty. 鈥淭hey want to take risks. We want them to be measured risks. We want to go along with them on those risks.鈥

Since 1996, Washor has moved on to working with The Met鈥檚 umbrella non-profit, , while Littky has remained on campus as a co-director. He retired in June.

At 79, Littky is partial to wire-rimmed glasses, kufi caps and flashy sneakers. He ends his phone conversations with 鈥淧eace鈥 and speaks plainly 鈥 on occasion, profanely 鈥 about what makes the school tick. The internships, he said, may eventually make someone like Bonga into a skilled baker, but that鈥檚 not the point. 鈥淪he does great, but I don’t really give a shit鈥 if she becomes a baker, he said. What鈥檚 important is finding what ignites her interest.

Caroline Bonga (left), interning as a baker鈥檚 apprentice, talks about her plans to make a large cake for an awards ceremony as bakery owner Susan Lagasse (center) and adviser Lillian John listen. (Greg Toppo)

鈥淚t’s our job back here to make it deeper鈥 than just learning how to frost a cake. 鈥淚t’s really about how do you place a kid in an environment where they want to work?鈥

It鈥檚 a tricky formula that often takes years to get right. While a few Met students focus early on their dream careers, by the time most graduate, they鈥檝e spent four years zig-zagging through multiple internships and experiences, often in wildly divergent fields.

Last fall, before she was a baker鈥檚 apprentice, Bonga spent two months on the water with the group , sailing as far south as the Florida Keys. That got her thinking about more ways to leverage her time for travel, perhaps as a flight attendant. 

Coming back to earth, someday she鈥檇 like to run her own bakery. But first she must master 鈥渢he most essential skill鈥 of the smooth crumb coat, said Lagasse, her bakery boss.

Before long, the talk at Awesome Sweets turned away from buttercream and toward Bonga鈥檚 planned year-end project: a huge, $500 cake for her school鈥檚 June 6 awards ceremony, attended by upwards of 150 people. Lagasse committed to offering her protege the space, time and resources to create it, but with Spring Break looming, Bonga would have just 10 days in the bakery. 

Caroline Bonga and her completed awards ceremony cake (Courtesy of The Met)

Six weeks later, she met the June 6 deadline and produced a towering, ever-so-slightly off-center, four-tiered cake in gleaming white frosting. Decorated with silky red roses and purple violets, it showed not a hint of crumb.

]]> Opinion: Educators’ View: Students Excel When Expectations for Them Are High /article/educators-view-students-excel-when-expectations-for-them-are-high/ Wed, 28 Jun 2023 15:00:00 +0000 /?post_type=article&p=710988 The 2022-23 school year marked a time rich with potential and hope, but the appearance of normalcy and feeling of relief have been tempered by the reality that COVID exacerbated many students’ pre-pandemic challenges. After two decades of progress, national math and reading scores . Many students are coming to school with emotional, physical, nutritional and housing needs. 

It can feel overwhelming to process all the demands and challenges that young people face in addition to their schoolwork. But what gives us hope and has inspired our careers as high school leaders is the belief in the potential of a high-quality education to help students overcome obstacles and pursue lives of opportunity and choice. 


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We believe students need rigor and purpose to meet their goals. Rigor challenges students to think critically and search for answers to tough questions. Purpose gives them relevant learning experiences that they can connect with their lives. With support and funding from the education nonprofit and Barr Foundation鈥檚 鈥溾 initiative, our three schools have created programming that is designed to help students meet the high expectations set for them 鈥 particularly students of color, those from low-income families, English learners and those with special needs. Our schools were designed specifically for students who had not been well served educationally, and as a result, many are not on track to graduate from high school when they enroll.

We have seen firsthand how our belief in the importance of maintaining high expectations translates into meaningful and challenging academic experiences and in students鈥 increased confidence in what they can accomplish.

At the Capitol Region Education Council鈥檚 in Hartford, students took their educational experience outside the classroom to apply their learning in real and relevant ways. An example of this is through the 鈥淪tudents and the Law鈥 course. Impact Academy students collaborated with students from the University of Connecticut School of Law, culminating in a Moot Court exercise in which they took on the roles of petitioners, respondents and justices. This was new territory for many of them. They had to be prepared to present complicated arguments in a formal setting at the law school. They researched, practiced and worked together. The school’s combination of high expectations and relevant learning opportunities has given them a purpose and created for the students a new postsecondary vision for themselves. Over two-thirds of the current graduating class plan to continue their education.

At in Massachusetts’s Fall River Public Schools, a Portrait of a Graduate was created that defines the essential skills and mindsets that students are expected to have when they leave. They are expected to develop the ability to argue, investigate, discern, collaborate, communicate and self-direct. For example, students participated in a project-based unit called 鈥淢y Point of View,鈥 in which they used storytelling to create a powerful and compelling personal statement that expressed their values. One student, Anthony Jacobs, wrote about how expressing himself through art helped him cope after a tragic accident and has inspired him to pursue it as a career. Some 70% of students at Evolve report that they would have dropped out if they had gone to another school; now every 2023 graduate has a postsecondary plan in place.

At in Providence, educators work with students to set weekly academic goals. Pushing the students helps them build confidence that they can accomplish ambitious and worthy learning, while completing tasks that require them to create and produce solutions and arguments raises their expectations for what they can accomplish. For example, in the math unitYou Auto Know,鈥 freshmen learn and demonstrate the mathematics of buying a car. Student Yosalin Alvarado compared investing in a 2022 Honda Accord and a 2022 Honda Civic, analyzing the differences in base price, depreciation and gas mileage and the similarities of multi-year loan financing costs, insurance payments and brand. Then, she made final recommendations, as if presenting them to a client, about which vehicle to purchase. Such expectation-raising work has helped foster a college-going culture and boosted student engagement. One telling metric: 100% of Nowell seniors completed the federal financial aid form this year, while just a few years ago the FAFSA completion rate was 30%.

Learning at our three schools is not just about meeting graduation requirements, but rather about building skills and networks, providing opportunities to help students see what is possible and supporting them so they can excel. We expect students to be challenged, to apply their learning and to strengthen their own identities.

Even in difficult times like these, high expectations are not only possible, but necessary 鈥 for all students in all schools. Teachers must ask young people to do hard things. School leaders need to create rigorous and purposeful learning experiences that allow all students to meet and exceed the high expectations set for them.

Disclosure: XQ and Carnegie Corporation of New York partner with Springpoint Schools and provide financial support to 社区黑料.

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Survey: Many Rhode Island Public School Students Don鈥檛 Feel Ready for College /article/survey-many-rhode-island-public-school-students-dont-feel-ready-for-college/ Thu, 01 Jun 2023 13:30:00 +0000 /?post_type=article&p=709718 This article was originally published in

PROVIDENCE 鈥 Less than half of Rhode Island students said they felt their education was preparing them for college or a career when asked by the Department of Education in a recent survey.

Only 17% of students between grades three and five said they talked about jobs and careers or college in class frequently or almost always in the questionnaire. That percentage jumped to 35% for those between grades six and 12.

State officials revealed the survey results at a ceremony in the Sgt. Cornell Young, Jr., and Charlotte Woods Elementary School Tuesday morning. The annual survey queries parents, educators, and students about their educational experiences to determine how to adjust plans moving forward. Rhode Island Department of Education spokesman Victor Morente said in an email the data was first collected during the 2016-2017 school year.


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State officials said they saw the students鈥 willingness to participate and give voice to their concerns as a positive outcome.

鈥淭hey鈥檙e thinking about what they are going to need for their future,鈥 Rhode Island Commissioner of Education Ang茅lica Infante-Green said, in comments to the press after the results were released.

When divided by race, among students in grades three to five, 19% of white students said they talked about college and careers frequently or almost always. That is significantly less than students of color 鈥 26% of American Indian respondents said they talked often about the future while 31% of Black students, 30% of Latino, 32% of Native Hawaiian and Pacific Islanders, and 19% of Asian respondents said they did so.

The data was divided by linguistic groups for those in grades six to 12. Those who spoke Spanish at home were most likely to feel they were being prepared, with 40% saying they spoke about college and careers in class almost always or frequently. Haitian Creole and Italian speakers responded positively 38% of the time, Portuguese and Khmer 36%.

Those who spoke English at home said they talked about the future almost always or frequently 33% of the time. Only 27% of Chinese speakers said they spoke of the future almost always or frequently.

鈥淭his is a work in progress,鈥 Gov. Dan McKee said. 鈥淚 don鈥檛 think there鈥檚 anything alarming at all.鈥

Officials focused on the high number of responses, 122,672 statewide, representing about 93% of all public school students in the state, in remarks to the 200 or so students, administration, and faculty at the school.

Young and Woods Elementary saw the highest increase in response rates from families 鈥 meaning parents and guardians 鈥 in Providence. That 17 point increase, from 30% in 2022 to 47% in 2023, was why the school was selected for the announcement.

鈥淵our families did a marvelous job in filling out the surveys,鈥 Lt. Gov. Sabina Matos told the students at the ceremony in English and Spanish.

Providence saw the highest rate for family engagement in the state, with 30% responding compared to the state average 25%.

The top school in the state for family participation was Wawaloam Elementary School, in Exeter, at 98%. Other top performers included: Hope Valley Elementary School, in Hopkinton, at 91% Greystone School, in North Providence; 90%; Capt. E. Harold Hunt Elementary School, in Central Falls, at 89%; and 85% at the Agnes E. Little Elementary School in Pawtucket.

Social and emotional learning sees high approval

Families overwhelmingly approved of the social and emotional learning initiatives at schools statewide, with 70% responding favorably. That held true across racial groups with no category going under 69%.

Among students in grade three to five, 64% of students held favorable opinions of social and emotional learning at their schools and 52% of students grades six to 12 responded favorably.

Staff had the lowest approval ratings, with 48% of teachers answering favorably on questions related to social and emotional learning and 44% of support staff responding favorably.

鈥淪ocial emotional learning is a critical component to K-12 education,鈥 Stephane DeSilva Mandeville, communications director for the National Education Association of Rhode Island, said when asked for comment. 鈥淲e know the pandemic had an impact on students鈥 coping skills and how they interact, and the Surveyworks results demonstrate a need for more meaningful skill-building at the district level.

鈥淭he mental and behavioral health of our students 鈥 and educational staff 鈥 is a priority for NEARI. We support an increased focus on services around SEL and welcome continued coordination with the State and LEAs.鈥

Providence School鈥檚 Superintendent Javier Monta帽ez said the hard work of reaching out to families paid off and now, the district can figure out how to better serve them.

鈥淚 am so proud of all the hard work our Providence community has put in to improve student outcomes in our schools,鈥 Monta帽ez said. 鈥淭heir hard work is paying off.鈥

is part of States Newsroom, a network of news bureaus supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Rhode Island Current maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Janine L. Weisman for questions: info@rhodeislandcurrent.com. Follow Rhode Island Current on and .

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Former Providence Mayor Jorge Elorza New Head of Democrats for Education Reform /article/former-providence-mayor-jorge-elorza-new-head-of-democrats-for-education-reform/ Mon, 03 Apr 2023 09:00:00 +0000 /?post_type=article&p=706915 Former Providence Mayor Jorge Elorza, the son of Guatemalan immigrants, has been named chief executive officer of Democrats for Education Reform and its affiliate think tank, Education Reform Now. He takes over the leadership role from Shavar Jeffries, who oversaw the organization for eight years before stepping down in January to become KIPP Foundation鈥檚 CEO.

DFER promotes education reform-minded Democratic leaders who push for innovation and accountability in schools with an eye toward improving equity, teacher preparedness, public school choice, data transparency and accountability. They support those who wish to make higher education affordable for all. The organization, founded in 2008 at a time of greater consensus around education reform, seeks these goals in a fractured 2023 political landscape where schools have become fodder for the culture wars.


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Elorza, 46, a Harvard-educated lawyer, served two terms as Providence mayor, from 2015 to 2023. Former Gov. Gina M. Raimondo, now U.S. Secretary of Commerce, and Elorza called for an outside review of Providence Public Schools after its 2018 test scores showed . The results released by  Johns Hopkins University were damning, paving the way for a state takeover

Elorza made in 2019 by bringing his 15-month-old-son to work with him in City Hall. He said in December he to his city鈥檚 troubled .

The law school professor sat down with 社区黑料 last week, just before his new job was announced, to talk about growing up in an immigrant community, building consensus in education around what works for students and who he can rely upon in Congress.

This interview has been edited for length and clarity.

社区黑料: Tell me about your parents.

Jorge Elorza: They came from Guatemala in the mid-1970s, fleeing the civil war. They came here to Providence because there were a lot of factory jobs in the textile and jewelry industry. They were undocumented for the first 12 years of my life. (They became citizens in the 1980s under President Ronald Reagan鈥檚 .) My father dropped out of school in the 7th grade and my mother in the 5th grade. That鈥檚 a big part of my story. Even though I was born and raised here, I identify so strongly with immigrants because that’s the household that I was raised in and that鈥檚 the community where I grew up.

You say immigrant families put a tremendous emphasis on education, yet you floundered in K-12 before eventually graduating from Harvard. Do the problems/obstacles you faced back then have relevance today? 

All (immigrant families) place their hopes and dreams on public schools. I’d love to say I was that model student that always listened to their parents and was just destined for success. But the reality is I didn’t have a sense of direction as a young person: I got rejected from every college and university I applied to. When I was 17 years old and graduated from high school, that was a big pivot point for me in my life. I had to decide whether I was going to work in the factory with my parents, aunts and uncles or get my act together. And so that’s when I applied to community college.

You say part of your struggle was that your parents, who worked opposing shifts to manage child care, were not able to help you with schoolwork in part because of the language barrier. 

My father never spoke too much English. They would come home after work, we would have homework and they could only help us to a certain point. 

You attribute part of your success to your ability to score a seat at a coveted magnet school. It was a guidance counselor who urged you to take the admissions exam. 

So, you had to sign up for the test and then they had sent several papers home, but if they were in English, my parents couldn’t read them. My guidance counselor had seen something in me, some potential, and literally came and picked me out of my chair, took me to his office and he made me sign to register. 

Elorza and children celebrate improvements at Father Lennon Park in Providence, Rhode Island, in June 2021. (City of Providence)

You鈥檙e plagued by the arbitrary nature of that success. 

What if I happened to be absent that day or if an emergency came up and my guidance counselor just didn’t have the chance to get me? My entire life would have been completely different. We want to live in a world where every kid succeeds as a matter of course. But the reality is that so many kids who do succeed, succeed by overcoming all of the odds and, frankly, by just being fortunate at key moments in their lives.

Will your own ethnic background play a role in your leadership?

I’m absolutely a product of my upbringing and my past. When I think about the importance of education, I think about my friend Juan, one of the most brilliant, smart, sharp kids I have ever met in my life. He had those critical moments in his life where it was a combination of bad decisions and being unlucky. Juan is still a very good friend. He has a great family. He works hard every day, but he鈥檚 a laborer. He should have been a doctor. 

I think about my friend Jose 鈥 who had grown up next door, who was a year older than me and who I always looked up to. I found out that he had been murdered. I think that many of those stories, unfortunately, are still being recreated today 鈥 kids with limitless potential, having that potential either cut short or never being allowed to fully blossom.

The nation has been politically fractured for years. Where do you see consensus in education? 

Speaking about my community here in Providence, the number of Black and Latino families that support charter schools, for example, and that support common sense education policies that research has shown works, is extraordinarily high. Part of the challenge we have is lifting up their voices to make sure that voice on the ground is what’s driving public perception within the Democratic Party.

For example, there’s a lot of support for high-impact tutoring programs, especially as we’re coming out of COVID: Dedicated 1-to-1 tutoring that can help us not only make up that lost learning time, but also make learning gains. Those are things that are strongly supported across the board.

We also very much support summer learning programs that go beyond remedial to actual enrichment classes. Many of our students fall behind: They lose about two months of learning during the summer when other families move forward. 

There’s also mental health investments that make a lot of sense and pathways that can connect our students to careers. 

And you note these programs don鈥檛 just have support in Providence, but far beyond. Who are your allies now?

What’s different today than say, 10 years ago, is that there’s this critical mass of progressive and reformers of color. There are organic, grassroots efforts out there: There’s so much energy around this work. Part of my job as a leader of this organization is to organize and harness that enthusiasm and energy that we see at the grassroots level and amplify their voices so they drive more and more of the national conversation in this space. 

Your organization works with the National Parents Union, The Education Trust, Unidos, KIPP, Leadership Conference on Civil & Human Rights, Educators for Excellence, Alliance for Excellent Education and others. But who are your friends in Congress? 

Sen. Cory Booker has been an early supporter and he’s been steadfast throughout. Sen. Chris Murphy from Connecticut has been an amazing champion of this work 鈥 and Congresswoman Marilyn Strickland (of Washington state). We’ve identified about 200 elected champions around this work throughout the country.

Democrats have lost ground in education as Republicans have succeeded in using race, gender, immigration-related and transphobic rhetoric to whip up their base. How do you manage that environment?

On the one hand, you have Republicans who are infatuated with their culture wars right now: Republicans want to ban books while Democrats want to teach kids to read them. What we want to do is speak to the real issues as problem solvers. 

I get extremely frustrated hearing the way that education is being exploited for political gain and this is part of the performative aspect of politics today. But as Democrats, we’re going to continue to focus on the substance of it, call out things that are not working and propose solutions that are proven to work. And ultimately that’s what people want.

Three members of the San Francisco school board were recalled in 2022 after focusing on issues like renaming schools rather than core academic concerns as their city suffered through the pandemic. Do Democrats and progressives miss the mark? 

I’ll tell you what I know. Families want high-quality education options for their kids and they want them now: They’re just not getting enough of them. We see families continuing to apply for the charter lotteries and oftentimes in excess of 10 applicants for every one seat that’s available. It’s really clear what families want most and what they care most about is great public schools for their kids. 

Our job is to make sure that our focus remains on that, that we continue, in our party and in this movement, to always be about substance. That doesn’t mean being blind to the issues happening in society 鈥 but in order to meet the moment and what our families are demanding, it always has to be about ensuring that there are great public school options for our kids.

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Opinion: Call to Action: Union, Management Must Blow Up Providence’s Broken School System /article/call-to-action-union-management-must-blow-up-providences-broken-school-system/ Wed, 14 Dec 2022 18:01:00 +0000 /?post_type=article&p=701372 In Providence, as in many places around the country, labor-management relations are like a boxing match. The rules of the game, codified in state law, are designed to create an adversarial relationship. That baked-in conflict has existed for decades and colors every aspect of the school district.

How do we know? One of us is the former teachers union leader in Providence and the other a former superintendent of the schools there. We know because we tried to change the rules by collaborating. And while we had some success and were , our efforts ultimately failed. Our ambitions bumped up against long-entrenched norms on both sides of the labor-management relationship, and the supports weren鈥檛 there to grow our nascent effort.

The problem is that education isn鈥檛 at all like boxing. Winning, by serving students well, is not a solitary activity by a lone contender. High-quality education takes high-quality collaboration by both labor and management. That means the rules, starting with state law, must change to make collaboration, not contention, the norm. 

Education in Providence is unquestionably broken. This has been well documented since as early as , more than two generations of students ago. A devastating report by Johns Hopkins in 2019 led to the current state takeover, followed by protracted and acrimonious contract negotiations that led to no substantive change. The status quo was maintained, and the adversarial relationship continues, to the detriment of every student, family and educator. It is self-perpetuating because state law does not require the professionals to collaborate in the best interest of children. In fact, in our experience, the legal framework incentivizes the adults to protect their turf, and the contentious relationship between labor and management robs schools of the and needed for school improvement. This lack of improvement through charter or private schools.

From the management (Sue鈥檚) perspective:

The teachers contract, negotiated pursuant to state law, creates rigid working conditions and conditions of employment that make it nearly impossible to create strong school communities of like-minded educators. This one-size-fits-all approach, which dictates teacher assignments, class sizes and schedules, makes it impossible to create the kind of flexible structures needed to meet the varied academic and social-emotional needs that Providence students bring to school. Decisions on how best to accommodate students should instead be made by educators in that building, guided by an ongoing review of data on learning and other outcomes, paired with knowledge of best practices.

Some argue for stronger as the way to build greater flexibility into unionized environments. But there is abundant evidence in the U.S. that unfettered management control, absent the obligation to consult and collaborate with employees, doesn鈥檛 result in equitable and sustainable systems that serve employees or those in their charge well. And at the end of the day, teachers who aren鈥檛 treated as respected professionals are not going to serve their students well, either. The culture between students and adults in a building mirrors the adult culture. Both cultures must be collaborative, equitable, humane and centered on results for kids. 

From the union (Steve鈥檚) perspective:

State statute limits the union鈥檚 role to negotiating wages, benefits and conditions of employment, in a one-size-fits-all approach that applies to every school. It also requires the union to defend the indefensible when it comes to teacher discipline. This factory model no longer serves teachers. Instead, the union should be charged with owning the profession, with the responsibility to deliver high-quality

educators guided by data-informed best practices in every classroom. Union leaders and administrators working together in the best interest of students should be the norm, not an option.

While I believe in the labor movement and its future, any organization that doesn鈥檛 adapt will become irrelevant or cease to exist. Labor-management collaboration may be rare in public education in Rhode Island, but buildings-trade unions, for instance, have made the shift from adversarial relationships to partnerships with contractors in order to compete with nonunion companies for market share. This was accomplished by providing contractors with a highly qualified, well-trained workforce, in order to guarantee a quality product, benefitting both the contractor and the union member. Trade unions do not defend or tolerate poor performance, and neither should teachers unions. Good teachers know that poor teaching hurts not only kids, but also other teachers鈥 ability to educate them. 

Altering the labor-management relationship in Providence Schools requires a fundamental change in the rules of engagement, starting with Rhode Island General Law. It has to be rewritten to allow for greater school-based flexibility and accountability for the professionals who best know the students. A few examples:

  • Teacher pay should reward performance and expertise instead of just reflecting time in the system. Great teachers shouldn鈥檛 have to wait 10 to 12 years to earn decent salaries, and they shouldn鈥檛 have to leave the classroom to take on additional responsibilities.
  • Teacher evaluation should be an ongoing conversation about best practices, with continuous feedback and support for improvement. If these measures don鈥檛 lead to quality performance in the classroom, those teachers should be let go in an expedited fashion.
  • Tenure should be awarded after five years, rather than three, and should not preclude removal for poor practice.

These ideas are the beginning of a lot of work to change longstanding norms. To bring this to fruition in Providence, educators, legislators, business leaders, parents, students, community organizations and philanthropists must come together to support the writing of a state education statute grounded in best practice. Bringing about the changes we are calling for will require concerted effort, and we believe that would best be done either through a dedicated 501(c)3 or by having the work housed in an existing nonprofit with dedicated resources for the project. The time for small measures has passed; Providence needs dramatically new rules of engagement that will mandate collaboration. The status quo and refusal to work together in the best interest of students can no longer be an option.

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Study Finds Wide Range of Outcomes from State Takeovers /school-takeover-student-learning-new-research/ Tue, 17 Aug 2021 19:01:00 +0000 /?p=576399 State takeovers of school districts are perhaps the most loathed strategy in education policy. Other K-12 reforms, from school choice to mayoral control, often generate controversy by diluting the power of elected school boards; takeovers dispense with them altogether, replacing community leaders with emergency managers appointed by outside bureaucrats.

The upside to these shake-ups, which have been implemented in high-profile districts like Detroit and Philadelphia, is that they can lead to better schools by elevating big problems over the heads of local figures who have failed to solve them. But research released this spring raises questions over whether those purported benefits are actually being realized.


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The study, through Brown University鈥檚 Annenberg Institute for School Reform, detects no evidence that takeovers improve student test scores on average, though its authors point to a wide range of other academic effects resulting from them. Co-author Beth Schueler, a professor of education and public policy at the University of Virginia鈥檚 Curry School of Education, said in an interview that the varying outcomes serve as a warning to state authorities considering takeovers.

鈥淚 don’t think anything about this study suggests that takeover cannot ever improve a district,鈥 Schueler said. 鈥淚 think it just means that leaders should be super-cautious about doing it.鈥

The substance of the paper focuses on academic indicators, but some sections address the arguments leveled against takeovers on democratic grounds, most vocally by Rutgers University political scientist Domingo Morel. Morel鈥檚 own work has shown that in areas where takeovers have been aggressively implemented, such as in New Orleans after Hurricane Katrina, they have sometimes alienated residents and disempowered non-white politicians. In spite of those ill effects, a flood of research has shown improved school performance in the city, including higher college attendance.

The case of New Orleans is notably absent from the set of 35 districts studied by Schueler and co-author Joshua Bleiberg, a postdoctoral researcher at Brown. That group is restricted to districts that were subject to takeover between 2011 and 2016, which similarly excludes famous 鈥 and famously contentious 鈥 instances in Detroit, Philadelphia, and Newark, New Jersey. The districts that were subsumed within state control during that period were small by comparison, enrolling an average of just under 4,000 students (though this figure is itself over twice the size of the average non-takeover district).

To compare the results of takeovers in different states Schueler and Bleiberg used the Stanford Education Data Archive, a research tool that indexes all state test scores to the National Assessment of Educational Progress. Changes to scores in each of the 35 takeover districts were then measured against those in similar districts in their respective states that weren鈥檛 under state control.

Their analysis shows that, on average, districts that underwent takeovers did not see improvements on either math or English scores. In fact, scores in a number of districts declined over the first few takeover years, particularly in English. But as the authors argue, that average includes hugely different results from one district to another. Some districts made significant gains after being taken over, others experienced dramatic declines in achievement, and many clustered somewhere in the middle. A few districts saw progress in one subject but not the other.

Even in places where takeovers clearly lifted test scores, Schueler said, radically divergent local environments make it critical to study their lessons individually. Comparing the case of Lawrence, Massachusetts, a majority-Hispanic district whose successes , with New Orleans, an overwhelmingly African American district roughly three times its size, she pointed to major distinctions in state approaches: After the ravages of Katrina, the Recovery School District fired most New Orleans teachers and turned over school management to independent charter organizations. Lawrence did neither but still benefited in the years following its takeover.

鈥淭here are big differences across context and big differences in terms of what leaders did,鈥 Schueler said. 鈥淭hey took two very different routes, and both were able to make big improvements, at least in terms of test score outcomes. So it’s very hard to see patterns in the literature like that.鈥

鈥楤e in the arena鈥

Kenneth Wong, a Brown political scientist who has studied state takeovers for decades, said that specificity was key to understanding what choices and contingencies shape them. Calling the new working paper 鈥渞eally helpful in showing the landscape,鈥 he said the next step for students of education reform was to conduct more qualitative examinations of individual districts, which would allow politicians to compare their own school communities to places where takeovers led to improvement.

鈥淔or researchers, we kind of bundle everything 鈥 this is a condensed index of takeovers,鈥 Wong said. 鈥淏ut for policymakers to really benefit from the research, we need to deconstruct that broad bundle of 鈥榮tate takeover鈥 and try to identify the potential effects of certain local conditions.鈥

Paymon Rouhanifard speaks at a press conference in Camden, New Jersey, on Aug. 21, 2013. (Andrew Burton/Getty Images)

Paymon Rouhanifard, who served as superintendent in Camden, New Jersey, after the district was brought under state control in 2013, agreed that takeovers exist on a 鈥減retty broad continuum鈥 in different legal and political environments. Among the ingredients for success, he argued, was clarity about when and under what conditions the intervention would end.

“I think minimally you need 5-8 years, but from the very jump, there has to be transparency around what the road back to local control looks like,鈥 Rouhanifard said. 鈥淚 don’t believe in interventions that have no end in sight, that are about the intervention and just the intervention itself.”

In time, many more examples will be available for study: As Schueler and Bleiberg note, there was an average of roughly six takeovers per year in the period between 2011 and 2016, compared with about four per year in the two decades that preceded it. The most publicized recent takeover has occurred in Wong鈥檚 home city of Providence, which was placed under state control in 2019 after years of academic failure and safety problems. Its initial phases have been rocky, with COVID interrupting its first year and brand-new governors and superintendents taking office since January. Wong predicted that the progress of the effort will become an inescapable factor in the 2022 governor鈥檚 race.

Even while acknowledging the increasing political complexities of takeovers, Wong said that their appeal would likely only grow with time.

鈥淭his shift toward a more executive-oriented reform agenda is not going to go away,鈥 he argued. 鈥淎nd takeover is part of that because it…offers more direct access [to schools],鈥 he said. 鈥淧oliticians can leverage their political capital, political will, to use this instrument because it legitimizes their involvement to address a particular set of problems.鈥

That makes it important for takeover superintendents to engage constructively with schools and families, Rouhanifard argued. Asked to offer advice to someone leading a school district under state control, he said they should think of themselves as 鈥渢he mayors of their districts.鈥

鈥淏e in the arena 鈥 the political arena, the community 鈥 and be a face of the work, because the distrust runs centuries deep,鈥 Rouhanifard counseled. 鈥淪o don’t be some technocratic, policy-oriented solution that is happening behind closed doors. You have to humanize it and meet people where they are.”

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Rhode Island Politics Rocked by Proposed Charter Moratorium /article/battle-over-charters-providence-takeover-divides-democrats-in-deep-blue-rhode-island/ Wed, 21 Apr 2021 18:30:00 +0000 /?post_type=article&p=571037 A war over education reform is brewing in Rhode Island, and its outcome could have colossal implications for the state鈥檚 politics.

Two years after then-Gov. Gina Raimondo announced a sweeping takeover of Providence Public Schools, citing widespread academic failure and frequently unsafe learning conditions, the city鈥檚 powerful teachers鈥 union is demanding a new contract and a return to local control. At the same time, state authorities are deadlocked over whether to hasten or restrict the growth of local charter schools.

The multi-pronged conflict has already scrambled traditional partisan allegiances in one of the bluest states in the country. Democrats in the legislature, including members of the leadership, a three-year moratorium on new charter schools out of the state Senate in February. The bill is still being considered in the House, though Gov. Daniel McKee 鈥 a longtime school choice advocate who ascended from the lieutenant governorship when Raimondo was tapped to become U.S. Secretary of Commerce 鈥 has already promised to veto it. And with McKee angling to fend off Democratic rivals and win a term of his own in 2022, he鈥檒l need to walk the line between wooing urban charter supporters and alienating organized labor. Finding that delicate balance is the same challenge facing the national party, whose policy towards charter schools has been in flux for a decade.

Local pollster Joe Fleming, who has advised McKee in previous elections, said in an interview that he expected voters to judge the governor mostly by his performance in guiding Rhode Island through the vaccination and reopening process, noting that the massive infusion of federal funds from the American Rescue Plan had put him in an enviable position. But he could also face further dissension in his own ranks.

鈥淥bviously, the General Assembly knows that if they pass it, it’s going to be vetoed by the governor,鈥 Fleming said. 鈥淎t that point, it becomes more of a political decision if they have the votes to override a veto and if they want to go that route. But the unions are really pushing the moratorium, and there are a lot of union-affiliated people in the General Assembly.”

Maureen Moakley, professor emeritus of political science at the University of Rhode Island, said the state鈥檚 past and present governors have been notable in pushing for systemic school reform. But the collision of labor woes and the campaign calendar ensure that a treacherous situation is already 鈥渃oming to a head,鈥 she added.

“It’s a small state 鈥 we don’t even have counties 鈥 and if enough people get behind [reform], it’s manageable. But a lot of people don’t want to mess with the unions, which are a large part of their base. And I think it’s going to be a dilemma for McKee because he’s not going to want to run against teachers.”

The takeover

The current standoff began in 2019, when Raimondo announced that schools in Providence would undergo a state takeover and adhere to new, ambitious performance goals. Ang茅lica Infante-Green, the newly appointed state commissioner of schools, would lead the transformation.

It was a move that many believed was necessary. K-12 schools in Providence 鈥 not only Rhode Island鈥檚 capital, but also its largest city by far 鈥 had been among the state鈥檚 lowest-performing for decades, with only a fraction of the district鈥檚 students ranking as proficient in English or math. The move was made after the release of a damning report by investigators from Johns Hopkins University, which was commissioned by Raimondo and Providence Mayor Jorge Elorza the district鈥檚 disastrous performance on state tests.

“The state decided to take a more drastic action to fix a problem that’s been going on for generations,鈥 said Kenneth Wong, a professor of education policy at Brown University. 鈥淚t鈥檚 controversial, but there’s some key, diverse stakeholders out there that have…gotten frustrated with the pace of improvement.鈥

But the best-laid plans of the new regime, which began in November of that year, were almost immediately shredded by COVID-19. Almost instantly, the ambitions for improvement needed to coexist with a transition to online learning that would see of the district鈥檚 students fall into chronic absenteeism. In a fateful decision, Raimondo pushed forward with one of the most aggressive reopening policies in the country 鈥 a strategy that won her in national media, but also led to to return to virtual learning when cases started to rise before the holidays.

Rhode Island Education Commissioner Angelica Infante-Green and Providence Superintendent Harrison Peters. (Matthew J. Lee/The Boston Globe / Getty Images)

Labor unrest posed a separate challenge. Even before the 2020-21 school year began, the local teachers鈥 contract expired. Because of the takeover, the Providence Teachers鈥 Union entered negotiations with Infante-Green and new Providence Superintendent Harrison Peters. Months later, the opposing sides have not reached an agreement. In fact, according to Boston Globe reporter Dan McGowan, they actually , using as a mediator to shuttle proposals back and forth.

Relations between the union and education authorities had already deteriorated by late March, when the district to nearly 300 of its employees. In response, the union overwhelmingly passed a vote of no confidence in Peters and Infante-Green, and organization head Maribeth Calabro, a longtime veteran of reform battles, of lying and manipulating the public. (Calabro did not respond to a request for comment.)

In a joint statement to 社区黑料, Infante-Green and Peters reiterated for the two sides to settle the terms of the new contract through public negotiations if necessary, arguing that more educational progress had been made since the state-led reform began than in the decade previous.

鈥淲hen the Johns Hopkins report was released less than two years ago, PTU leadership stood with us in calling for change,鈥 the statement reads. 鈥淲hen the state intervention began a year and a half ago, PTU leadership stood with us in calling for change. We know that the current union contract is broken. We also know that it鈥檚 easy to support change when it鈥檚 just an idea.鈥

The takeover, which is projected to last at least five years, doesn鈥檛 appear to have lost much political steam. Several leading contenders to become mayor of Providence 鈥 Elorza, unable to seek a third term, is a run against McKee for the Democratic gubernatorial nomination 鈥 they favor continuing the takeover as long as is necessary.

The University of Rhode Island鈥檚 Moakley added that the dissatisfaction with the performance of schools across the state is shared by families, especially those in Rhode Island鈥檚 diverse cities, and has driven many to look for alternatives.

鈥淭here’s also tremendous dissonance coming from minority communities,鈥 she said. 鈥淭hey’ve become empowered over the past decade, and their question is, ‘Are you going to fix these schools? Because in the meantime, my kid is going to be in and out.’ And so many are backing the charter school movement.鈥

Charter unrest

The formation of a new pro-charter advocacy organization, Stop the Wait, is perhaps a reflection of that unrest. The 501(c)(4), which says it has already attracted over 400 parent members, is to state legislators in a furious attempt to block the proposed charter moratorium.

Stop the Wait board president Janie Segui Rodriguez, an employee at the Achievement First charter network and an experienced activist, helped found the group a city council election in her hometown of Pawtucket by just two votes last year. She said that while the situation in Providence schools has gained national attention, other cities across the state are in desperate need of better options.

Stop the Wait Board President Janie Segui Rodriguez. (Stop the Wait)

“No one talks about Pawtucket, they鈥檙e always talking about Providence,鈥 Rodriguiez said.
鈥淏ut the schools here are no better. I live like two minutes from Providence, and this has been happening for generations.”

As the 2019-20 school year was beginning, over 10,000 families for 1,800 available charter school seats across the state. In his own review of state academic data, Wong said he鈥檇 found that third- and fifth-graders at Rhode Island charter schools had outperformed their peers at traditional public schools in both math and English test scores. Still, he noted, the scope of the sector 鈥 just 32 charters educating about 10,000 students 鈥 was quite limited compared with bigger states and cities.

“In the scheme of things, we’re not talking about New Orleans, or Chicago, or Washington, D.C. This is fewer than 10 percent of kids statewide who are actually going to charter schools.鈥

Whether that remains the case is still to be determined. In December, at the urging of Infante-Green, members of the state Council on Elementary and Secondary Education a sizable scaling-up of existing Providence charter schools while also accepting proposals from three new charter operators. If enacted, the expansion would create almost 6,000 new charter seats by the end of the decade. Almost immediately, however, the Democratic House speaker called for a 鈥溾 in further growth, potentially including the schools already approved.

The idea was echoed by other senior Democrats in the legislature, that such swift expansion would destabilize the finances of traditional public schools in the short-term, costing them as much as $90 million. It was a case that proved persuasive to members of the state Senate, which passed a three-year moratorium on charter expansion ; just one Democrat voted against the bill, which is in the state House of Representatives.

That potentially puts McKee in an awkward position. He had made his reputation in part by successfully advocating for the introduction of the 鈥,鈥 a type of charter established by municipal leaders and run through nonprofits. In the first major offensive of his governorship, he has against a moratorium and pledged to veto it if the House sends it to his desk.

If that threat hangs over the state House as it considers the moratorium legislation, so does the possibility of a backlash from voters. A of 650 Rhode Islanders commissioned by Stop the Wait found that 53 percent favored the further expansion of the state鈥檚 charter sector. , this one conducted by Roger Williams University鈥檚 Latino Policy Institute, found that large majorities of Latino parents in Providence also backed expansion.

If House Democrats defy McKee in passing the proposal, the governor will have six business days to decide whether to veto. It would take only 60 percent of members to override, and judging from the huge margins that supported the moratorium in the Senate, that is an obstacle that could be overcome. But doing so would put Democratic members in open revolt against a Democratic governor at the onset of a long campaign season that will determine the state鈥檚 political leadership for years to come.

In the meantime, Rodriguez said her group had been inundated with donations and offers of support, and that she was in talks with potential funders at both the local and national levels. But she said she was unsure of whether the favorable response she鈥檚 seen will translate into political action, either now or in elections next year.

“It’s actually been shocking to me how many people, behind closed doors, support charter schools. But I don鈥檛 know if it鈥檚 their make-or-break issue where they’ll break from a candidate, because it’s not impacting their children.鈥

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A Test Case in Providence: Can Majority-White Teachers Unions Be Anti-Racist? /article/a-test-case-in-providence-can-majority-white-teachers-unions-be-anti-racist/ Mon, 30 Nov 2020 23:30:00 +0000 /?post_type=article&p=565365 Updated, Dec. 1

For years, dual language educator Deidania Pe帽a-DaRosa had been hoping for the chance to make changes in the Providence, Rhode Island school district where she works. Chronically underperforming, and serving 91 percent students of color, Providence was described last year by a team of Johns Hopkins University researchers as having .

So when the Providence Teachers Union formed a Racial Justice Committee this past summer aimed at addressing systemic racism in the district, Pe帽a-DaRosa was eager to participate.

Similar union-based groups sprung up across the country following George Floyd鈥檚 death, from Boston to Texas to California. Even the American Federation of Teachers and the National Education Association 鈥 which tend to be less vocal than their local affiliate groups 鈥 to adopt criminal justice reforms to 鈥減rotect Black communities from the systemic perils of over-policing.鈥

However, when Pe帽a-DaRosa joined her district鈥檚 committee, she sometimes found it hard to speak her mind.

鈥淚f I say this would it bother other people?鈥 she frequently found herself wondering during meetings. 鈥淲ill other people look at it as being defensive?鈥

Those thoughts rooted in another question she harbored: why are there so few educators of color in the group? Though more than 100 union members had joined the Racial Justice Committee, the majority of them were white.

The problem was deeper than that. The Providence teaching force 鈥 for decades mismatched with student demographics 鈥 is , the exact same percentage as the nation as a whole. After the district was taken over by the state last year because of its dismal performance, officials took aim at upping the number of teachers of color in Providence schools, but have yet to substantially move the needle.

Now seeking to transform its union into an engine for equity, Providence鈥檚 Racial Justice Committee confronts an issue shared by similar groups across the country: can teachers unions 鈥 overwhelmingly white and generally built to protect and benefit their senior members 鈥斅燽e levers of anti-racist change?

A 鈥榗autious trust鈥

Before the Racial Justice Committee, few in the city saw the teachers union as an organization focused on social justice.

鈥淭he district and union have paid a lot of lip service to racial equity but very little has changed in the 29-plus years I鈥檝e taught,鈥 said Michelle Manning, who was a member of the committee and longtime teacher before recently leaving the district due to personal matters.

With one exception, the PTU鈥檚 leadership team is , and the union has not always been an ally to past social justice causes in the district. Last year, for example, when student organizing groups in the city, such as the Providence Student Union, campaigned for replacing school police with counselors, the .

Providence Teachers Union executive board. Union President Maribeth Calabro said there is a person of color on the board, but her photo is not on the website. (Providence Teachers Union website)

According to Aarav Sundaresh, a leader in the Racial Justice Committee and high school art teacher in Providence, much of the group鈥檚 initial work has focused on forging connections with community organizations, such as the Providence Student Union, that the PTU had alienated in the past.

鈥淚鈥檝e learned through this racial justice group that building these alliances and having these conversations 鈥 is a concrete action step,鈥 he said.

And while the committee鈥檚 membership, like the union鈥檚 membership, is majority white, the group has centered voices of color in decision-making and leadership.

鈥淭he BIPOC folx (Black, Indigenous, and people of color folks) are the ones to lead the initiatives and committees. The white allies are here to lean in, learn and expand the RJC vision and mission to the larger membership,鈥 union President Maribeth Calabro explained over email to 社区黑料.

Unlike Pe帽a-DaRosa, who has at times felt reticent sharing her thoughts in the face of the group鈥檚 whiteness, other committee members of color said they do feel comfortable speaking out.

鈥淲hen I speak up at the committee, I feel like they do listen,鈥 said Crystal Swepson, who is Black and taught elementary school for years in Providence before this year transferring to the city鈥檚 virtual learning academy. She said that during the committee鈥檚 Zoom meetings, one teacher repeatedly messages the chat with reminders for white educators to leave space for members of color to speak.

To Swepson, the union is late to the racial justice party. She remembers that just a few years ago, they were not talking about anti-racist work. But she鈥檚 glad to see the birth of the new group. (鈥淵ou鈥檝e gotta start somewhere,鈥 she says.) While not ready to fully rely on the power structure, she鈥檚 placing a 鈥渃autious trust鈥 in the PTU as it hosts the Racial Justice Committee.

鈥淚t鈥檚 not this blind belief,鈥 she said. 鈥淵ou know, sleeping with one eye open.鈥

Initial successes

Despite misgivings with the union itself, the Racial Justice Committee has scored some key early wins, helping bolster its credibility.

As Providence reopened its schools in September, the committee, concerned for students鈥 safety and their own, staged a number of . Sundaresh, who was one of the organizers, felt like the committee鈥檚 justice-based message was resonating with the community.

鈥淚 would never have imagined six months ago last spring 鈥 that a group of teachers would be standing outside the Department of Education calling out through a megaphone how addressing the school reopening challenges required us to break down the systems of white supremacy,鈥 he said, meaning a failure to mitigate COVID鈥檚 risks could place historically marginalized groups like Providence鈥檚 nearly 24,000 students, 91 percent of whom are students of color and 84 percent from low-income families, in harm鈥檚 way.

鈥淚 would never have imagined those words being used. And being received. That was amazing.鈥

In September, members of the Providence Teachers Union rallied against school reopening outside the Rhode Island Department of Education building while the State Council on Elementary and Secondary Education met inside. (Barry Chin/The Boston Globe via Getty Images)

Again in October, the committee took action to help teachers recognize Indigenous People鈥檚 Day. Members created and distributed lesson plans to help teachers highlight Indigenous history before the holiday that traditionally honors Christopher Columbus.

Pe帽a-DaRosa incorporated the lessons into her Spanish class, reading her students a book about an Indigenous woman in the modern-day Dominican Republic.

She watched her students light up, bubbling with questions, especially when they examined a map of the Indigenous people of Central America. Some of her students spoke Quich茅, a native language from Guatemala, and started an impromptu mini-lesson.

鈥淚 could see that they felt proud of sharing some of their own stories. Because I was asking 鈥極h, how do you say this?鈥 and they were teaching me how to say certain words in Quich茅 translated into Spanish,鈥 said Pe帽a-DaRosa. 鈥淚 was learning from them.鈥

鈥楾he long game鈥

The Racial Justice Committee鈥檚 work mirrors that of many other union-based groups across the country following this summer鈥檚 massive protests. In Houston and Austin, teachers rallied against racial disparities in suspensions, Houston Federation of Teachers President Zeph Capo told 社区黑料. Members of many other unions in cities like Milwakee and Chigago organized for police-free schools.

Black Students Matter demonstrators march in Washington, D.C. as part of Juneteenth, a celebration to mark the end of slavery in the U.S. (Tom Williams/CQ-Roll Call, Inc via Getty Images)

Even having made some key changes, however, Providence teachers who are familiar with the ways of union organizing, say that their Racial Justice Committee has a long way to go before it can truly push the PTU in a new direction.

Anna Kuperman, who has worked in Providence schools for over two decades and is a member of the committee, said the district鈥檚 teachers union operates using a 鈥渂usiness union model,鈥 meaning they negotiate for salaries and benefits, but tend to shy away from community-related causes. That agenda, Kuperman said, contrasts with the 鈥渟ocial justice union鈥 model that some prominent urban unions, such as Chicago and Seattle, have adopted.

A lot of legwork goes into changing a union, says Kuperman, who is an anti-war organizer in her free time. In contrast to the PTU, the Boston Teachers Union, which recently held a for community members, has evolved over the years to bake social justice into its organizational DNA. Kuperman doesn鈥檛 believe that Providence is there yet.

鈥淭he Racial Justice Committee is a step in that direction,鈥 Kuperman said.

“I’m trying like hell as a middle-aged white dude who’s grown up with a certain amount of privilege … And I really believe in moving the organization鈥 鈥Jeremy Sencer, PTU vice president

Committee member Lindsay Paiva, who teaches in the district and works with a local racial justice organization on the side, agrees.

鈥淚t starts like this,鈥 she said. 鈥淚t starts with a core group that slowly builds grassroots and then gets folks in leadership.鈥

While the current union leadership in Providence has thus far touted the work of the Racial Justice Committee, some members wonder whether that support would continue if their work seemed to put PTU President Calabro鈥檚 position in jeopardy.

鈥淸Calabro] recognizes that things need to change,鈥 said Swepson. 鈥淚 wonder how close to her she鈥檚 willing to allow that change to happen.鈥

Union Vice President Jeremy Sencer insists that his support for the Racial Justice Committee is unconditional. If union members would like to see leadership change, he encourages them to run against him.

“I’m trying like hell as a middle-aged white dude who’s grown up with a certain amount of privilege… And I really believe in moving the organization,鈥 Sencer told 社区黑料. 鈥淚’m not looking for anything out of it.”

Paiva would cheer a new PTU executive team, but she also acknowledges that the union may still have a long way to go before leadership turnover 鈥 and that the changes will likely take time.

鈥淚t鈥檚 slow. This is the long game,鈥 she said. 鈥淭ackling white supremacy is a slow-ass game.鈥

A teaching force that reflects the city

The committee鈥檚 mission statement names diversification of the Providence teaching force as a key priority. So too does Providence鈥檚 , a report released in June detailing priorities for improving the district over the next half decade, which calls for an approximately 50 percent increase in teachers of color.

Providence parent Ramona Santos Torres, co-founder of Rhode Island-based advocacy group , believes that those changes are particularly urgent.

Fellow parents have told her countless stories of educators mistreating their children, she said. Her own daughter was once called 鈥渘asty鈥 by a teacher in the district. And in an interview she conducted as a member of the Johns Hopkins University team reviewing the Providence schools, a student told Santos Torres that their teacher had threatened them by saying a border patrol agent was going to pick them up.

Student organizations in Providence have been vocal in their criticism of teacher racism in the district. Members of the last year spoke to reporters at the Providence Journal about their own experiences of 鈥攆or one student, quips about her natural hair; for another, threats of calling police; for yet another, being told he deserves to be in jail for missing class. Another youth organization in the city authored a report on .

In the face of 2019 data showing high Black suspension rates in the district, outgoing former superintendent Chris Maher bluntly .

Racist teachers, Santos Torres believes, should not be allowed to stay in Providence.

鈥淭here are people in this district who should not be in schools,鈥 she said. 鈥淚 shouldn鈥檛 be afraid to talk about racist teachers because people are just going to get offended.鈥

To address staffing questions in the district, the Racial Justice Committee may well look first at the union itself, according to Brown University Professor of Education Emily Qazilbash, who researches teacher collective bargaining.

鈥淚t鈥檚 very appropriate that the Providence Teachers Union is focusing on racial justice,鈥 said Qazilbash. 鈥淏ut I do think that they need to really reflect on their role in the hiring processes that they鈥檝e bargained with the district.鈥

Because district officials are currently locked in contract negotiations with union leaders that have been at a since the previous agreement expired at the end of August, district officials are legally barred from speaking about any details of the contract.

鈥淲e hire a lot of educators of color. We don鈥檛 retain them.鈥 鈥Barbara Mullen, chief equity officer, Providence public schools

Qazilbash, however, explained that when teacher dismissal policies are based on seniority, as prescribed by union contracts throughout the country, normal student enrollment fluctuations can make retention of new teachers of color difficult.

鈥淚f there鈥檚 some fantastic鈥 teacher of color that you鈥檝e been so excited to hire, but you have to reduce your teaching force by one, you could lose that person, and they鈥檙e just gone,鈥 she explained.

Barbara Mullen, Providence public schools chief equity and diversity officer. (Providence Public School District)

Barbara Mullen, the chief equity officer in Providence public schools, agrees that retention is the crux of the issue when it comes to changing the Providence teaching force.

鈥淲e hire a lot of educators of color,鈥 she told 社区黑料. 鈥淲e don鈥檛 retain them.鈥

Just two decades ago, around the time Mullen says many of Providence鈥檚 current teaching force began their careers, Providence was a different city. Between 2000 and 2015, Latino students went from . At the same time, white student enrollment fell by almost half, from 18 percent to under 10 percent. It鈥檚 time the teaching force caught up to those numbers, said Mullen.

鈥淭he district needs to be reflective of where we are as a community, not where we were.鈥

鈥榊ou can鈥檛 just say the words鈥

But even while diversifying the teaching force in Providence is a key priority, many of the educators of color that 社区黑料 spoke to believe there is a place for white people in anti-racist work in the district.

鈥淚t doesn鈥檛 bother me that the Racial Justice Committee is mostly white people,鈥 said Swepson. 鈥淚t makes me actually feel good that they鈥檙e looking at themselves because they鈥檙e the ones who are creating the system.鈥

Karla Vigil, a Providence native and former teacher, now runs the Rhode Island-based , which the union has contracted with to conduct a series of trainings for members of the Racial Justice Committee. As they have moved through the training on systemic racism and its links to education, she鈥檚 seen the concepts click for many educators.

鈥淢any of the teachers, especially white teachers, were shocked. They were surprised. They had no idea,鈥 she told 社区黑料.

And though Vigil was hesitant to work with the committee, given the union鈥檚 track record in the district, she鈥檚 been pleasantly surprised by how the sessions have gone.

鈥淚t鈥檚 been great,鈥 she said. 鈥淚t鈥檚 been actually really great.鈥

The only missing piece to their sessions has been the conspicuous absence of one key individual: the PTU president. Calabro hasn鈥檛 attended any of the Equity Institute training sessions, though she informed 社区黑料 that she has missed the meetings due to conflicting union commitments. Still, the president’s absence doesn’t sit right with Vigil, who believes union leadership should be learning and growing alongside its members.

鈥淚 think she should be in the sessions with her teachers, but she鈥檚 not,鈥 she said. 鈥淚f you are saying the words, you have to do the work. You can鈥檛 just say the words.鈥

https://twitter.com/Renny920/status/1268975229042393088

Paiva, a white educator herself, has a similar mantra.

鈥淭here鈥檚 this balance鈥 to strike between deferring to folks of color while not overburdening folks of color,鈥 she said. 鈥淚 try to sign up for work that will support but not control the message.鈥

鈥淒o the unsexy work,鈥 Paiva says.

Community 鈥榓t the center of everything鈥

As Paiva, Sundaresh, Swepson, and their colleagues work to transform the PTU, it seems that their union may need the support of Providence families just as much as those families need the support of the union. According to Kuperman, the failure to build ties with community members directly harms teachers in the district.

鈥淵ou don鈥檛 get a good contract if parents hate you,鈥 she explained bluntly. 鈥淎nd parents are gonna hate you if you鈥檙e not standing up for the [issues] that matter to them.鈥

鈥淚f we were to go on strike tomorrow, if we don鈥檛 have parental support and we don鈥檛 have the public on our side, that鈥檚 not going to look good,鈥 agreed Paiva.

To win community support, Santos Torres has a message for the Racial Justice Committee, and for the union at large.

鈥淧ut the students and the families at the center of everything,鈥 she says.

Pe帽a-DaRosa, who harbors strong opinions despite her hesitancy sometimes to speak out during Racial Justice Committee meetings, agrees.

鈥淯s teachers can鈥檛 do it alone,鈥 she said. 鈥淲e really need to bring the community in, because that鈥檚 who we serve.鈥


Lead Image:聽A mural painted in June by Providence artist @naturalsnatural memorializes George Floyd and Breonna Taylor. It faces two of the city鈥檚 high schools, Classical and Central, and stands next door to the school district鈥檚 main office. (@naturalsnaturals via Instagram)

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Schools in Providence Are Poised for a State Takeover. Can the District鈥檚 Decade-Old Student Union Seize the Moment? /article/schools-in-providence-are-poised-for-a-state-takeover-can-the-districts-decade-old-student-union-seize-the-moment/ Tue, 10 Sep 2019 20:24:26 +0000 /?post_type=article&p=544333 Updated

The moment for transformational change in Providence schools has arrived. Now the question is whether the Providence Student Union can seize it.

The small group, currently numbering roughly 50 members across a handful of high schools in Rhode Island鈥檚 capital, stands ready to capitalize on the state鈥檚 sudden willingness to consider drastic reforms. Education Commissioner Ang茅lica Infante-Green to take over Providence Public Schools, the largest district in the state, following decades of academic underperformance. At the same time, a high-profile lawsuit pending in federal court, which names several union members as plaintiffs, could determine whether students have a constitutional right to an education.

The takeover order, already and awaiting final authorization by Sept. 13, was triggered by the release of a devastating report on the district from researchers at Johns Hopkins University. The 93-page study cited chronically unsafe school buildings and a burdensome teachers contract as major obstacles to student learning, finding that only tiny fractions of Providence students test proficient in either math or English. At an emotional press conference, Gov. Gina Raimondo and Mayor Jorge Elorza vowed to take whatever steps necessary to address the dysfunction.

Since that moment, the PSU has taken the opportunity to make its message heard. The concept of a student union 鈥 a nonprofit group devoted to representing the interests of young people enrolled in K-12 schools 鈥 is still unfamiliar to many, and no wonder: The model has been attempted in only a tiny number of cities. But students have now organized in Providence for nearly a decade, achieving successes that belie the group’s small numbers and youthful membership.

Members of the PSU have emerged as potent critics of the status quo in both local and national settings. At in July, one student organizer upbraided adult leaders for heeding the message of an expert report after years spent ignoring the complaints of students and families. And the very same day the Johns Hopkins assessment was released, union members Aleita Cook and Ahmed Sesay were interviewed on The Daily Show about their efforts to sue the state.

Kei Kawashima-Ginsberg leads the Center for Information and Research on Civic Learning and Engagement (CIRCLE), a research body at Tufts University that measures political participation among young people. She noted PSU鈥檚 media prowess 鈥 their date with Comedy Central followed a media blitz last fall that included interviews with and 鈥 and said she was impressed by their commitment to a set of ideals and priorities that have been codified in a .

鈥淭hey were ready to go,鈥 she said. 鈥淵ou can鈥檛 just do that in a month, become a competent messenger. They had to really buy into that framework of students鈥 rights. It鈥檚 a principle.鈥

The unity of both principles and compelling public relations is the result of nearly a decade of spadework. Along the way, PSU has won some important battles with city officials and earned a reputation for dogged tactics. It has followed the classic community organizing blueprint of effecting change from the outside in, cultivating its own funders and often taking an adversarial posture toward local education authorities.

According to Ahmed Sesay, a recent graduate who still pitches in at PSU as a youth organizer, the union also offered him an uncommon opportunity to truly influence decisions at his school.

鈥淚 was freshman class president, and then I was a class secretary 鈥 that wasn鈥檛 really a position 鈥 but student government just organized parties,鈥 he said in an interview. 鈥淭hey weren鈥檛 organizing students to make any change in the school, like the old, rickety building. PSU was a blessing, because it鈥檚 one of the only actual organizations for students around the country.鈥

A 鈥榩layer鈥 in school affairs

Indeed, there are only a few comparable entities to PSU, the most prominent based in much larger cities. The oldest, the Philadelphia Student Union, formed in 1995 to protest underfunding of the troubled district, which itself would soon be taken over by the state. Similar organizations in Chicago and Newark as a reaction against the common hallmarks of urban education reform, such as school closures and high-stakes standardized testing.

much more modestly, as an ad hoc group at Hope High School on the city鈥檚 East Side. First convened in early 2010 under the name Hope United, a handful of students gathered in opposition to the school鈥檚 move away from a popular block schedule that allowed for 90-minute seminars and opportunities to enroll in electives. The leaders a 400-student walkout to protest the change, and they even filed a lawsuit to revert back to the old schedule.

Hope United was coordinated by two adults who were barely older than the student participants themselves: Aaron Regunberg and Zack Mezera, a pair of politically minded undergraduates from Brown University鈥檚 Swearer Center for Public Service. As part of the center鈥檚 Winter Breaks Providence program, the two young men spent several weeks studying urban education at Hope High, and they soon found themselves helping to launch the fledgling group. Mezera now serves as the PSU鈥檚 executive director, following a stint by Regunberg in that role.

Mezera draws a distinction between PSU and its Philadelphia antecedent, which operates in a district enrolling more than 200,000 students. Providence provides a more intimate staging ground, he says, allowing a union to spread faster and act more decisively over a smaller number of schools.

鈥淚 might be biased, but I do think there鈥檚 something about the size and scale here that is special,鈥 he said. 鈥淚t鈥檚 small enough that it鈥檚 achievable but large enough that it matters, and it can be a national pilot.鈥

That doesn鈥檛 mean that every union action has been a triumph. Mezera characterizes the group鈥檚 initial mobilization as a 鈥淧yrrhic victory鈥; though the Rhode Island Supreme Court ultimately sided with students in their campaign to restore the block schedule, budget cuts eventually hollowed out what had made the system unique.

Still, over the next nine years, the organization has seen steady growth. Though participation varies from year to year 鈥 one hurdle is the fact that the most committed members take turns as union delegates and then leave for college 鈥 there are now PSU chapters in six Providence high schools. Throughout that phase of expansion, they鈥檝e also won a few major concessions from the city鈥檚 educational leaders.

In a campaign that dwarfed the hubbub over Hope High鈥檚 class schedule, to complete a three-mile walk to the city鈥檚 Classical High School in the February cold. The demonstration was a protest against a city policy that provided free bus passes only to students whose commute to school was greater than three miles. With nearly 2,000 Providence high schoolers residing between two and three miles from their schools, many were forced to make dingy, early-morning treks to get to class on time.

The effort, waged cannily during the 2014 Democratic primary season, drew the participation of myriad public officials, including candidates for both mayor and governor. But while it was a shrewd spectacle, the epic walk wasn鈥檛 quite enough: Buffeted by a significant deficit, the newly elected Mayor Elorza had to make tough budgetary decisions on which programs to cut during his first months in office. To finally drive the point home, PSU members to City Hall, dogging the mayor with exhortations to 鈥淜eep Your Promise.鈥

A few months later, Elorza that the city would lower the eligibility requirement for a bus pass to a commuting distance of two miles, allocating nearly $700,000 to providing transit assistance to students who had previously received none.

Other fights have followed the same defiant playbook. PSU members worked furiously against the requirement that students pass a standardized test in order to graduate from high school, coaxing and parading through the streets to protest the grim reality of life without a diploma. When the requirement was , and later , the change was received with jubilation by PSU and its allies (though , and still do, that moving away from high-stakes testing set back the state鈥檚 reform efforts).

And even now, while the district faces the imminent prospect of a disruptive takeover, the group is making an aggressive push to remove school resource officers from school buildings, aiming to replace them with mental health counselors.

Part of PSU鈥檚 growing influence can be credited to its politically precocious co-founders. Mezera still helps guide the day-to-day operations of the group, but Regunberg left in 2014 to run a successful campaign for a state legislative seat. After serving two terms in office, of defeating incumbent Lieutenant Governor Dan McKee in the 2018 Democratic primary.

 

Until August, Regunberg served as聽聽to Mayor Elorza; after helming several successful local campaigns and nearly being elected to statewide office before the age of 30, he has earned a reputation as one of the sharpest political minds in the state. Tim Duffy, the head of the Rhode Island Association of School Committees, said that his presence in Elorza鈥檚 office was a mark of PSU鈥檚 clout.

鈥淐learly, they have an avenue to the chief executive,鈥 he said. 鈥淭he mayor is really the straw that stirs the drink, because he selects the members of the Providence School Board.”

He added that Regunberg’s just-completed tenure “is no small testament to their advocating and their ability to influence policymakers. So I think they鈥檝e done a good job in that regard.鈥

Dan McGowan, a longtime observer of Providence schools as a reporter at WPRI and the Boston Globe, said he had been surprised at how fast the group emerged as a meaningful local force.

鈥淭hey鈥檙e a player,鈥 he said. 鈥淲hen they鈥檙e making decisions, normal politicians or bureaucrats are usually thinking, 鈥榃hat鈥檚 my community going to say? What are the teachers unions going to say? What are the politicians going to say?鈥 And if you think about a relatively small group of students, that would not normally be a big part of that discussion.鈥

An uphill climb

For Sesay, three years of participation at PSU has meant more than political maneuvering or incremental wins. As a first-generation American who feels enormous pressure to succeed, he said he has found in the group a release valve for stress, as well as a foundation for strong friendships. Even after graduating from Classical High School in June, he is still working on the union鈥檚 campaign to replace cops with counselors.

鈥淏uilding PSU and having the ability to contribute as a student has been everything,鈥 he said. 鈥淎ll the people I鈥檝e worked with at PSU have been like a family to me. They鈥檝e relied on me, and I鈥檝e been able to rely on them. That needs to be more common. Every day I have an interaction that really changes my view of the world.鈥

Ahmed Sesay, a recent high school graduate, still pitches in as a youth organizer with the Providence Student Union. (Ahmed Sesay)

He calls the meticulous, day-to-day work of expanding PSU鈥檚 network 鈥渞elational organizing.鈥 You bring previously unengaged peers into an afterschool meeting (free food is a big draw, he says); you draw out their concerns; and you work to fix them. Anyone can do it, he says, but the strategy doesn鈥檛 offer any shortcuts to success.

To take one example, Ahmed has diligently worked to publicize the lack of racial diversity in the Providence teaching ranks (according to one report, 91 percent of the city鈥檚 students are nonwhite, while only 23 percent of instructors are), recently sitting with the Providence Journal to highlight the indignity of so rarely encountering educators whose backgrounds resemble his own. It鈥檚 a problem also highlighted in Johns Hopkins鈥檚 damning report on the district, which noted that a number of parents and community members had complained of 鈥渕inimal鈥 teacher diversity.

Ahmed anticipates that the campaign to diversify the workforce will be a long one; the district鈥檚 student teachers mostly come from largely white schools like Brown and Providence College, he noted, and it takes time to push adolescents toward action.

鈥淭o ask for something that big is difficult, and that鈥檚 why our campaigns move slowly 鈥 we ask for things that are a bit radical [compared with] the way things are,鈥 he said. 鈥淩ight now we鈥檙e trying to activate students to start thinking about these things. And it shouldn鈥檛 be radical to want to be taught by somebody that looks like your parents, somebody that might be able to understand your struggle, or somebody that lives in your city. We鈥檝e got to get students thinking about these things.鈥

The work of advocacy is unlikely to get any easier, whatever notoriety PSU has earned for the moment. The group鈥檚 lawsuit, alleging that they have been denied civic education necessary to the exercise of their rights, earned them their biggest headlines to date when it was filed last fall. Their attorney, Michael Rebell, is one of the most experienced education lawyers in the nation, and the case could conceivably lead to American students gaining a constitutional right to a civic education.

But legal observers note that the plaintiffs face For the past few decades, American judges have looked skeptically on efforts to expand federal rights around education, and any attempt to establish a sweeping new precedent would run afoul of the reliably conservative Supreme Court.

Closer to home, PSU鈥檚 voice will hardly be the loudest in the room as Providence approaches a state takeover. Commissioner Infante-Green that she will consider breaking the district鈥檚 contract with teachers, which includes stringent due process and seniority protections that have been blamed for the ongoing presence of underperforming teachers. Though the teachers union has refrained thus far from protesting against the idea of a takeover, losing collectively bargained perks could activate it as an organizing force that would make the PSU look puny by comparison.

Some observers have wondered whether the two unions could be on a collision course. In the debate over replacing student resource officers with school counselors, some Providence teachers believe that ceding to the students鈥 demands could make schools less safe. In an interview, Providence Teachers Union President Maribeth Calabro voiced admiration for the PSU鈥檚 past campaigns, praising particularly their mobilization around the issue of bus passes. But while she indicated support for efforts to make classrooms 鈥渓ess prison-like,鈥 Calabro said she believed there was room for a police presence to exist in schools alongside more guidance counselors and mental health workers.

鈥溾楥ounselors Not Cops鈥 is not necessarily something that I don鈥檛 support,鈥 she said. 鈥淚t鈥檚 something we have a disagreement on, because I don鈥檛 see it as fundamentally one thing or the other. I think it can be both, and I don鈥檛 know that PSU feels that way. That could be something we have a conversation about.鈥

CIRCLE鈥檚 Kawashima-Ginsberg added that the student union鈥檚 willingness to confront adult leadership was valuable but had its limits as an organizing strategy.

鈥淭he model of 鈥榃e have demands, and we鈥檙e going to push in鈥 is a really important tactic,鈥 she said. 鈥淏ut it is going to run into inherent conflict with another group that has very different stakeholders, who are teachers with families who want to protect their jobs. I think when it comes down to student union versus teachers union 鈥 because of the difference in size and funding, and other reasons as well 鈥 it鈥檚 going to be difficult. It鈥檚 a question of how they navigate that conflict … because there鈥檚 going to be an effort to push them back.鈥

Still, the Globe鈥檚 McGowan said that the state of flux around Providence schools presents an opportunity for the PSU to advance its goals in one form or another. With uncertainty in the air, a forceful push from students could leverage their political influence into a meaningful win.

鈥淭here will be a moment when the teachers union doesn鈥檛 like every decision that gets made. There will be a moment when the mayor doesn鈥檛 like a decision that gets made. And there will certainly be a moment when the public 鈥 parents, community groups, nonprofits 鈥 don鈥檛 like decisions that get made. I think the student union could jump onto an issue that鈥檚 dear to their hearts, and probably could secure a victory.鈥

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