Ethan Brignac, a transgender student at Wylie East High School, has been 鈥淓than鈥� since seventh grade 鈥� to his friends, family and teachers. When he reached high school, his dad further validated his chosen name by requesting 鈥淓than鈥� be used in school records, including in his email, class rosters and ID, which his teachers honored until this fall.

Three weeks after Brignac started his senior year, Wylie East administrators called him to the library and gave him a new ID. On it, in white capital letters, was a name he hadn鈥檛 been called in five years.

鈥淚n the first week of school, when I was kind of trying to convince my teachers to call me Ethan, I was like, 鈥楬ey, look, it’s still on my ID,鈥欌�� said Brignac, who did not want The Texas Tribune to publish his birth name because it causes him discomfort. 鈥淭hen one of my teachers this year said, 鈥極kay, they’re gonna fix that soon.鈥欌��

Now, he said, some teachers seem to wedge his legal name into every interaction, outing him to peers and resurrecting the dread he felt before school records reflected his chosen name.

鈥淚t was definitely a big change having my deadname kind of sprawled everywhere,鈥� Brignac said, referring to a derogatory practice of calling a trans person by their birth name. 鈥淚t was like, wow, okay, that wasn’t just a social media post I saw, this is real life.鈥�

A Wylie spokesperson said the move was 鈥渢o ensure full compliance with state law, including Senate Bill 12.鈥�

A sweeping piece of legislation that went into effect Sept. 1, bars public school employees from socially transitioning a student, which it defines as helping to change a student鈥檚 sex assigned at birth by using a different name, pronoun or other practice that denies the birth sex. Dubbed the 鈥淧arents鈥� Bill of Rights,鈥� the law allows guardians to report school-supported social transitioning to the school board, among other powers.

The law also prohibits K-12 faculty from referencing LGBTQ+ identities in class instruction and casual conversations, and it bans school-sanctioned clubs that center sexual orientation or gender identity.

Several transgender students at Texas schools that enforce birth names told the Tribune the new policies have transformed school from a place of support to one that rejects who they are. Considered a derogatory practice in the LGBTQ+ community, dead-naming undermines the wishes of trans people and in some cases, forcibly reveals their trans identity, which can cause or worsen mental health problems among these children, studies have found.

Some parents of trans Texas students say they are frustrated because the law appears to ignore their rights for those of other guardians. A few of these parents joined advocacy and teacher groups to file a lawsuit against SB 12 in August, seeking to pause districts from enforcing the law while the case proceeds.

Parents who support SB 12 say the law boosts their role in their children鈥檚 education. Many of them want to erase LGBTQ+ topics from K-12 schools, saying they prompt children to question their identities or that schools force progressive views onto their kids.

鈥淲e live in an insane world where a school board has to remind teachers that they cannot tell children, you know, suggest to kids they might be homosexual or they might be actually a girl if they’re a biological male,鈥� said Jeffrey Keech, whose children go to Wylie schools. 鈥淚t’s unbelievable to me that this even is an issue.鈥�

The Tribune contacted two dozen districts across the state, including districts in the Austin, Houston and San Antonio areas, and spoke with a dozen teachers, parents and transgender students about how schools are implementing SB 12, finding that administrators are taking varied approaches. This is because the law leaves the Texas Education Agency and school districts to decide how to implement it, said Rachel Moran, a law professor at Texas A&M University who directs the education law program.

Some Texas school districts and boards, like Wylie, have adopted policies to ban teachers from aiding in social transitioning, but many have not yet 鈥斅燼nd are still allowing teachers to honor students鈥� preferred names and pronouns.

TEA would not respond to questions about how school districts are implementing SB 12, how many districts have complied with the law or deadlines for doing so.

Moran said schools might adopt hard-line policies to shield themselves from retribution.

鈥淭his is true with any broad mandate 鈥� some are going to be overcomplying,鈥� she said. 鈥淚t has a real chilling effect. They’re afraid to get anywhere close to a perceived line.鈥�

Teachers told the Tribune the law leaves them anxious and confused because they are unsure when they can use nicknames or how they should respond to parents who request their children鈥檚 preferred names and pronouns be used. They lament that they won鈥檛 be able to support students who come out as queer. School district officials also worry how the policies will interfere with federal and district rules and daily affairs.

Now, Texas public school students sit in the crosshairs of debates over free speech, race, religion and gender and sexuality in school.

SB 12 is part of a slate of laws that increase oversight of K-12 schools, including new rules that mandate the Ten Commandments in classrooms and clear the way for book bans. In federal and state governments and now school board meetings, disagreements have escalated from 鈥淚 don鈥檛 think that you have the right idea,鈥� to 鈥淚 don鈥檛 think you鈥檙e the right kind of person,鈥� Moran said.

Once a place to hear diverse perspectives, she worries schools will leave children unable to tolerate different views.

鈥淭he stakes are not just whether I win or lose this particular culture war,鈥� Moran said. 鈥淚t’s whether I preserve a tradition that has been so formative of our democracy.鈥�

School policies vary

In addition to the ban on social transitioning, SB 12 prohibits hiring, training, programs and activities centered on race, ethnicity, gender identity and sexual orientation 鈥� referenced in the law as diversity, equity and inclusion, or DEI, initiatives.

It also requires schools to tell parents their rights, such as allowing them access to school records and course content, and requiring that they give permission for their child to receive health care, hear lessons about sexuality and join clubs.

Among parts of the bill that confuse teachers and administrators is how to respond when parents ask that schools use their child鈥檚 preferred name and pronouns or what to call students who have already transitioned.

More than two months after the deadline to comply with SB 12, districts are implementing the bill differently.

Conner Carlow, a former registrar who now works as a classroom support specialist in the Leander school district, said faculty can continue to call students by their preferred name if that was done prior to SB 12 going into effect. However, faculty cannot use new names or new pronouns moving forward, and administrators must approve fresh changes on a case-by-case basis through a form parents submit. These updates are only allowed if they appear unrelated to social transitioning, he said.

The name change form is the only written directive Carlow has gotten regarding SB 12. Leander spokesperson Crestina Hardie would not say how the school district is handling name changes because the board has no policy about it. Hardie said the school district is waiting to enact new rules while it reviews the law and gets clarification from TEA and the district鈥檚 legal counsel.

鈥淪B 12 deeply impacts personal and highly complex areas of school life, and the biggest challenge for districts statewide is the lack of clarity and consistency in how these laws intersect with existing Board policy, federal protections and day-to-day school operations,鈥� Hardie said.

The and school districts adopted policies that ban DEI practices and prohibit social transitioning or providing information about it.

and school districts have posted parental rights resolutions, but nothing on social transitioning.

linked SB 12 on its website, but it is unclear how the district will implement the law, including gender-affirming names and pronouns.

Wylie distributed a advising employees to use the names and pronouns in school records and barring them from discussing race, color, ethnicity, gender identity and sexual orientation.

Although officials disagreed with parts of the law, Houston-based DRAW Academy rolled out the new rules. The 98% Hispanic charter district issued parental notices and consent forms, banned DEI and limited instruction about sexual orientation and gender identity, according to superintendent and CEO Patricia Beistegui.

鈥淒RAW Academy stands for Diversity, Roots, and Wings, founded under the core belief that diversity and inclusivity is a strength in our democracy,鈥� Beistegui said in an email. She said SB 12 is designed to make positive changes but actually revokes protections.

SB 12 and the way schools are implementing it forces teachers to blindly try to follow the law, said Charlotte Wilson, a Garland ISD special education teacher.

鈥淚t’s not clear to teachers what we can say or even do,鈥� Wilson said, referencing instruction about race and LGBT topics. 鈥淭eachers are afraid because we don’t want to lose our certifications.鈥�

Wilson wants a say in her children鈥檚 learning, but she thinks the law might lead teachers to skip lessons that touch on prohibited themes, undermining students鈥� quality of education.

鈥淲e already highlight different cultural historical events throughout the year, like MLK Day, Hispanic Heritage Month, women’s history,鈥� Wilson said. 鈥淚f we approach Pride Month the same way, as part of America鈥檚 inclusion, and communicate about what’s being taught, that shouldn’t violate anyone’s rights.鈥�

Carlow said Leander鈥檚 bar on LGBTQ+ topics makes it hard to support his students. He remembers grappling with his sexuality as a middle schooler and how hard that was.

鈥淚 wasn’t telling my parents what was going on, so I imagine these kids aren’t either,鈥� Carlow said. 鈥淭he fact they鈥檙e willing to tell us before even the parents is a big deal, and now the fact that we have to just not accept them, I mean, it’s awful.鈥�

鈥淐alled something I’m not鈥�

The varied approaches to SB 12 means transgender students across Texas are experiencing different levels of alienation.

Pride flags fly and teachers use gender-affirming pronouns at Alief Early College High School, said Marshall Romero, a transgender third-year. The only change he noticed was a permission slip to join the speech and debate club.

An Alief spokesperson said the district also sent parents an opt-in and opt-out form for school health services.

Romero said the school remains largely supportive of LGTBQ+ students.

鈥淚 never had to worry about the teacher or any instructor telling me, like, 鈥楬ey, I can’t call you that, or I’m not going to call you that,鈥欌�� Romero said. 鈥淏eing able to be called by a name that reflects who I am, being called by certain pronouns, just really gives me a quality of life that I feel like I can hold on and is worth living.鈥�

Cassie Hilborn, a Woodlands High School junior, yearns to be called her gender-affirming name at school. One of Hilborn鈥檚 earliest memories is looking in the mirror and wishing she was a girl. During the pandemic, she watched a YouTube video explaining what it meant to be transgender and finally understood why she felt misaligned with her body.

But the past year鈥檚 onslaught of transgender-focused federal and state policies stripped her confidence and dashed her plan to wear feminine clothes and ask her teachers to use her chosen name.

鈥淚t feels like every day I look at the news and then the headline just reads, 鈥楽orry, more things you’ve lost,鈥欌�� Hilborn said.

The Conroe school board, which governs Woodlands High School, was among the first in Texas to bar teachers from using gender-affirming names and pronouns.

At the school Dungeons & Dragons club, Hilborn鈥檚 peers and faculty adviser call her 鈥淐assie,鈥� but everyone else uses the legal name on her ID, which she hides under blue masking tape. She wants her classmates and teachers to know she鈥檚 transgender, but laws like SB 12 have discouraged her from coming out.

鈥淣ow, even teachers that might have respected my identity have been told that they unequivocally are not allowed to do so,鈥� Hilborn said.

Once school records reflected Brignac鈥檚 preferred name, his grades climbed. He became president of the National Art Honor Society and founded an art mentorship program. He raised his hand so often that one teacher joked about it.

His stepmom Shannon Keene worries that being misgendered at school will thrust him back into isolation, like she saw before he entered high school.

This year鈥檚 reversal 鈥渕ade him feel rejected as a human being,鈥� she said.

Having socially transitioned in seventh grade when he cut his hair and asked to go by Ethan, Brignac鈥檚 peers have been confused to hear his feminine name now used.

He鈥檚 reminded every day that his state and school deny his identity. 鈥淚t’s rough being called something I’m not,鈥� said Brignac, who now avoids talking in class.

Queer young people disproportionate rates of depression and mental illness. But a of 129 transgender and gender nonconforming students found that having their identities affirmed decreases symptoms of severe depression. Being called preferred names and pronouns is correlated with a drop in suicidal thoughts by 29% and suicidal behavior by 56%, according to the study published in the Journal of Adolescent Health in 2018.

Refusing to use preferred names tells transgender and nonbinary students they鈥檙e unworthy of respect, said Johnathan Gooch of Equality Texas, a nonprofit that advocates for LGBTQ equality.

鈥淚t鈥檚 as if someone else picked a nickname for you that you didn’t want, a malicious nickname, that they repeatedly use despite the fact they know what you prefer to be called,鈥� Gooch said.

Parental rights for all?

Some parents who support expelling discussions about queer identities from schools say SB 12 protects children from viewpoints that might spur them to question who they are.

Around three years ago, after Kevin Brooks鈥� then-middle school daughter returned from school in the Wylie district and said her friend used nonbinary pronouns, he responded: 鈥淪weetheart, don鈥檛 buy into that foolishness.鈥�

The army veteran thinks children are too young to learn about LGBTQ+ identities and that it confuses them to hear that gender and sexuality are spectrums, like some schools have taught.

鈥淲hy are you teaching these kids that are as young as 5 and 6 years old all this stuff that they don’t need to deal with?鈥� Brooks said. 鈥淚 told my son the other day, I wish you’d stay innocent till you鈥檙e 35 years old, because the stuff that’s going on in the world right now absolutely just, it not only mortifies me, it terrifies me. It just really pisses me off.鈥�

Brooks hasn鈥檛 heard of teachers at Wylie discussing LGBTQ+ identities, but he鈥檚 terrified to imagine them pledging allegiance to a rainbow flag, which happened in a California classroom in 2021.

In May, Don Zimmerman participated in a protest against a transgender teacher at Cedar Ridge High School in the Round Rock district, where he lives and previously ran for the school board.

Students and at least one faculty member stood across the street with posters saying, 鈥淵鈥檃ll means all.鈥� To Zimmerman, the faculty member鈥檚 presence is proof of schools 鈥渃oaching children and encouraging them to embrace and publicly protest in favor of this transgender extremism.鈥�

鈥淭he school is so hell bent on this agenda of promoting transgenderism and the LGBT lifestyle, 鈥nd the parents feel so powerless at stopping the public schools agenda that they go to the Legislature and get these laws passed,鈥� said Zimmerman, who sent his third grader to private school to shield him from LGBTQ+-themed lessons.

Parents of transgender students say new policies complying with the so-called 鈥減arents鈥� bill of rights鈥� are a slap in their face. Keene, Brignac鈥檚 stepmom, said policies against using gender-affirming names and pronouns pander to conservative views and hurt gender-queer children, who are of youths ages 13-17 in the U.S.

Brignac鈥檚 biological mom told the Tribune she is now seeking to change her son鈥檚 legal name so he hears Ethan when he graduates.

鈥淚 fail to see the correlation between a parent asking that their child be called by their preferred name and pronouns and providing direct instruction on gender identity,鈥� Keene said. 鈥淚t鈥檚 about control, not about rights. And it鈥檚 also just blatant disregard for a person鈥檚 sense of self. And to do that to kids is unconscionable.鈥�

This first appeared on .

The Trump administration demanded that New York City scrap policies designed to protect transgender students by Tuesday evening or it will discontinue millions in grant funding earmarked for magnet schools.

That would affect about $15 million city officials were expecting from the federal government next fiscal year, which the city has used to support . City officials say they expected $36 million for the remaining duration of the grants. Federal officials said they would not revoke funds that have already been distributed.

If the city doesn鈥檛 change its policies regarding transgender students, 鈥渢he Department鈥檚 Office for Civil Rights cannot certify they are in compliance with all civil rights laws, and therefore cannot award the magnet school assistance program funding for the next fiscal year,鈥� U.S. Department of Education spokesperson Madison Biedermann wrote in a statement Tuesday morning.

On Sept. 16, federal education officials that they were 鈥渄eeply concerned鈥� with policies allowing transgender students to participate in sports and use bathrooms and other facilities in accordance with their gender identity.

On Friday, city officials requested 30 days to consider whether to appeal the Trump administration鈥檚 decision to withhold the grant funding, though federal officials appear to have rejected that request in favor of a Tuesday evening deadline. Biedermann said the tight timeline was because the federal government must certify compliance with civil rights laws before the end of the fiscal year on Sept. 30.

The move represents one of the first known threats from the federal government to withhold funding from New York City鈥檚 Education Department in line with its contested interpretation of federal civil rights laws. The Trump administration has mounted an aggressive push to roll back protections for transgender students and has targeted districts in , , and .

Mayor Eric Adams in line with the Trump administration鈥檚 wishes. His comments appear to have opened an unusual rift with schools Chancellor Melissa Aviles-Ramos, who recently said the current rules are consistent with the city鈥檚 values.

Craig Trainor, the U.S. Department of Education鈥檚 acting assistant secretary for civil rights, asserted in the Sept. 16 letter that the city鈥檚 policies violate Title IX, which prohibits sex discrimination at education institutions that receive federal funding. The letter singled out the magnet school grant program and was sent to at least three school districts, .

Shortly thereafter, Adams in public appearances and interviews, drawing strong rebukes from state education officials and civil rights groups who noted that state law and city guidelines forbid denying access to facilities based on a person鈥檚 gender identity.

Liz Vladeck, the city Education Department鈥檚 top lawyer, requested a month to consider challenging the Trump administration鈥檚 move holding up the grant funding.

In a , she asked the federal Education Department to 鈥減lease explain the nexus between your interpretation of Title IX and the [magnet school] grant funding that is being discontinued.鈥� The letter also asserts that the move 鈥渄eprived the NYCDOE of the procedures and due process required by federal regulations.鈥�

Adams has denied that the funding threat motivated his recent comments about bathroom policies and acknowledged he has little power to directly change them because they are enshrined in state law. But he has held to his position.

鈥淚 don鈥檛 know what parent of a little girl would be comfortable with a boy walking into the shower where their baby is,鈥� he said in a Monday . 鈥淚鈥檓 just not going to support that.鈥�

A spokesperson for Adams did not respond to a question about what showers the mayor was referring to, or if there were any examples of the city鈥檚 policies for transgender students causing problems in schools.

The Trump administration has in a bid to get him out of the mayoral race to help former Gov. Andrew Cuomo defeat Zohran Mamdani, a Queens assemblyman and the current frontrunner. A City Hall spokesperson previously denied that Adams鈥� new interest in reconsidering the city鈥檚 policies was related to a potential job in the Trump administration.

Aviles-Ramos, the schools chancellor who was appointed by Adams, has suggested city policies would not change, a rare instance of the schools chief diverging from the mayor鈥檚 messaging.

鈥淭o date, you know, those policies remain in place, and we鈥檙e going to continue to uphold them as part of our values here in New York City Public Schools,鈥� Aviles-Ramos said during a .

City Hall and Education Department spokespeople denied there was any rift between the mayor and chancellor.

鈥淲ithholding funding that benefits all students 鈥� simply because of a specific policy we have no power to change 鈥� is unwarranted and wrong,鈥� Kayla Mamelak Altus, an Adams spokesperson, wrote in a statement.

鈥淲hile Mayor Adams may not agree with every rule or policy, we will always stand up to protect critical resources for our city鈥檚 1 million students. On this issue, the mayor and chancellor are fully aligned: we must follow the law, support our students鈥� identities, and keep them safe at all times.鈥�

City officials did not indicate how they plan to respond to the Trump administration鈥檚 latest demand that they change their policies by Tuesday evening.

Chalkbeat is a nonprofit news site covering educational change in public schools. This story was originally published by Chalkbeat. Sign up for their newsletters at .

Denver resident Leslie Williams鈥� daughter, who is transgender, turned 18 in December, something she had been looking forward to given the lessened restrictions on access to gender-affirming care for adults.

Williams and her family moved to Denver from Kentucky in 2023 so her daughter could access hormone replacement therapy, and they鈥檝e gone to Children鈥檚 Hospital Colorado since she was 16 years old. She takes estrogen tablets and gets regular lab testing to ensure proper levels.

鈥淚t took a while for us to get in, but since then everything鈥檚 gone very smoothly,鈥� Williams said. 鈥淭he physicians have been wonderful. Everybody was wonderful. We had a really good experience there every time we鈥檝e been.鈥�

Williams said she received a message from the hospital this week notifying her they can no longer provide gender-affirming care to anyone under 19 years old.

鈥淪he鈥檚 really been struggling a lot lately,鈥� Williams said. 鈥淭he last two weeks have been really rough, and then getting the notification that her care is going to be possibly suspended or delayed has been a really big blow to her.鈥�

Colorado Newsline, confirming the message Williams received, that Children鈥檚 Hospital Colorado sent to staffers telling them that the hospital had stopped offering all gender-affirming medical treatment to patients 18 years old and younger.

President Donald Trump issued an on Jan. 28 that prohibits the federal government from funding gender-affirming care for anyone under 19 and threatens to pull other funding from any entity that offers such care. It also removes Medicare and Medicaid coverage for gender-affirming care, among other changes.

Gender-affirming care, endorsed by both the American Medical Association and the American Academy of Pediatrics, can range from non-medical interventions like haircuts and name changes to services like hormone therapy and surgery to support the patient鈥檚 gender identity.

Access to gender-affirming care has made a 鈥渂ig difference鈥� for her daughter鈥檚 self esteem and the way she perceives herself, Williams said. She said she鈥檚 scrambling now to find another solution since other clinics are also shutting down access for anyone under 19, and anyone that does offer care has long wait times.

鈥淚t鈥檚 just really sad to see,鈥� Williams said. 鈥淭rans kids already have to go through a lot and they already have higher than normal suicide rates, and so it鈥檚 just a really scary time for trans people.鈥�

Children鈥檚 Hospital Colorado said in a statement it will continue to provide 鈥渂ehavioral health and supportive care services once approved prescriptions for current patients expire.鈥� The hospital never offered gender-affirming surgical care to patients under 18.

鈥淟ike other hospitals across the country, we will continue to assess the rapidly evolving healthcare landscape,鈥� the hospital statement said. 鈥淲e care deeply about our gender-diverse patients and their families, and we will carefully and responsibly support them as we evolve the model of care we offer.鈥�

Colorado saw an increased need for service following the election. The Trevor Project, a crisis intervention organization for LGBTQ+ youth, on Nov. 6, the day after the election, than in the weeks prior. In 2023, the organization that 90% of LGBTQ+ youth felt that the current political environment negatively affects their well-being.

Broomfield resident Jessica Broadbent鈥檚 15-year-old son is transgender and has gone to Denver Health for gender-affirming care since he was 12. The first step in his transition was changing his name, a decision Broadbent said he came to all on his own.

鈥淭his has been all him making these decisions and me just kind of helping support him along the way and getting all the professional help that we can,鈥� Broadbent said. 鈥淚t鈥檚 been some time, and he鈥檚 made these decisions slowly, surely and with informed and professional input. So it鈥檚 really frustrating on all levels.鈥�

Her son started taking puberty blockers, and switched to weekly testosterone shots once he turned 14. He recently switched to a daily testosterone cream instead, because he has a fear of needles.

Broadbent said she鈥檚 scared for how her son will be affected should he lose access to his medications, as gender-affirming care has been 鈥渓ife changing鈥� for him. She has had 鈥渟ome very disheartening conversations鈥� with her son in recent weeks, and she鈥檚 worried more about the mental and emotional consequences than the physical effects if he loses access to his medication.

鈥淚t鈥檚 frustrating having my kid feeling like he has to suppress who he is, what he believes in, hide to be safe,鈥� Broadbent said.

Denver Health stopped providing some gender-affirming care this week, the reported. The health system said in a Jan. 30 that the Trump order 鈥渋ncludes criminal and financial consequences for those who do not comply鈥� and puts at risk its ability to participate in federal programs like Medicare and Medicaid, which represents 鈥渁 significant portion of Denver Health鈥檚 funding.鈥�

鈥淒enver Health is committed to and deeply concerned for the health and safety of our gender diverse patients under the age of 19 in light of the executive order regarding youth gender-affirming care,鈥� the statement says. 鈥淲e recognize this order will impact gender-diverse youth, including increased risk of depression, anxiety and suicidality.鈥�

Existing patients should continue with any scheduled appointments, and Denver Health will work privately with its patients to determine the best changes to their medical care, the statement said.

Shelby Wieman, a spokesperson for Colorado Gov. Jared Polis, a Democrat, said the governor wants to ensure 鈥渆very Coloradan can access the healthcare they need, no matter who they are or how they identify.鈥�

鈥淲e are continuing to evaluate Trump鈥檚 executive order, which blatantly attacks members of the LGBTQ community, to understand its impact in Colorado and how people can continue to get access to needed care,鈥� Wieman said in a statement.

Williams said she鈥檚 seen the governor talk about 鈥減rotecting trans kids and protecting trans folks in Colorado, and I don鈥檛 know how much they can really do when it鈥檚 federal funding that鈥檚 being cut.鈥� But she wants to see elected officials talk more about how they can actually make a difference.

UCHealth spokesperson Kelli Christensen said the system has only offered gender-affirming care to patients 18 and older, but after the executive order, it will only offer services to patients 19 and older. That includes gender-affirming surgeries as well as medical therapies listed in the executive order.

鈥淲e know these changes may be challenging, especially for 18-year-old patients previously approved for gender affirming care, and behavioral health services will be available to help support our patients as they navigate these changes,鈥� Christensen said in a statement.

A spokesperson for AdventHealth said it does not offer gender-affirming care to anyone under 18. HCA HealthONE hospitals also do not offer gender-affirming care. Spokesperson Stephanie Sullivan said its physicians would consult with patients, but they don鈥檛 offer any treatments.

鈥業t鈥檚 supposed to be safe鈥�

Broadbent said she plans to talk to her son鈥檚 doctor about getting a three-month supply of his medication before the end of the month. She is also looking for other providers that might be able to prescribe his testosterone cream without putting access to federal funding at risk.

鈥淚t鈥檚 kind of putting us all up against the wall,鈥� Broadbent said. 鈥淚 didn鈥檛 expect it so soon.鈥�

Being in Colorado where 鈥渋t鈥檚 supposed to be safe,鈥� Broadbent said she thought the state would be 鈥渟omewhat insulated,鈥� though not immune to pressure from the federal government. She and her family moved to Colorado from Florida eight years ago.

鈥淧art of the appeal of being here is the access to care. It鈥檚 part of why we paid more to live here,鈥� she said.

Broadbent and her husband are ready to pack up everything they have and leave the country if that鈥檚 ultimately what will be best for their children. But her son is a freshman in high school, and he wants to finish school, where he鈥檚 already established roots.

Colorado officials need to acknowledge what is happening and to work actively to protect their constituents, Broadbent said. She called the office of U.S. Rep. Diana DeGette鈥檚, a Denver Democrat, and the office shared information on efforts to fight the executive order, a conversation Broadbent said gave her 鈥渁 little bit of hope.鈥�

In a statement to Newsline, DeGette described the executive order as 鈥渃ruel鈥� and said it 鈥渋gnores the fact that this kind of care is supported by every major medical association.鈥� She said executive actions like the ones Trump has taken do not have the authority to override the U.S. Constitution, legal precedent, or federal statute.

鈥淭rump鈥檚 actions, which are not based on science or accepted medical practice, are demonizing an already vulnerable group of Americans and denying them the care they need to live as their true selves,鈥� DeGette said.

Colorado Attorney General Phil Weiser, a Democrat who is running for governor in 2026, joined a group of other attorneys general in Wednesday. An executive order from the president cannot make gender-affirming care illegal, because there is no federal law that does, Weiser said in a statement.

The statement said a U.S. Justice Department order last week stated that federal agencies cannot pause financial awards or obligations on the basis of an executive order, meaning 鈥渇ederal funding to institutions that provide gender-affirming care continues to be available, irrespective of the recent executive order.鈥�

鈥淎s state attorneys general, we stand firmly in support of health care policies that respect the dignity and rights of all people,鈥� the statement says. 鈥淗ealth care decisions should be made by patients, families, and doctors, not by politicians trying to use their power to restrict freedoms. Gender-affirming care is essential, life-saving medical treatment that supports individuals in living as their authentic selves.鈥�

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Colorado Newsline maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Quentin Young for questions: info@coloradonewsline.com.

The orders also call for using federal funding to revive an advisory commission Trump created in 2020 to promote patriotic instruction, and for restricting trans and gender-nonconforming students鈥� participation in sports and use of bathrooms that align with their gender identity.

The U.S. Department of Education is to emphasize school choice 鈥� described as universal K-12 scholarship programs 鈥� in making discretionary grants and to issue guidance to states about their use of federal funds. The secretaries of the Defense and Interior departments are to create plans to allow military families and those with children in Bureau of Indian Education schools to use federal funds to send their children to the schools of their choosing. And the Department of Health and Human Services is to issue guidance on how states that receive block grants for child care and other services for families and children can use those funds at private and religious institutions. 

Teachers unions were quick to call the school choice order an effort to illegally funnel federal dollars to private schools. 鈥淧resident Trump is using his Project 2025 playbook to privatize education because he knows vouchers have repeatedly been a failure in Congress,鈥� National Education Association President Becky Pringle said in a statement. 鈥淲hen voters have a say about vouchers, they have been soundly rejected 鈥� time and again 鈥� at the ballot box.鈥�

But Frederick Hess, director of education policy studies at the center-right American Enterprise Institute, says the main thing the order regarding private school choice does is signal what the Education Department will emphasize when considering grant applications and in telling states how they may use their federal allotments.

鈥淲hat will matter a lot is not the general direction of the EO, but the particulars of how the departments start to put this stuff into practice,鈥� he explains. 鈥淲hat we’ll see is how much they think there’s room to reinterpret the existing rules, and how much this is an effort to offer explicitly different guidance.鈥� 

The executive orders were among in the 10 days since Trump鈥檚 second swearing-in. have created confusion and sparked legal challenges as states and interest groups charge that the president is overstepping his authority to mandate changes to laws and programs.  

On Monday, Trump ordered a freeze on federal spending, only to rescind it two days later after a federal judge ordered a temporary pause on it going into effect. A White House spokeswoman then said the freeze had not been rescinded, only the memo ordering it. An executive order ending birthright citizenship, which is enshrined in the Constitution, also was met by a court challenge. Broad confusion about orders for federal employees to return to in-person work and dominated headlines. 

The order 鈥淓nding Radical Indoctrination in K-12 Schooling鈥� calls for withholding funds from schools that teach 鈥済ender ideology鈥� and 鈥渄iscriminatory equity ideology鈥� and for legal action against teachers who 鈥渟exually exploit minors,鈥� 鈥減ractice medicine without a license鈥� or otherwise facilitate the 鈥渟ocial transition鈥� of a student. 

By law, federal officials cannot dictate what is taught in U.S. schools 鈥� a prohibition Republicans have long supported and that stymied Trump鈥檚 efforts in 2020 to mandate the use of a 鈥減atriotic鈥� 1776 curriculum. And while the current U.S. Supreme Court majority appears poised to uphold bans on gender-affirming care for minors, right now transgender and nonbinary students are legally entitled to use the restroom of their choosing.      

Citing the complexity of the federal government鈥檚 relationship to the nation鈥檚 131,000 public schools, education advocates counseled patience. 

鈥淭he education community has developed a habit of going from 1 to 11 on everything Trump does instantaneously,鈥� says Hess. 鈥淕etting more clarity before getting overly excited or overly critical is probably going to make for a more useful debate.鈥�

Regarding the school choice order, he adds, 鈥淚 think most of what’s here is probably sensible and reasonable and wholly consistent with what one would have expected.鈥�

As with many of Trump’s executive orders, it鈥檚 unclear what the practical implications of the new mandates will be. Federal education dollars represent a small proportion 鈥� about 11% in 2021 鈥� of . The lion鈥檚 share is sent to states to help pay for services for children with disabilities and those living in poverty. A host of rules govern how the rest is spent. 

President of the education policy organization 50CAN, Derrell Bradford anticipates that allowing military families to use their federal education funds to enroll their children in the schools of their choice will be well received. Schools operated by the Department of Defense are routinely among the highest-performing in the country, but servicemembers move frequently, and many dislike switching schools.

Bradford also says the order likely will make it easier to access the main federal program for funding new public charter schools and expanding successful ones. The Biden administration, he says, slowed grantmaking.   

It鈥檚 unclear, Bradford and Hess say, whether there are enough private school alternatives to schools run by the Defense Department 鈥� particularly overseas 鈥� and the Interior Department鈥檚 Bureau of Indian Affairs to make vouchers meaningful for those students.   

There are significant differences between Trump鈥檚 capacity to move quickly following his second inauguration and his first, Hess notes. In 2017, private school choice had a passionate champion in then-Education Secretary Betsy DeVos, but fewer institutional advocates lined up to create and administer vouchers and education savings account programs. The rapid adoption of states’ private school choice programs in recent years has changed that, he says. 

Because Trump鈥檚 first election was a surprise to many, it was hard for the administration to staff its Education Department, Bradford adds: 鈥淭his time, it seems like there is a larger number of people who know how government works and have an idea how to advance their goals.鈥�

Maud Maron, who New York City Schools removed for 鈥�derogatory conduct鈥� in June, can now resume her post on lower Manhattan鈥檚 coveted District 2 council. She has also been criticized for making anti-transgender comments against students.聽

In her ruling, federal judge Diane Gujarati also deemed the New York City Department of Education鈥檚  anti-harassment policy 鈥� which was used to remove Maron 鈥� 鈥渃hilled 鈥� expression鈥� and likely violates the First Amendment because of its vague language.

The policy, D-210, is so unclear that it prevents 鈥渁 person of ordinary intelligence 鈥� before such person is subject to investigation鈥� from understanding what conduct is prohibited, the judge wrote.

Schools Chancellor David Banks removed Maron for comments made in the New York Post in which she called an anonymous Stuyvesant High School student author a 鈥渃oward鈥� and accused them of 鈥淛ew hatred鈥� for an op-ed accusing Israel of genocide in Palestine in the student paper.

In December, a 74 investigation revealed Maron also said in a private chat that, 鈥渢here is no such thing as trans kids,鈥� among other disparaging remarks. In response, Banks called Maron鈥檚 behavior 鈥渄espicable鈥� but did not include the anti-trans comments in documents outlining her removal. 

In a text, Maron told 社区黑料 Wednesday she was reinstated because, 鈥渇ree speech still means something in this country. The people who voted for me won today because they were also deprived of their voice by the Chancellor鈥檚 unconstitutional decision.鈥�

The judge鈥檚 decision was issued after Maron and two other parents sued the Department of Education, the education council for District 14 and its leadership for allegedly stifling their speech. Gujarti鈥檚 decision granted an injunction to stop the DOE from enforcing the anti-discrimination policy via removing council members. Their .

Department of Education officials said Gujarati鈥檚 decision makes it more difficult to safeguard children. 

鈥淲e are disappointed by a ruling that limits our ability to protect students from harmful conduct by parent leaders. Even prior to the court鈥檚 ruling, we began reviewing the applicable Chancellor鈥檚 regulation and are preparing to propose revisions and initiate our public engagement process,鈥� said spokesman Nathaniel Styer. 

The department, Styer added, is reviewing the ruling for 鈥渘ext steps鈥� and will continue to support district councils in complying with the law. 

Gujarati鈥檚 ruling did not call for the reinstatement of Tajh Sutton, who is the only other parent to be removed from a district council post after a D-210 investigation, because it is a separate case. Gujarati鈥檚 ruling stated that there is no proper request before the Court to 鈥渋dentically extend鈥� Maron鈥檚 relief to Sutton and therefore 鈥渋s not addressed herein.鈥� 

Sutton, formerly president of Williamsburg鈥檚 District 14 council, was removed after their official X account posted a toolkit for a student walkout for a ceasefire in Gaza.  DOE officials said the materials were 鈥減erceived by many community members as anti-Israel and antisemitic.鈥� 

As also reported by the , Sutton moved her district鈥檚 meetings online to limit threats 鈥� which included being mailed an envelope of human feces and death threats 鈥�  which the department later said violated open meeting laws. CEC 14鈥檚 official X account also blocked Maron. Both actions were categorized in Gujarati鈥檚 ruling as limiting free speech. 

Ultimately, 鈥渢he judge upheld the right to free speech even if that speech is offensive,鈥� said David Bloomfield, former DOE counsel and professor of education law with Brooklyn College and the City University of New York Graduate Center. 

He added the ruling doesn鈥檛 justify the 鈥渙dious鈥� statements made, rather their right to be said in the first place, and that the system likely knew this was a possibility but would 鈥渞ather be slapped down by a court than allow [Maron鈥檚] behavior to persist.鈥� 

鈥淭he First Amendment guarantees a marketplace of ideas,鈥� Bloomfield said. 鈥淲hen the government intrudes on that, it鈥檚 hard to defend.鈥� 

In the first move of its kind, the nation鈥檚 largest school district removed two prominent elected parent leaders from community education councils after controversial rhetoric against transgender students and student advocacy for Palestine.

Elected to serve two-year terms on the city鈥檚 closest equivalent to school boards, parents Maud Maron and Tajh Sutton were removed Friday from lower Manhattan鈥檚 District 2 council and northern Brooklyn鈥檚 District 14, respectively. 

Maron appeared in court June 18, seeking an injunction and reinstatement, alleging the Chancellor鈥檚 decision was a violation of free speech. The Education Council Consortium, a parent advocacy organization, has demanded Sutton鈥檚 reinstatement and criticized the Chancellor for equivalating Maron and Sutton.聽

鈥淚t is a sad day when New York City Public Schools is compelled to take the actions I have ordered today, but the violations committed by these two individuals have made them unfit to serve in these roles,鈥� Schools Chancellor David Banks said in the Friday press release announcing the removals. 

In closing their statement denouncing Sutton鈥檚 removal, the Education Council Consortium said, 鈥渋t is indeed a 鈥榮ad day鈥� when New York City Public Schools uncovers a new way to further erode any confidence in this administration.鈥�

A December investigation by 社区黑料 previously revealed Maron said in a private chat that, 鈥渢here is no such thing as trans kids.鈥� Banks categorized her remarks as 鈥渄espicable鈥� and promised to take action. By March, a petition to remove her from Stuyvesant High School鈥檚 school leadership team for 鈥渂igotry鈥� amassed more than 700 signatures. In April, the DOE ordered her to cease 鈥�derogatory鈥� conduct. 

For months, parents and city leaders condemned Maron for leading a push to re-examine the city鈥檚 guidelines for trans students鈥� participation in sports, and for calling an anonymous student author a 鈥渃oward,鈥� accusing them of 鈥淛ew hatred,鈥� for an op-ed accusing Israel of genocide. 

Across the East River, Sutton was subject to investigation for supporting a student walkout for a ceasefire in Gaza, including posting a digital toolkit and protest chants. In the letter listing his reasons for removing her, Banks said the materials shared by Sutton were 鈥減erceived by many community members as anti-Israel and antisemitic.鈥�  

The reported Sutton, then the president and only Black member of District 14 council, had support from many families in her district who believe she was 鈥渦nfairly targeted鈥� for her advocacy for Palestine and that the DOE did little to safeguard her council against death threats. Sutton said she was also mailed an envelope of human feces. 

In a recent op-ed in the , Maron defended her actions and revealed Banks鈥檚 鈥渙fficial鈥� reasoning for her removal pointed to the comments made against the anonymous student author. 鈥淏ut the real reason the Chancellor wants to remove me is because the Democratic establishment in New York City is furious because I know the difference between male and female and am willing to say so in polite company.鈥� she wrote. 

In the letter issuing Sutton鈥檚 removal, Banks alleged Sutton violated open meetings laws for moving council meetings online, a decision she maintains was made over safety concerns after violent threats and multiple police reports, for which the DOE offered to provide additional NYPD officers at in-person meetings. 

Sutton told 社区黑料 she was never questioned by the DOE鈥檚 equity council for the alleged OML violations, only regarding her advocacy. state that videoconferencing or hybrid meetings may be permitted under 鈥渆xtraordinary circumstances,鈥� and do not state that violations may result in removal. 

鈥淚f we were so out of compliance, why did you wait until June to remove me?鈥� Sutton said. 鈥淏ecause you were waiting for Maron鈥檚 situation to get so hot that you could remove us together, so you could pretend that what I did is equal to what she did.鈥�  

David Bloomfield, an education law professor with Brooklyn College and the City University of New York Graduate Center, believes it was no accident Maron and Sutton were removed simultaneously, and questioned the precedent set for free speech. 

鈥淗e seems to be treating them as similar situations and trying to balance the scales by removing a left wing member and a right wing member,鈥� said Bloomfield.

While he did not question Banks鈥檚 legal right to remove Maron and Sutton, Bloomfield charged the precedent set is, 鈥減recisely what the First Amendment is supposed to protect against, which is the chilling of speech and particularly of political speech.鈥� 

Maron is one of three plaintiffs Sutton, Banks and District 14鈥檚 council for violating the First Amendment and suppressing parent voices. She has recently launched a consultancy group called ThirdRail, which promises to 鈥渉elp neutralize counterproductive DEI [diversity, equity and inclusion] initiatives鈥� and build 鈥渇lourishing workplaces where ideas 鈥� not ideologies 鈥� inspire strategy.鈥� 

At the concurrent , teachers, parents and community members called for Maron and Egorov鈥檚 removal, citing the Chancellor鈥檚 promise, loss of 鈥渢rust,鈥� and high risk of suicide among LGBTQ youth. Maron was not present.

An elected member of a prominent New York City education council said 鈥渢here is no such thing as trans kids,鈥� while another claimed the social justice movement is 鈥渄estroying the country,鈥� in a private parent group chat.聽聽

In the same set of exchanges dating back to June 2022, Andrew Gutmann, a former New York City parent and current Florida congressional candidate, accused LGBTQ people and social justice advocates of being 鈥渁nti-children,鈥� and trans and nonbinary kids as 鈥渋ndoctrinated鈥� in a 鈥渞eally dangerous cult.鈥� 

Responding to one Brooklyn parent鈥檚 concern about the number of LGBTQ children in her child鈥檚 school, Manhattan District 2 Community Education Council member Maud Maron responded 鈥渢he social contagion is undeniable鈥� and called hormone blocking drugs 鈥渁n abomination.鈥� 

On the same day in another exchange about LGBTQ kids, Maron said, 鈥淭here is no such thing as trans kids [because] there is no such thing as transition i.e. changing your sex.鈥� 

The 鈥渟ocial contagion鈥� phrase, equating an aspect of a child鈥檚 identity to disease, was used by a northern California school board member earlier this year who . 

In a statement, a NYC Department of Education spokesperson called the remarks 鈥渄espicable and not in line with our values.鈥�    

In WhatsApp logs obtained by 社区黑料, an additional parent leader made crude remarks levied at a state senator, while another shared a worksheet that defined hate speech as 鈥渦sually constitutionally protected鈥� and an 鈥渆xpression of opinion.鈥� 

Maron also hormone therapy causes permanent, harmful effects for teens taking the drugs. 鈥淪ome of these kids never develop adult genitalia and will never have full sexual function. It鈥檚 an abomination,鈥� she wrote on November 11, 2022. 

When asked for comment on the remarks, Maron asserted her position by stating, 鈥淩adical trans ideology as taught in our public schools is regressive, homophobic and often deeply misogynistic.鈥� She added telling gender expansive kids they need to be 鈥渇ixed鈥� by transitioning 鈥渓eads to grave, irreversible harm for so many young people.鈥� 

The  has supported access to , as have all leading medical associations in the country, according to the , who also cited research that  improves long-term physical and mental health, and reduces suicidal ideation.

Local leaders and advocates have called for Maron and fellow CEC member Danyela Souza Egorov to resign or be removed by NYC Schools Chancellor David Banks. Elected members, serving two-year terms, advise education officials on 32 CECs throughout the city. 

鈥淚f they’re not going to be removed, they have to engage in training 鈥� There has to be a level of accountability when grownups are the ones that are harming children,鈥� said Panel for Education Policy member Kaliris Salas-Ramirez, a CUNY school of medicine neurology professor appointed by Manhattan Borough President Mark Levine. 鈥淢y heart breaks.鈥�

In addition to calling the comments 鈥渄espicable,鈥� a DOE spokesperson said the department 鈥渄oes not condone the opinions expressed鈥� in the log and added 鈥渁ll children deserve protection, including LGBTQ+ children.鈥�

鈥淥ur educators work every day to make New York City public schools safe and supportive environments for LGBTQ+ youth,鈥� the DOE spokesperson said.

Chancellor鈥檚 regulation prohibits discrimination or harassment based on gender and other protected classes, stating 鈥渢he DOE does not tolerate disrespect towards children.鈥� The regulation also states that, after an investigation, the chancellor may remove or suspend members if conduct poses a 鈥渄anger to the safety or welfare of students鈥� or 鈥渋s contrary to the best interest鈥� of the district. 

The department receives complaints against CEC members who are thought to be in violation of the chancellor鈥檚 regulations by email. 

Manhattan City Councilmember Erik Bottcher, who represents families and children in School District 2, also denounced the remarks and encouraged disciplinary action. 

鈥淚t is deeply troubling that CEC members are engaging in demeaning, transphobic smears that are reminiscent of playground bullies rather than responsible adults tasked with advocating for the well-being of our kids,鈥� Bottcher said. 鈥淥ur students deserve better.鈥� 

The chat also revealed some members believe hate speech, racism, white supremacy and other 鈥渟ocial justice鈥� jargon are fraught terms used to 鈥渄iscriminate against鈥� white and Asian people. 鈥淭he anti-racists are so racist,鈥� said Maron.

That parents with these views have gained power locally is unsurprising to scholars who study conservative parent rights movements like Moms for Liberty. The groups and rhetoric are most frequently found in politically purple or liberal areas where parents feel their voices are sidelined for more liberal agendas. 

Pushing back on diversity trainings they find divisive, for example, one parent asked: 鈥淪o you can pay to become a racist?鈥� in reference to a , voluntary workshop hosted by the teacher鈥檚 union entitled, 鈥淗olding the Weight of Whiteness.鈥�

Maron replied: 鈥淔or the bargain price of $25.鈥� 

In an exchange critiquing the United Federation of Teachers training on power dynamics in the classroom, Egorov said 鈥渢his is poisonous and it is destroying the country.鈥� She did not respond to requests for comment. 

Experts who study civil rights and freedom of speech in the U.S. have witnessed rhetoric throughout the country, but say there鈥檚 a key distinction at play here. 

鈥淚 think the most dangerous thing about these messages is who they’re coming from,鈥� said Maya Henson Carey, a researcher with the Southern Poverty Law Center, 鈥渂ecause these people have power to make change.鈥�  

On November 20, 2022, Egorov sent the WhatsApp group an explainer to help push back on social justice terms. The one pager defined diversity as 鈥渁n attack on merit and a form of soft bigotry,鈥� adding that accountability is 鈥渂ullying鈥� and 鈥渕ob rule.鈥� A parent immediately responded, 鈥渢his is good.鈥�

The Responding to Social Justice Rhetoric sheet was created in 2021 by a group of academics with the Oregon Association of Scholars, a chapter of the National Association of Scholars, known as a conservative group that has lobbied against diversity policies.

The worksheet serves as a 鈥渢ranslation guide,鈥� for anyone 鈥渉oodwinked by language鈥� said Peter Boghossian, one of its authors. 

The guide also defined inclusion as 鈥渞estricted speech and justification for purges,鈥� and a way to make 鈥減eople feel welcomed by banning anything they find offensive.鈥�

But inclusion for LGBTQ students is top of mind for many educators and families nationwide as the youth mental health crisis worsens. Queer kids, often ostracized from their homes or communities, are and foster care. They are also four times as likely than their peers to contemplate suicide, according to .

New York recently passed a safe haven law legally protecting trans students and their doctors introduced by state Sen. Brad Hoylman-Sigal. 

In the WhatsApp chat, both the law and Hoylman-Sigal were subject to explicit vitriol by prominent parent leaders. 

Chien Kwok, former District 2 CEC member and president of local nonprofit Parent Leaders for Accelerated Curriculum and Education, wrote, 鈥淚 would imagine Hoylman would have cut off his penis to transition if he was allowed to run away from his home state of West Virginia to NY. Do you think Hoylman or his husband would have regretted Hoylman being a eunuch?鈥�

Kwok responded to requests for comment by reiterating his question for the state senator and adding 鈥渢he radical transgender ideologies that [Hoylman-Sigal] supports and turned into law have harmed countless children and teens in the US and around the world.鈥� 

A few hours after Kwok鈥檚 original comment, Gutmann, a former NYC private school parent who denounced his , chimed in: what LGBTQ people and social justice 鈥渋deologues鈥� have in common is 鈥渘ot wanting children, which has made them anti-children (hence anti-family).鈥� 

Gutmann later told 社区黑料 that while the private messages were written 鈥渜uickly鈥� and 鈥渋n a casual tone,鈥� he stands by 鈥渆verything I have written in this and any other private chat group in which I have participated.鈥� 

Hoylman-Sigal said the 鈥渃ruel and frankly outrageous鈥� chat history makes clear that, locally, the CEC members are not able 鈥渢o safeguard learning for students. The disrespect and intolerance that is evident in these chats shows just the opposite. To them, LGBTQ kids, specifically transgender children, are second class.鈥� 

The logs are a 鈥渃all to action,鈥� he added, for CEC leaders, Banks, and parents to vote them out of office. 

Though the outcomes of recent school board elections nationwide show many parents disagree with conservative parent leaders鈥� emphasis on limiting classroom discussion of sex and gender, parent leaders like Gutmann, Kwok, Maron and Egorov have been hoping to expand their reach. 

鈥淲e need to organize ourselves to recruit CEC candidates so we can expand our influence and keep it where we have [a] majority,鈥� Egorov wrote to the group on January 1, 2022. 

They came close.  

Forty percent of Community Education Council members endorsed by PLACE, the conservative parent advocacy group co-founded by Maron and Kwok, .

Lawmakers and experts at local LGBTQ nonprofit are advocating for a new , sponsored by Hoylman-Sigal, requiring that all New York school districts establish policies to protect nonbinary and transgender students.

Elena Chin, a former school counselor at a Department of Education elementary school in Queens for 23 years, founded the group after feeling increasingly alarmed by COVID closures, LGBTQ+ inclusion, and required diversity and equity workshops which she felt framed staff as 鈥渨hite supremacists.鈥� 

鈥淲hat we hope to accomplish is minimize it before it even starts and is full blown into the schools,鈥� Chin said. 鈥淩aise awareness. Get a parent at every school board meeting to watchdog. We can’t normalize this stuff.鈥�

Meeting by Zoom for about six months, the new Queens, New York chapter is following the same agenda as the organization, hoping to accomplish what some of the 285 other chapters already have: Limit or remove books and content featuring LGBTQ+ identities, racism and sex, which they believe can harm children. 

Some education experts were doubtful the New York City chapter will find much support in the overwhelmingly blue metropolis, but acknowledged people have always been in the city. Other parent groups with similarly conservative ideals have already gained a foothold locally.

Across the country, Moms for Liberty 鈥� making the Queens launch unsurprising to Michigan State researcher Rebecca Jacobsen, who鈥檚 been tracking the groups鈥� presence at school board meetings nationwide. 

鈥淭heir explicit mission says to represent voices that feel unheard. So in some ways, a really strong liberal location might lead to a small group of parents feeling like they don’t have a voice,鈥� Jacobsen said. 鈥淢oms for Liberty has stepped in and said, 鈥榳e’re here to represent you.鈥� And that’s a powerful feeling.鈥� 

Chin was particularly concerned by the use of preferred pronouns, the number of children who told her they were gay, and the fact that she . 

鈥淲e’re telling children, you can tell me [you鈥檙e gay], and not your parents. That sounds like grooming to me,鈥� Chin said. 

As a term, 鈥済rooming鈥� has often been appropriated by conservatives to describe LGBTQ+ inclusion 鈥� a trend experts say minimizes real threats of child sexual abuse and vilifies queer people. 

Chin believes the number of children claiming they were gay and posters celebrating diversity was a 鈥渟ocial contagion鈥� at P.S. 64, for kids she said were just looking for more acceptance or to fit in with friends. 

Gender Queer was the only title Chin referenced in an interview with 社区黑料. The memoir, which won two American Library Association awards, the Alex for young readers and the Stonewall for nonfiction, has become a around the country for parents and politicians looking to ban school discussions about gender identity. 

In setting up the New York chapter, Chin has met roadblocks when attempting to open a bank account and finding a venue for in-person meetings. Two major banks declined her request. Only a third accepted, a smaller, local one which she declined to name. 

About 20 adults have 鈥渏oined the movement鈥� since April, Chin said. Outside of Queens, four members of the new Moms for Liberty chapter are from Brooklyn and one is from the Bronx. Every major racial group is represented. 

Yet not all are parents: Many are retirees, grandparents who 鈥渃an have a voice without fear,鈥� said Chin, who believes more parents with children in the city鈥檚 schools are staying away. 

鈥淢any people are fearing for their jobs, fearing the association,鈥� she said, 鈥溾�� and they fear retaliation against their kids.鈥�

She is currently searching for a local location to screen an anti-trans documentary. The chapter plans to organize to oppose . While New York City goes beyond current state requirements to offer sex ed to its middle and high schoolers, the expansion would bring modified lessons to K-6 graders.

The group will also challenge curricula with an 鈥渁nti-American message,鈥� she said, that might make some children believe they are 鈥渧ictims鈥� and others 鈥渙ppressors.鈥� 

Because the city鈥檚 schools are not governed by traditional school boards, where other chapters have exercised power to oust superintendents, the Queens chapter will advocate through media, political connections and gaining membership.

鈥淭hat’s really my goal. To get people motivated everywhere,鈥� Chin said. 鈥淚 would love to see a chapter in every borough, minimally.鈥� 

Moms for Liberty has been characterized , which Chin said is, 鈥渘ot a bad thing at all.鈥� 

Even after the characterization, more members have joined nationally, Chin claimed. 鈥淪o just twirl away,鈥� she said. A spokesperson for Moms for Liberty鈥檚 national arm confirmed the group 鈥渟aw a bump in membership and chapter openings,鈥� after the SPLC鈥檚 hate group distinction in June 2023.

Maya Henson Carey, a research analyst with SPLC, said the organization鈥檚 rhetoric and work disproportionately hurts Black, brown and LGBTQ+ students, already some of the nation鈥檚 most vulnerable student populations. 

鈥淏y taking out books and parts of history that reflect who they are, they’re really seeking to erase their identities from public spaces and the classroom,鈥� Henson Carey said. 

Though about 76% of New York City voted for President Joe Biden in the last election, have always thrived, particularly in parts of Queens, Staten Island and southern Brooklyn. It’s those pockets where Chin has already found support.

But some experts doubt the group鈥檚 conservative agenda will find much of a home in the city at large.

鈥淲hen they get into the issue of book banning and attitudes towards gay and trans people, it’ll resonate with some folks, but I think the outcry against them will be very strong,鈥� said Joseph Viteritti, public policy and education scholar at Hunter College. 

鈥淚f they’re going to lead with that kind of stuff, they’re going to realize very soon that we’re not Florida here,鈥� added Viteritti, who served as a senior advisor to schools chiefs in New York City, Boston and San Francisco.

Yet already this year, parents of all races preferring more conservative education policies have made waves in the city, including in lower , a historically liberal block of neighborhoods. 

Via , conservative have found more power 鈥� 40% of candidates endorsed by Parent Leaders for Accelerated Curriculum and Education were elected this cycle. Only 2% of public school parents voted in the election, according to . 

PLACE, while not affiliated with the Queens Moms for Liberty chapter, shares some similar values. Particularly in wanting to preserve and expand merit-based admissions policies to the city鈥檚 most coveted schools 鈥� a practice research suggests reinforces racial imbalances. 

鈥淚 know that the things [Moms for Liberty] are talking about are things that I hear parents here in New York talking about all the time,鈥� said Maud Maron, co-president of PLACE and community education council member in lower Manhattan鈥檚 District 2. 

In a dramatic reversal, the district, where seven of 10 community council members were PLACE-endorsed, has just announced it . 

Parents often say, 鈥業’m 100% there, I just can’t tweet under my own name,鈥� or 鈥業 just can’t say it, because of work ramifications,鈥� Maron said.

For scholars who track Moms for Liberty鈥檚 work, despite hesitance or fear parents may feel in aligning with the organization, it鈥檚 clear small networks of parents are effective and organized at making their voices heard, sharing strategies via social media from coast to coast. 

As a result, New Yorkers may soon see the same language and challenges levied in Florida once the Queens chapter begins to act on its agenda.

鈥淲e would have thought, wow, those are really different,鈥� Jacobsen said, referencing the Queens launch and other regions that would have seemed unlikely. 

鈥�… That’s really what’s different today,鈥� she said, 鈥渢he ability to very quickly move the same message to really disparate places.鈥�