In that race, Republican Glenn Youngkin upset national expectations to seize the governorship, with a raft of GOP challengers riding his coattails to both statewide office and a new majority in the House of Delegates. Their victories were powered by growing discontentment with then-President Biden, but also backlash to local education moves ranging from to on gifted education.

Those results, among the first signs of the tumult that would come to define the Biden era, were flipped this time around. Virginia Democrats racked up commanding margins up and down the ballot, with U.S. Rep Abigail Spanberger鈥檚 gubernatorial win accompanied by in the legislature. The part of unpopular incumbent president was played by Donald Trump, in the state helped sink Republican candidates. 

What鈥檚 not certain is whether Spanberger and her party have won back public trust on the issue of K鈥�12 schools 鈥� or whether they intend to roll back portions of the far-reaching education agenda enacted during Youngkin鈥檚 time in office. The outgoing governor has shepherded the adoption of a new school accountability system, raised cut scores for proficiency on federally mandated exams, and revamped the 蝉迟补迟别鈥檚 academic standards in history, math, English, and computer science. Some of his initiatives have won support from across the political aisle, but resistance from some educators and progressives could tempt the ascendant Democrats to reverse others. 

One of of the U.S. House, Spanberger struck a cautious tone in laying out her education proposals during the campaign. Among the top priorities is a commitment to upholding academic rigor by making student outcomes more transparent to families. But with educators already to and of the newly implemented accountability framework, she could find herself presiding over a turbulent majority for the next several years. 

Andrew Rotherham, a longtime player in Virginia鈥檚 policy scene who was appointed by Youngkin to a seat on the state board of education in 2022, said that by piloting a successful recovery from post-pandemic learning loss, Spanberger could find her way to 鈥渁 national leadership role鈥� in the future, perhaps on her party鈥檚 presidential ticket. 

鈥淪he’s someone who’s looking at 2028,鈥� Rotherham said. 鈥淗er national imperatives actually line up pretty well with what’s good for kids, but she’ll be under a lot of political pressure.鈥�

Representatives of Spanberger did not respond to a request for comment.

Unified control over a blue state will reflect on Democrats nationally as much as Spanberger herself. Beyond tackling school assessment and improvement, the party will have to confront questions that weren’t yet on the agenda the last time it captured the governor’s mansion: how to infuse literacy instruction with lessons from the science of reading, how to counter burgeoning demand for private school choice programs that have been established in other states, and how to decisively reclaim K鈥�12 education as a winning issue for the center-left. showed that Spanberger beat her Republican opponent by just 10 points among voters who listed schools as their most important issue, compared with a yawning 63-point advantage among those listing healthcare and a 27-point edge with economy-focused Virginians

Democratic State Sen. Schuyler VanValkenburg, a high school teacher who sits on his chamber鈥檚 education committee, applauded legislation passed over the last few years to improve literacy instruction and revamp state testing. The Spanberger administration should aim to carry out those goals and focus on lifting student performance, he added.

“What their priority needs to be, and what our priority needs to be, is continuing the work we’ve done,鈥� he said.

New accountability system

The state of Virginia schools came under national scrutiny early in Youngkin鈥檚 tenure, when a series of indicators revealed significant declines in K鈥�12 learning.

The 2022 National Assessment of Educational Progress, a nationally representative exam commonly referred to as 鈥渢he Nation鈥檚 Report Card,鈥� showed that fourth-graders in Virginia lost some of the most ground in math and reading of students in any state over the previous three years, even amid a national crash in scores precipitated by the pandemic. estimated the learning losses as roughly five months of reading instruction and nearly a full academic year of math instruction. Pass rates , the 蝉迟补迟别鈥檚 mandated annual exam, also lagged far below pre-pandemic levels.

Although much of the blame for the swoon to COVID-related school closures, the new administration argued that its origins lay in the dilution of academic expectations under the previous Democratic governor, Ralph Northam. In at Gov. Youngkin鈥檚 request, the 蝉迟补迟别鈥檚 department of education argued that slumping student achievement had preceded COVID鈥檚 emergence by several years, but was masked by the lowering of cut scores for proficiency on state tests in 2019 and 2021; strikingly, that decision was reached around the country were raising their own proficiency bars. 

Many state Democrats the report, dismissing it as a racist 鈥渄og-whistle,鈥� but Youngkin鈥檚 campaign to revisit the cut scores and build 鈥� the existing one gave the vast majority of schools good marks, even as student scores had plummeted 鈥� . Todd Truitt, a Democrat and father of two school-aged children in northern Virginia, said the 蝉迟补迟别鈥檚 academic standards just a few years ago were 鈥減retty much alone at the bottom.鈥�

鈥淭here was a definite lowering of standards, objectively,” observed Truitt, of much of Youngkin鈥檚 K鈥�12 program even while supporting Spanberger and her party this cycle.

After several years of design work, a new accountability framework was adopted in 2024 that made substantial changes to existing regulations, including by reversing a policy that allowed schools to leave the academic performance of English learners out of their state ratings data . Legislation to delay the new system鈥檚 implementation when several Democrats crossed party lines to help kill the measure. In the months leading up to this fall鈥檚 elections, the Virginia Board of Education to significantly raise proficiency cut scores on state exams.

Rotherham said at the March meeting when the vote was held that he and his colleagues intended to 鈥渄ramatically raise standards in this state and report more honestly to parents.鈥�

Sen. VanValkenburg, one of the Democrats who voted against delaying the adoption of the new accountability system, praised local lawmakers for their work on the issue, pointing to that passed unanimously in the state legislature in 2022. His own legislation to modernize state tests also attracted widespread support in both parties and became law this spring.

In the past few years, VanValkenburg said, 鈥渁 lot of movement on education鈥� has been achieved. 鈥淪ome of it’s been Democratic-led, some of it’s been Republican-led, but a lot of it has been bipartisan.鈥�

The 鈥榟onesty gap鈥�

After the blue wave in last week鈥檚 elections, Gov.-elect Spanberger and her allies will have little need of bipartisanship over the next few years.

In addition to winning all the 蝉迟补迟别鈥檚 topline races, Democrats stormed to in the House of Delegates. Their margin in the 40-member state Senate is still a slim 21-19, but unified control over Richmond will allow the party to take the lead in future debates over schools. 

Spanberger will largely determine the order of operations. Her public roadmap for education policy not just the implementation of tougher school accountability measures, but also changes to state tests 鈥渢o ensure that parents and educators have the best information possible to improve student performance.鈥� 

How her fellow partisans regard those commitments is somewhat hazy: Most Senate Democrats voted to put off enacting the new accreditation system 鈥� an idea by then-Sen. Ghazala Hashmi, who has since been elected to serve as Spanberger鈥檚 lieutenant governor. What鈥檚 more, leaders in several major districts have the new framework as on public schools.

Yet support for higher standards is considered likely to hold steady. Denise Forte, a nationally known education advocate who leads the civil rights-focused EdTrust, the system as a means of closing the 鈥渉onesty gap.鈥� While not offering a firm statement backing the accountability push, Spanberger that 鈥渁ccountability is vital to ensuring that our kids are learning.鈥�

Progressives may instead turn to school finance reform, another of the new governor鈥檚 priorities. Democrats in the legislature have spent much of the last two years wrangling with Youngkin over more funding for schools, to send nearly a quarter of a billion dollars to local districts to cover the costs of hiring new staff. One of the wealthiest states in the nation, Virginia as 33rd overall in per-pupil spending. 

Rotherham said Spanberger would have the opportunity to build her national profile by focusing on updating the 蝉迟补迟别鈥檚 school funding formula and remaking the Standards of Learning exams to make their results more legible to families.听

鈥淧olitically, she could say, ‘We weren’t there yet, and I took it to the next level.’ That would be a compelling story to tell.”

Disclosure: Andrew Rotherham served on the Virginia Board of Education from 2022 to 2025. He also sits on 社区黑料鈥檚 board of directors. He played no role in the reporting or editing of this article. 

社区黑料 contributor Chad Aldeman worked as a consultant on Virginia鈥檚 new accountability framework. He played no role in the reporting or editing of this article.

To find out, I looked at 20 years of test results from my home state of Virginia. For simplicity鈥檚 sake, I focused on third grade math results and narrowed my search to schools that had at least 30 test-takers. To control for changes to the underlying tests, I sorted schools into four quartiles, then looked to see if they had moved significantly up or down from their initial category.

As you might expect, schools with high test scores in 2024 also tended to have high scores the year before. Among those in the top 25% of math scores in 2023, 68% remained there in 2024. The same was true at the bottom end, where 76% of schools that fell into the bottom 25% in 2023 placed there again in 2024.

But zoom out a few years, and the results start to become a bit more variable. This should be obvious, but the number of schools that stayed in the exact same category after five years was lower than it was after just one year. The results are the most interesting for schools in either the top or bottom quartile. Among schools that scored in the highest 25% in 2019, 61% were still there in 2024, and 66% of schools in the lowest tier were still there in 2024. But about one-third of the highest-scoring schools had fallen out of the top five years later, and a similar percentage had climbed out of the very bottom. 

What about looking back even further? I ran the same analysis to compare school performance in 2004 versus 2024. It鈥檚 still true that earlier results are predictive of later performance, but the relationship weakens significantly. For example, among schools in the bottom 25% in 2004, 44% were also there in 2024 鈥� but 56% were not. On the other end, 50% of schools in the top quartile in 2004 were still there in 2024 鈥� but that means half were not. In general, you鈥檇 still want to bet on a good school staying good and a bad school staying bad, but you should be much less confident the longer your time horizon.

Virginia started in 1997-98, well before other states were required to do so under the 2002 No Child Left Behind Act. The data for those older years suggest a similar weakening pattern over time. More surprising, there were some schools that looked bad in 1998 that produced some of the highest scores in 2024, and vice versa 鈥� some that looked outstanding in 1998 but had fallen dramatically by 2024.

For example, Virginia’s top elementary school in 1998 was still among the top 10 in 2024. But one that scored at the 99^th percentile in 1998 fell to the 74^th percentile in 2004, the 23^rd in 2019, and all the way to the bottom 10% in 2024. The name on the building stayed the same, but its performance plummeted.

For simplicity鈥檚 sake, I focused this analysis on school-level third grade math scores, and I suspect there would be more consistency if I had looked at district-level results or included more grades.

This discussion is also missing the dynamic effects of school openings and closures. For example, as in my recent analysis of Florida, Virginia had 138 elementary schools that were operating in 1998 but had closed by 2024. These tended to have low test scores. Of the 100 lowest-scoring schools in 1998, 32 were no longer operating in 2024. (Out of the top 100, just three had closed.)

Comparing two years of performance also misses the value that new schools can add. For example, of the 100 highest-scoring schools in 2024, 23 did not exist back in 1998. This combination of closing low-performing schools and opening new ones helped improve Virginia鈥檚 portfolio of public schools.

There鈥檚 also a lesson here for prospective home buyers who might be hoping to purchase a house that will buy them access to a 鈥済ood鈥� local school in perpetuity. That鈥檚 probably a good bet in the short term, but things can also change more than they might expect.听

The Fairfax and Arlington school districts in Virginia sued Education Secretary Linda McMahon Friday over her move to classify them as 鈥渉igh-risk鈥� over their transgender policies.

Their complaint noted that the additional oversight of spending came just two days after the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit, in a , reaffirmed its ruling in Grimm v. Gloucester County Board of Education, which gives trans students the right to use restrooms that align with their gender identity.听

That decision 鈥渞emains the law in Northern Virginia as well as the rest of the Circuit,鈥� they wrote.听听

In a statement, Fairfax County Public Schools Superintendent Michele Reid called the lawsuit a step toward ensuring 鈥渢hat hungry children are fed and that student access to multilingual, special education, and other essential services is not compromised.鈥�

Virginia Gov. Glenn Youngkin has tried since 2022 to get the suburban D.C. school districts in his state to end their policies accommodating transgender students.

Last week, the Trump administration offered considerable firepower to his cause when it announced it would require the five districts to justify every dollar they spend in order to receive federal funding. In a stern , Education Secretary Linda McMahon said Alexandria, Arlington, Fairfax, Loudoun and Prince William 鈥� the five northernmost districts closest to the nation’s capital  鈥� are 鈥渃hoosing to abide by woke gender ideology in place of federal law.鈥� 

But even as McMahon placed them on 鈥渉igh-risk鈥� status, their leaders policies that allow students to use bathrooms and locker rooms that align with their gender identity, meaning the Republican governor might leave office in January without accomplishing his goal.

Grace Turner Creasy, president of the Virginia Board of Education, said it鈥檚 鈥渁nyone鈥檚 guess鈥� whether the department鈥檚 move will change the outcome. District leaders say they are following state law and the most current federal court opinion on the issue. 

The 蝉迟补迟别鈥檚 position on the matter might also shift in the next few months with Youngkin ineligible to run again in November. Democrat Abigail Spanberger, who is , hasn鈥檛 addressed the controversy, while  Lt. Gov. Winsome Earle-Sears has , much as Youngkin did in 2021 when he appealed to parents angry over pandemic school closures and 鈥渃ritical race theory.鈥� 

The department鈥檚 action against the Virginia districts is part of an effort by President Donald Trump to force states and districts to comply with his stating that the federal government only recognizes two sexes. Following that move in January, the Education Department said it wouldn鈥檛 enforce the Biden-era Title IX rule, which expanded protections for transgender students.

On Thursday, Trump to pull all federal funding from 鈥渁ny California school district that doesn鈥檛 adhere to our Transgender policies.鈥� The administration is already suing and on trans students鈥� participation in women鈥檚 sports. 

The conflict with the Virginia districts has been building since February when the department launched a probe into their policies. In July, officials found them in and gave them 10 days to change their rules and 鈥渁dopt biology-based definitions of the words 鈥榤ale鈥� and 鈥榝emale鈥� in all practices and policies relating to Title IX.鈥�

They refused, and with roughly $50 million for low-income students, special education and other programs at risk, last week鈥檚 move escalated the dispute to a new level.  

鈥淵ou鈥檙e going to continue to see the Trump administration put 鈥� pressure in a variety of ways that affect funding. It feels like all options are on the table,鈥� said W. Scott Lewis, managing partner with TNG Consulting, which trains districts across the country on Title IX. He added that where the Education Department directs its enforcement 鈥渕ay vary by state, depending on gubernatorial and state house control.鈥�

鈥楾otally atypical鈥�

The penalty is severe, experts said. The high-risk label is usually reserved for districts or states in serious financial trouble. 

In 2006, the Education Department slapped that designation on the for mismanaging money, including federal grants and charter school funds.

In another example, the Michigan Department of Education placed the in high-risk status after a found the district misused over $53 million. The district spent Title I funds, for example, on equipment and building improvements the state didn鈥檛 approve, paid vendors more than the amount of their contracts and couldn鈥檛 produce invoices and receipts for multiple transactions. The district remained under federal oversight for five years. 

In this case, the added layer of scrutiny isn鈥檛 because of suspected mismanagement of the grant funds themselves; it鈥檚 an ideological disagreement. David DeSchryver, senior vice president of Whiteboard Advisors, a consulting firm, called the action 鈥渢otally atypical in terms of scale.鈥�

With the school year just starting, the question is whether any 鈥渘ew hurdles鈥� might slow down the reimbursement process, said Dan Adams, spokesman for the Loudoun County Public Schools. In a statement, the Virginia Department of Education said it 鈥渨ill closely scrutinize any future requests鈥� for funding. 

At least one of the five superintendents, Arlington鈥檚 Francisco Dur谩n, told the public at a that he鈥檚 prepared to take legal action if the district鈥檚 funding is challenged. 

But conservatives view McMahon鈥檚 approach as accountability for districts that are defying the president. 

鈥淏y refusing to reverse your reckless policies, you are failing our daughters and risking losing millions of dollars in funding,鈥� Earle-Sears said at Arlington鈥檚 board meeting. 鈥淎s governor, I will not stand by while political correctness tramples over science, fairness and safety.鈥�

The district has faced criticism over in which a registered sex offender identifying as a transgender woman used a women鈥檚 locker room at Washington Liberty High School. The school鈥檚 indoor pool is open to the public after school hours, and Dur谩n said officials were unaware the person was a registered offender. 

Ginny Gentiles, an Arlington parent and a school choice expert at the conservative Defense of Freedom Institute, said the districts are 鈥渃linging to activist-drafted policies that allow males to self-ID into female spaces,鈥� but that she hopes officials will listen to those concerned about women鈥檚 and girls鈥� safety.

She urged community members to closely monitor expenditures.

鈥淪chool board leaders clearly intend to spend taxpayer dollars on inevitable court cases and likely expensive legal fees,鈥� she said. 

Earle-Sears also joined on Wednesday, where district officials threatened to suspend two boys for sexual harassment and sex discrimination. They complained last spring when a student identifying as a trans boy used the locker room to change and videotaped them.

鈥楩ederal overreach鈥�

Some observers say the battle between Washington and its neighboring districts is more than a culture war. Kristen Amundson, a former Democratic state lawmaker and Fairfax County school board member, said the administration is trying to exert control over blue cities. 

鈥淭his is not about trans kids; this is about federal overreach,鈥� she said. She cited patrolling Washington and of the Kennedy Center Honors as further examples. 鈥淒o you see the pattern here?鈥�

The impasse also comes at a difficult time for the 蝉迟补迟别鈥檚 Republicans, which tend to elect governors from the party that鈥檚 . Northern Virginia already votes predominantly blue, and residents, Amundson said, are especially angry at Washington. 

鈥淭hey have seen thousands of parents lose their jobs鈥� because of and 鈥減arents snatched off the streets鈥� in , she said. 

For Earle-Sears, a , the debate over trans students is a key campaign issue. In contrast, Spanberger, who has three school-age daughters, has an focused on improving instruction in public schools and addressing teacher shortages. 

Anne Holton, former secretary of education under Democratic Gov. Terry McAuliffe, called the issue a distraction 鈥渇rom the issues that parents really care about,鈥� like employing high-quality teachers and preparing kids well for college or a career. 

For now, districts say they are complying with the . Enacted in 2020, it allows anyone to use facilities that align with their gender identity.  In addition, the Trump administration鈥檚 policies, they say, conflict with the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit鈥檚 opinion in Grimm v. Gloucester County School Board. 

That鈥檚 been their position since 2022, when Youngkin issued stating that students must use bathrooms and locker rooms that match the sex they were assigned at birth. A year later, Jason Miyares, the 蝉迟补迟别鈥檚 attorney general, that the governor鈥檚 rules didn鈥檛 violate state or federal anti-discrimination laws. Yet district policies remain unchanged.

In Grimm, the court ruled that the district鈥檚 transgender bathroom ban was unconstitutional. The U.S. Supreme Court in 2021 in that case. In its upcoming term, the Supreme Court will hear lawsuits from West Virginia and Idaho that test whether states can ban transgender girls from competing in female sports.

Those cases 鈥渨ill further clarify Title IX鈥檚 application,鈥� Arlington鈥檚 Dur谩n said at last week鈥檚 board meeting. 鈥淏ut in the meantime, our policy will remain in place in alignment with state and federal law, and we are prepared to defend it and our federal funding if challenged.鈥� 

was originally reported by Mel Leonor Barclay of .听

During a recent campaign stop in central Virginia on a sweltering afternoon, former Rep. Abigail Spanberger drew the most energized reaction from the crowd after telling the audience that aside from tackling the high cost of living, her focus as governor would be on ensuring Virginia has 鈥渢he best public schools in the nation.鈥�

Four years ago, Republican Glenn Youngkin won an upset victory for the 蝉迟补迟别鈥檚 highest office by turning his attention to education: Youngkin鈥檚 鈥淧arents Matter鈥� rallies stoked frustration at pandemic-era school closures and masking rules, railed against how schools were teaching students about race and LGBTQ+ issues and promised to expand alternatives to traditional public schools. Youngkin lambasted the 蝉迟补迟别鈥檚 test scores, and turned the inclusion of transgender kids in schools into a political lightning rod.

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Youngkin鈥檚 message gave him an edge in Democratic strongholds around Northern Virginia, and while that region remains solidly blue for Democrats, data shows Trump and Republicans have held onto sizable gains there since the 2020 election. It also turbocharged Republicans鈥� war against diversity, equity and inclusion by putting kids at the center.

Now, as Spanberger campaigns to retake Virginia鈥檚 top office for Democrats, her strategy on public education could offer a playbook for a party that political analysts say has struggled to come up with a clear agenda to counter Republicans鈥� messaging. Her performance will help shape her party鈥檚 stance heading into the 2026 midterms, much like Youngkin鈥檚 election did for Republicans in 2021.

The Virginia governor鈥檚 race between Spanberger and Lt. Gov. Winsome Earle-Sears is one of the only competitive statewide contests on the calendar this year and will be closely watched as a referendum on President Donald Trump鈥檚 second term and a test of Democrats鈥� path forward following last year鈥檚 searing losses.

In speeches, statements and multiple interviews with The 19th, Spanberger said she is focused on making life more affordable for all Virginians and stemming what she described as the 鈥渃haos鈥� of the Trump administration. She is also focused on countering Republicans鈥� efforts to 鈥渆rode faith in our public schools,鈥� and wants to make sure the state is contending with the challenges of teacher shortages, crumbling school buildings and post-pandemic academic recovery.

With two women at the top of the ballot, Virginia is poised to elect its first woman governor this year. If Spanberger wins, the state will be run by a former lawmaker with a law enforcement and intelligence background, and 鈥� for the first time 鈥� a mom to school-aged children. Spanberger鈥檚 daughters are enrolled in public schools around central Virginia, one each in elementary, middle and high school.

Recently, a whirlwind day of campaigning ended with a busy evening at home prepping a Wicked costume for a school spirit day. She tries to be home for either hair braiding and school drop off in the morning, or by bedtime to tuck them in at night.

Still, Spanberger isn鈥檛 dwelling much on the historic potential, but during a recent event with Black ministers, she said a question about how schools should educate students on history and race illustrated how actively parenting shapes her views and helps her connect with voters.

鈥淚t matters to other people,鈥� Spanberger said. 鈥淥ne of the gentlemen at the round table came back to me and said, that was the most important thing that you said 鈥� how you see it as a mother.鈥�

Earle-Sears campaigned alongside Youngkin in 2021, backing many of his promises on education. 鈥淪he will prioritize parents鈥� rights and basic reading and math skills over ideological grandstanding,鈥� Earle-Sears鈥� website reads. The lieutenant governor is also promising to expand alternatives to traditional public schools in the state 鈥� Virginia Republicans have charter schools and vouchers for private school tuition 鈥� and 鈥渆mpower parents to choose the best school for their children.鈥�

Earle-Sears has also said she supports Trump鈥檚 policies on transgender students, and will promote policies in Virginia that exclude transgender girls from girls鈥� bathrooms, locker rooms and sporting teams.

Spanberger unveiled her agenda for the 蝉迟补迟别鈥檚 public schools Friday with an event in Portsmouth that marked the launch of a new coalition of supporters called 鈥淧arents and Educators for Spanberger.鈥� The group will highlight her support for strengthening the 蝉迟补迟别鈥檚 schools and her 鈥渇ocus on academic excellence.鈥�

According to a copy of the plan shared with The 19th, as governor, Spanberger will focus on championing the 蝉迟补迟别鈥檚 public schools, lobbying to cover funding gaps for school operations created by the state and the federal government, and oppose efforts to create vouchers for private education. Spanberger also promised to lobby state lawmakers for funding to fix old and dilapidated schools.

The Democrat said she will also prioritize addressing the 蝉迟补迟别鈥檚 teacher shortage by boosting recruitment and mentorship, and raising teacher pay, though she did not commit to a specific raise amount.

Citing reports that the state is lagging behind when it comes to reversing the learning losses of the pandemic, Spanberger said she will make sure schools have the resources they need to help students meet learning standards and uphold 鈥渁cademic excellence and rigor.鈥� She鈥檒l also direct the state to update its best practices for school safety.

During the Portsmouth event, Spanberger told the audience about her experience watching one of her daughters struggle with reading. 鈥淢y little girl was having a little bit of trouble getting where she needed to be,鈥� Spanberger said. It was her public school teacher, Spanberger told the audience, who worked 鈥渢irelessly鈥� to turn things around and built a child who is now an eager reader.

鈥淲e need to focus on ensuring that we are not playing games, that we are not using teachers or parents or educators as political pawns,鈥� Spanberger said. 鈥淲e need to focus on the results that matter to our kids.鈥�

A poll out of Virginia Commonwealth University found that education is the top issue for nearly 1 out of every 10 voters.

Spanberger鈥檚 event highlighted her efforts to refocus voters on the challenges facing public schools and hurting student learning, and away from the culture-war issues that have dominated the political conversation around education.

Republicans have increasingly seized on the inclusion of transgender children and teens in public schools, including in the most recent presidential election when GOP ads attacking trans rights in the last few weeks of the campaign. It was Youngkin back in 2021 who on the issue as part of a broader message on school safety and parents鈥� rights, and his upset victory in Virginia cemented it in Republicans鈥� election playbook.

This cycle, Spanberger is hoping to reset the terms of the conversation. Republican policies, she said, are disempowering parents and local communities, and hurting vulnerable children.

鈥淎s a parent, my heart goes out to the parents who are just trying to do right by their kids and don’t want to see their kids at the center of a political back and forth, or a political punching bag,鈥� Spanberger said.

鈥淚t’s easy to get people kind of confused and scared, and that I find to be the really unfortunate thing.鈥�

Spanberger said Republican members of Congress and Trump are going after 鈥渢he basic provision of health care that a parent is able to get for their kid.鈥� And federal and state level policies banning transgender students from some sports teams are throwing out a process that 鈥渨as driven by parents, teachers and coaches鈥� under the purview of the 蝉迟补迟别鈥檚 sporting league.

Earle-Sears鈥� campaign did not respond to a request for comment on her education agenda, but in a with a local TV station, Earle-Sears said that if Virginia districts don鈥檛 willingly create private spaces and sporting teams according to students鈥� sex at birth, she would sign legislation forcing them to. (Separately, the Trump administration is threatening to from Virginia districts who don鈥檛 do away with inclusive policies around transgender students.)

Earle-Sears said squarely that the issue of transgender student inclusion is driving parents away from public schools.

鈥淭hat’s why parents are saying, you know what, give us our tax money and let us make the decision on where to send our children to school,鈥� Earle-Sears told WJLA, adding that some parents are turning to private schools, parochial schools and to homeschooling. She called schools that refuse to adopt such policies 鈥渞ogue schools鈥� that some parents feel 鈥減it me against my child.鈥�

Spanberger has not outright opposed charter schools, but is opposed to policies that would 鈥渟iphon鈥� funding from traditional public schools.

During the 2021 campaign, Republicans in Virginia tapped parent frustrations over school closures and rules mandating masking in schools, creating a gateway for a national cultural critique of teachers and school leaders. It was a time of 鈥渆xtreme, really unprecedented parental frustration,鈥� said Jon Valant, the director of the Brown Center on Education Policy at the Brookings Institution.

鈥淓specially as more research came out about how schools were opening and it seemed safe, Democrats found themselves on their heels politically. You had a very potent political argument from Republicans saying, 鈥榯hese public schools are shut down when you want your kids to be in school 鈥� they’re not listening to you. They screwed up their pandemic response. Who do you trust on education?鈥�

鈥淒emocrats could not figure out how to navigate that,鈥� Valant added.

For all of the attention on groups like Moms For Liberty, which leaned on the idea of 鈥減arents鈥� rights鈥� to promote in public schools, Valant said the group is no longer the political powerhouse it appeared to be years ago. Book bans proved unpopular among many voters, and Republican candidates for governor who campaigned with Youngkin and tried to borrow from his education playbook in subsequent election cycles their bids. That includes who lost to Gov. Laura Kelly in Kansas and who lost to Gov. Gretchen Whitmer in Michigan.

While Democrats have become more effective at pushing back on Republican attacks, Valant said he doesn鈥檛 think 鈥渢here is a clear Democratic Party agenda on education policy. That is a challenge for the Democratic Party by the 2028 election.鈥�

Spanberger鈥檚 race in Virginia offers a trial run.

In an interview, the Democratic nominee said she could personally relate to the uneasiness many parents were feeling the last time Virginians elected a governor. 鈥淢y youngest daughter was in kindergarten when the schools shut down, and my oldest daughter was in middle school. My middle was in elementary school,鈥� Spanberger said.

鈥淚 know what it felt like to be a parent, where your kids just get sent home from school one day,鈥� she added. She described it as a really uneasy, fraught time for herself and many parents. 鈥淚鈥檓 watching them do school virtually, and it鈥檚 very clear that it鈥檚 certainly not the same. It’s very clear that they’re missing their friends, and they’re missing that social exposure, and they’re missing just the experience that comes with being in a classroom.鈥�

Spanberger said that landscape created a political opportunity. But four years later, she wants voters to reflect on the challenges that still face public schools and the legacy of an agenda she said created distrust in schools and demoralized teachers.

Spanberger pointed to the results of a recent national standardized test that measures student achievement in math and reading. Virginia fourth graders saw virtually no improvement in reading and slight improvement in math, while eighth graders did worse in both subjects. An by Harvard and Stanford universities that tried to measure pandemic academic recovery found that Virginia ranked 41st in reading recovery between 2019 and 2024, and 51st in math recovery.

The Youngkin administration said the scores reflected the 鈥渕assive learning loss鈥� that continues to persist from the pandemic. 鈥淲e had big work to do coming out of the pandemic,鈥� when the scores were released.

Spanberger also criticized the governor for a tip line he launched early in his administration that encouraged parents to report “inherently divisive practices” in schools, and that was criticized for . The tip line was about a year later. Youngkin听 signed several teacher pay raises into law totaling $1.6 billion while in office, but last year that would have brought Virginia teacher salaries to match the national average, arguing that data from a national teachers鈥� union on the matter was flawed. The union reported that Virginia in teacher pay.

鈥淒uring this time of recovery, there’s this governor who said he prioritized public education, but what did he actually do? You want to prioritize public education, but you’re going to vilify teachers?鈥� Spanberger said.

鈥淚 have three daughters in Virginia public schools, and I know everything that is possible for so many kids is dependent on the education that they do or don’t get in our public schools,鈥� Spanberger said. 鈥淎nd so, education is a priority issue for me, but it’s actually contending with the real issues related to education.鈥�

Early voting in Virginia starts September 19. The general election is November 4.

was originally published on .

A new analysis of data from three states 鈥� North Carolina, Texas and Virginia 鈥� shows that prior to COVID, 17% of students were chronically absent, meaning they missed at least 10% of the school year. By 2023, long after schools had to cope with new variants and hybrid schedules, that figure hit 37%.

鈥淎bsences are both more common for everybody, but they are also more extreme,鈥� said Jacob Kirksey, an associate professor of education policy at Texas Tech University.

Additional new research shows that while post-pandemic chronic absenteeism lingers across the board, rates were substantially higher for low-income students. In North Carolina, for example, the chronic absenteeism rate for students in poverty before the pandemic was 9.2 percentage points higher than for non-poor students. By 2023, the gap increased to 14.6 percentage points.

鈥淭he income gap really was the main driver that showed up over and over again,鈥� said Morgan Polikoff, an education researcher at the University of Southern California. But it鈥檚 hard for schools to make a dent in the problem, he said, if they aren鈥檛 investigating the reasons for chronic absenteeism. 鈥淭here’s a big difference between the kid [who] has an illness and is chronically sick versus the kid [who] is super disengaged.鈥�

Kirksey and Polikoff were among several researchers who Friday at an American Enterprise Institute event focused on facing what Kirksey called the 鈥渦nder-the-hood dynamics鈥� of chronic absenteeism in the post-COVID era. Since 2022, when the national average peaked at 28%, the rate has dropped to 23% 鈥� still much higher than the pre-COVID level of about 15%, according to the conservative think tank鈥檚 . 

鈥淚 have a question that keeps me up at night. That question is 鈥榃hat’s the new normal going to be?鈥� 鈥� said Nat Malkus, the deputy director of education policy at AEI. 鈥淲e see this rising tide, but I think that it’s incumbent on us to say that chronic absenteeism still affects disadvantaged students more.鈥�

The research project began in September with the goal of offering guidance to districts in time for students鈥� return to school this fall. The researchers stressed that those most likely to be chronically absent this school year 鈥� low-income, highly mobile and homeless students 鈥� are the same ones who will frequently miss school next year.

鈥淎bsenteeism should seldom come as a surprise,鈥� said Sam Hollon, an education data analyst at AEI. 鈥淚t’s hard to justify delaying interventions until absences have accumulated.鈥� 

Teacher absenteeism

One new finding revealed Friday contradicts a theory that gained traction following the pandemic 鈥� that students were more likely to be absent if their teachers were also out. As with students, teacher absenteeism increased during the pandemic and hasn鈥檛 returned to pre-COVID levels. 

The relationship between teacher absences and student absences, however, is 鈥減retty negligible,鈥� said Arya Ansari, an associate professor of human development and family science at The Ohio State University. 

鈥淭hese absences among teachers don’t actually contribute to the post-COVID bump that we’ve seen in student absences,鈥� he said. 鈥淭argeting teacher absences isn’t going to move the needle.鈥�

The researchers discussed how even some well-intentioned responses to the COVID emergency have allowed chronic absenteeism to persist. States, Malkus said, made it easier to graduate despite frequent absences and missing school doesn鈥檛 necessarily prevent students from turning in their work.

鈥淚n my day, you had to get a packet and do the work at home鈥� if you were absent, Polikoff said. In interviews with 40 families after the pandemic, 39 said it was easy to make up work because of Google Classroom and other online platforms. 鈥淗ow many said, 鈥楲et鈥檚 make it harder鈥�? Zero.鈥�

In another presentation, Ethan Hutt, an associate education professor at the University of North Carolina, estimated that chronic absenteeism accounts for about 7.5% of overall pandemic learning loss and about 9.2% for Black and low-income students 鈥� a 鈥渘ontrivial, but modest鈥� impact. 

He stressed that missing school also affects student engagement and relationships with teachers. While technology has made it easier for students to keep up, 鈥渢here may be other harms that we want to think about and grapple with,鈥� he said. 

From one to 49

The new research comes as states are mounting new efforts to more closely track chronic absenteeism data and share it with the public. In 2010, only one state 鈥� Maryland 鈥� published absenteeism data on its state education agency website. Now, 49 states 鈥� all but New Hampshire 鈥� report rates on an annual, monthly or even daily basis, according to a released Tuesday by Attendance Works, an advocacy and research organization.听

The systems allow educators and the public to more quickly identify which students are most affected and when spikes occur. Rhode Island, Connecticut, Massachusetts and Washington D.C. post rates even before the end of the school year. Rhode Island offers real-time data, while Connecticut publishes monthly reports.

The New Hampshire Department of Education doesn鈥檛 monitor chronic absenteeism, but has a statewide 92.7% attendance rate, a spokesperson said. 

The report highlights states that have taken action to reduce chronic absenteeism. In Virginia, bus drivers ensure their routes include students who might be more likely to struggle with transportation. With state funds, , west of Washington, D.C., opened a center for students on short-term suspension to minimize the when a student is removed from the classroom. 

Overall chronic absenteeism in the state declined from 19.3% in 2022-23 to 15.7% in 2023-24. To Hedy Chang, executive director of Attendance Works, such improvement proves 鈥渨e can still get things done in our country and in education, despite all of the culture wars and binary thinking.鈥�

鈥楶riced out鈥�

Some district and school leaders have looked to their peers for ideas on how to get kids back in school. After participating in a six-month program with 16 other districts across the country organized by the nonprofit Digital Promise, Mark Brenneman, an elementary principal in New York鈥檚 Hudson City Schools, started interviewing families about their challenges. 

He learned that Hispanic parents often keep their children home when it rains because they鈥檙e worried they鈥檙e going to catch a cold. Several had transportation challenges. His school, Smith Elementary, even contributed to the problem, he said, by holding concerts, award ceremonies or other family events in the morning. Parents would come to celebrate their children鈥檚 accomplishments, then take them out for lunch and not return.

Hudson, about 40 miles south of Albany, has undergone significant change since the pandemic, added Superintendent Juliette Pennyman. Some families leaving New York City have settled in Hudson, driving up the cost of housing. 

鈥淥ur families are being priced out of the community,鈥� she said. 鈥淗ousing insecurity was 鈥� affecting families鈥� and students鈥� ability to focus on school.鈥�

As a result of the intense focus on the issue, Smith, which had a 29% chronic absenteeism rate last year, has seen an about a 15% increase in the number of students with good attendance. 

鈥淚t’s not like we’re down to like 10% chronically absent,鈥� Brenneman said. 鈥淏ut we’ve hammered away.鈥� 

The federal departments of Education and Justice are investigating whether changes to the admissions policy at a prestigious Virginia high school violated the civil rights of Asian American students, even though the .

The investigation comes after the Virginia Attorney General鈥檚 Office said its own investigation found 鈥渞easonable cause鈥� to believe bias against Asian American students motivated the changes at Thomas Jefferson High School for Science and Technology in Alexandria, Virginia, and referred the case to federal authorities.

Under President Donald Trump, the Education Department has warned school districts that even race-neutral policies that aim to diversify magnet schools and honors programs , despite court rulings that have repeatedly upheld such policies.

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Many school systems with selective high schools are in the midst of ongoing debate about how students should qualify for those schools.

This is the first civil rights investigation during the second Trump administration to look specifically at high school admissions. Other cases have targeted and as the Trump administration tries to root out common practices associated with diversity, equity, and inclusion.

Fairfax County Public Schools changed the admissions criteria for the school, commonly known as TJ, in 2020 with the goal of creating a more diverse student body.

The 1,800-student school draws from five area school districts and often sends students on to elite colleges and successful careers. In the years before the change, the student body typically was more than two-thirds Asian American. Most students came from just a few middle schools. .

The district dropped the use of standardized test scores, incorporated 鈥渆xperience factors鈥� into the admissions process, and reserved seats for students from each middle school in the area. Parents, many of whom were Asian American, organized as the Coalition for TJ and sued the district over the changes, but the Supreme Court declined to take the case in early 2024. That seemed to be the end of the matter.

But this week Virginia Attorney General Jason Miyares, a Republican, said a two-year investigation had found evidence that . Miyares said school board members in private communications described the policies as having 鈥渁n anti asian feel鈥� and that the changes would 鈥渒ick out Asians.鈥�

After the policy change, Asian American students went from 73% of admitted students to 54%, the attorney general鈥檚 office said. The share of white, Black, and Latino students all increased. The study body is currently about 60% Asian American, 20% white, 7% Latino, and 5.5% Black.

The attorney general鈥檚 office did not release a full report that would provide more context for board member comments and told Chalkbeat to obtain it from the school district. The school district said it would consider the request but did not immediately share the report. Coalition for TJ also alleged in its lawsuit that the school district was biased against Asian American students, but the court did not find that the policy change violated equal protection requirements.

Miyares referred the case to the federal Justice and Education departments, which announced they would open Title VI investigations into the district. Title VI protects students from discrimination on the basis of race or shared ancestry.

鈥淭homas Jefferson High School in Fairfax County has long had a reputation for producing some of our nation鈥檚 brightest minds, due in no small part to its rigorous admissions process,鈥� Education Secretary Linda McMahon said in a statement announcing the investigation. 鈥淭he Fairfax County School Board鈥檚 alleged decision to weigh race in TJ鈥檚 admissions decisions appears to be both contrary to the law and to the fundamental principle that students should be evaluated on their merit, not the color of their skin.鈥�

A spokesperson for Fairfax County Public Schools said the district was reviewing documents related to the investigation and would have a more detailed response in a few days.

鈥淭his matter has already been fully litigated,鈥� the district said. 鈥淎 federal appellate court determined there was no merit to arguments that the admissions policy for Thomas Jefferson High School for Science and Technology discriminates against any group of students.鈥�

Admissions policy changes are contested ground

Yuyan Chou, a member of Coalition for TJ, that the federal investigation gives parents new hope.

鈥淭he Supreme Court decided basically not to hear our case and at that point, I thought the American dream died,鈥� she said. 鈥淭here鈥檚 no path forward, there鈥檚 nothing going to happen again until today. I believe there is a chance we can revive that dream.鈥�

Chris Kieser, a senior attorney for the Pacific Legal Foundation, which represented Coalition for TJ and regularly brings lawsuits opposing affirmative action, said he was pleased to see the federal government take another look at the case.

鈥淲e certainly think there are grounds to investigate,鈥� he said. Just because the Supreme Court didn鈥檛 take up the case 鈥渄oesn鈥檛 mean there were no issues.鈥�

Kieser said the Pacific Legal Foundation continues to hope that the Supreme Court will take up a high school admissions case. Policies that aim to diversify selective high schools often end up discriminating against Asian American students, Kieser said, and the fact that those student continue to gain admittance at high rates under revised policies doesn鈥檛 mean they don鈥檛 discriminate against individual students.

Derek Black, a law professor at the University of South Carolina, said civil rights investigations can apply a different standard in seeking to protect students than the Supreme Court did in declining to hear the case. But the Education Department鈥檚 interpretation of the law appears to be in direct violation of court rulings.

鈥淭hey have no legal authority to enforce Title VI in a way that is inconsistent with the law,鈥� he said. 鈥淚f TJ is willing to stand up for itself, it will have to challenge the administration in court. And this is what has been going on all over the country.鈥�

Civil rights investigations often result in negotiated settlements in which school districts agree to make certain changes. The federal government also has the power to withhold federal funds to penalize school districts. Historically that hasn鈥檛 happened. But under Trump, the in an effort to get states and school districts to comply with its interpretations of the law.

Black said the department appears to be applying disparate impact theory 鈥� a type of legal analysis that looks at whether certain policies affect certain groups in disproportionate ways 鈥� to a high school admissions policy just weeks after Trump .

The administration would need a 鈥渟moking gun鈥� that showed bias against Asian American students to conclude that the district violated those students鈥� civil rights, Black said.

This story was originally published by Chalkbeat. Chalkbeat is a nonprofit news site covering educational change in public schools. Sign up for their newsletters at .

PETERSBURG 鈥� Vernon Johns Middle School eighth grader Jonathan Phillips already knows he鈥檚 interested in a career in physics. With his interest in science, he was especially happy to witness the unveiling of his school鈥檚 new medical-focused classroom on Wednesday, a space made possible through a unique partnership between a Virginia health care system, an education nonprofit and Petersburg Public Schools.

鈥淚t seems like a very interesting learning opportunity,鈥� he said.

Phillips was one of a handful of middle school students to attend a formal ribbon cutting for the classroom opening where they听 were able to physically interact with various medical instruments and models. As he lingered near a model used for CPR practice, he noted how he鈥檇 taken a course and was excited at the prospect of 鈥渂rushing up鈥� on the life skill. Some other students expressed interest in phlebotamy, the specialty of drawing blood for testing or delivering intravenous medicines, while exploring the room.

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Phillips said the classroom may stir up his classmates鈥� curiosity about working in medical fields.

鈥淚 think some other people might have their interest piqued,鈥� he said.

Petersburg superintendent Yolanda Brown said that the lab will be part of Vernon Johns Middle School鈥檚 鈥渃areer investigation鈥� courses, offering hands-on experience that will encourage students to further their studies in health care. The school also aims to include guest lecturers in the classroom from different healthcare specialties.

Next door, Petersburg High School,offers a curriculum for certified nursing assistant career paths, which students could explore and plan to pursue or that might inspire interest in other medical professions. As Virginia mirrors national trends in a of workers for critical health professions like various types of nurses and primary care providers, Petersburg鈥檚 new medical classroom can help inspire future professionals who could stem the tide.

鈥淲e thought that starting early, at least at middle school, introducing them to those careers, those tracks and what they might need for their ninth grade start of high school, would be a place to start,鈥� said Communities in Schools Petersburg president Wanda Stewart.

Stewart鈥檚 organization is part of a national nonprofit dedicated to supporting local schools and students around the country. Communities in Schools Petersburg facilitated conversations with HCA Virginia Health System and the school division that led to a $25,000 grant that helped set up the classroom.

鈥淲e are excited about our students being able to learn in a way that is a little different from just normal classroom settings,鈥� Stewart听 said.

HCA awarded the grant to the school in order to inspire future health care workers, HCA associate vice president of academic affairs Yvette Dorsey explained at the unveiling.

A CPR training for students at Petersburg High added to the health-related learning Wednesday morning. The training stemmed from a collaboration between Petersburg schools, the local emergency services and health departments, and HCA.

With requiring public elementary and secondary schools to develop cardiac emergency response plans, the training was timely. The legislation was carried by Sen. Aaron Rouse, D-Virignia Beach, in this year鈥檚 General Assembly session and, after passing the legislature, was signed by Gov. Glenn Youngkin March 24.

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Virginia Mercury maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Samantha Willis for questions: info@virginiamercury.com.

But the result was something else.

Parents bombarded the dedicated email address with off-topic rants on issues from kids using outdated textbooks to districts that failed to pay for special education evaluations. In the end, the process likely attracted more critics than supporters to the governor’s cause.  urged Black parents to 鈥渇lood鈥� the governor with complaints about 鈥渉istory being silenced.鈥� The state shut the tip line down offering scant evidence of indoctrination.

A New Hampshire project met . State officials disabled it last year after a ruled that the 蝉迟补迟别鈥檚 2021 鈥渂anned concepts鈥� laws that restricted lessons on LGBTQ issues and racial history were too vague. 

But in Oklahoma, a school safety alert system that Superintendent Ryan Walters uses to expose and punish what he calls the Five complaints pointed to books that Walters deemed 鈥減ornographic鈥� in a district north of Oklahoma City. His accusation sparked a legal battle over whether the state chief could control the contents of school libraries. 

Richard Cobb, superintendent of the Mid-Del Schools, outside Oklahoma City, called the online system 鈥渁 huge overreach.鈥� 

鈥淚t’s frustrating because anyone can report anything,鈥� he said. 鈥淭hen the burden is on us to prove our innocence.鈥�

And for many educators, there鈥檚 the rub 鈥� especially now that the Trump administration has made combating diversity, equity and inclusion an urgent national priority.

On Feb. 27, the U.S. Department of Education launched the . Its name leaves no doubt about its purpose 鈥� to uncover and eradicate examples of diversity, equity and inclusion in more than 100,000 schools across the nation. In a statement, Moms for Liberty co-founder Tiffany Justice urged parents to 鈥渟hare the receipts of the betrayal that has happened in our public schools.鈥�

Trump made the issue a hallmark of his campaign, calling such policies 鈥渁bsolute nonsense鈥� and 鈥渋llegal.鈥� 

On the department鈥檚 portal, a simple online form invites parents to report 鈥渋llegal discriminatory practices鈥� that the department will use to launch investigations. 

But the department didn鈥檛 say what made DEI illegal, and the concept has proved notoriously difficult to define. Schools have implemented race-focused activities like in elementary school, drawing backlash from parents who say the lessons make their children feel ashamed. But others have blocked lessons of clear historical significance, such as about Ruby Bridges, the first Black child to attend a school in New Orleans. 

Even in its attempt to eliminate DEI, the department has found the concept to be something of a moving target.

The launch of the portal followed a stern from the Office for Civil Rights that districts could face investigation if they treat 鈥渟tudents differently on the basis of race.鈥� In response, some teachers from lessons on Black history. A day after unveiling the portal, however, officials followed up with a more , explaining that cultural observances like Black History Month and International Holocaust Remembrance Day would be acceptable as long as all students, regardless of race, are welcome to participate. 

But the department recently resumed the offensive. Last week, it told states and districts to sign a document certifying that they have eliminated DEI practices or risk losing millions of dollars in federal funding. The department has since extended the deadline until April 24, said Madi Biedermann, a department spokeswoman.

New York is among of states that has . Washington state Superintendent Chris Reykdal called the department鈥檚 ultimatum 鈥渁n assault on the autonomy of states鈥� and said it would be 鈥渋rresponsible鈥� to sign the certification. California also seems to be . In an emailed statement, the state education agency called the demand 鈥渁nother attempt to impose a national ideology on local schools by threatening to withhold vital resources for students.鈥�

Adding to the outsize stakes is the way the Trump administration has weaponized the issue, canceling grants and connected with even tangential connections to DEI work. In some cases, it has used DEI as an excuse to challenge legitimate history and bolster thinly veiled discrimination. Using artificial intelligence to comb through over 1,000 web pages, the Pentagon to notable achievements among minority members of the military. It later restored some of them. And in January, Trump for a fatal mid-air collision between a helicopter and a plane over the Potomac River.

Those who have worked in states that have implemented tip lines expect End DEI to meet with a similar flurry of confusion, tangents, spam, personal grievances 鈥� and a chill on important classroom discussions.

鈥淚 can see the parallel鈥� with Oklahoma, Cobb said. 鈥淲e’ve seen the Trump administration bully powerful law firms and Ivy League schools into submission. I imagine they would have zero qualms about applying similar pressure to individuals or school districts.鈥�

鈥楽nitch line mentality鈥�

The department鈥檚 move comes amid deep national divisions about DEI. A January by The Economist and YouGov found a roughly even split, with 45% in favor of ending such programs in government and schools, and 40% opposed.

As Trump took office on Jan. 20, another survey attempted to gauge the effects of critical race theory on classroom instruction. The results were similarly mixed. Fifty-eight percent  of high school students reported that their  teachers frequently make comments like, 鈥淲e must be actively anti-racist,鈥� while 42% responded that teachers support the Black Lives Matter movement. At the same time, 77% said their teachers either never or rarely made them feel uncomfortable about disagreeing with their point of view. 

Brian Kisida, a government and public affairs professor at the University of Missouri and a lead author of the study, said the department鈥檚 portal could give parents a vehicle for reporting actual discrimination against their children. But he expressed concern that the likely result would be to magnify the polarization it is designed to eradicate, saying 鈥渢his snitch line mentality can do more harm than good.鈥�

鈥淚 expect many of these disputes could be solved if parents and educators just had good-faith conversations with each other, and both sides would likely learn something in the process,鈥� he said.

Some wonder how the department can thoughtfully navigate the issues, given the dramatic cuts to the program that normally would have been responsible for investigating discrimination complaints: the department鈥檚 civil rights office.

Education Secretary Linda McMahon eliminated half of the OCR staff along with seven regional offices that handle investigations. With its remaining employees, the department redirected civil rights enforcement toward administration priorities like ending antisemitic protests on college campuses and keeping transgender students out of girls鈥� sports. 

鈥淚f you’re dismantling the Department of Education and moving everything somewhere else, who are these people that are going to do the investigation?鈥� asked LaToya Baldwin Clark, a law professor at the University of California Los Angeles who . 鈥淲ho are these people that actually do any type of enforcement?鈥�

Biedermann, the department spokeswoman, would not say who is reviewing the submissions or whether officials have followed up on any tips. But unlike the Department of Defense, she said staff members at the department 鈥� not AI 鈥� will review submissions to identify potential areas for investigation. Biederman offered no information on how many reports the system has received, but Marleigh Schaefer, a spokeswoman for Moms for Liberty, said 鈥渢housands of parents have submitted to the portal.鈥� 

One of them is Lauren McDonough, part of a Texas conservative group called Families Engaged.

In her complaint to the department, she described her failed attempts to get the Richardson Independent School District to pass a policy requiring students to use bathrooms that match their sex assigned at birth. She became concerned after learning that a trans girl in first grade attends her daughters鈥� school. In an email, a district official told her that schools consider transgender students鈥� requests on a case-by-case basis.

鈥淚 was like 鈥榃hat the heck, it takes five minutes,鈥� 鈥� McDonough said of the form. 鈥淚f something comes of it, great, but my hopes are very low. I feel like I have to exhaust my resources as a parent.鈥�

Biedermann said people who make submissions shouldn鈥檛 necessarily expect a response and described the portal as a 鈥渢ool to identify where and if there are pockets or patterns of 鈥� violations.鈥�

Not surprisingly, the site, created by staff from billionaire Elon Musk鈥檚 Department of Government Efficiency, fell prey to pranks. 鈥淵鈥檃ll know what to do 鈥opy the Bee Movie script,鈥� one critic 鈥� a reference to an about sending the entire script from the 2014 movie to crash a site. Three former staffers at the department said in the rush to get the portal up, the site went down within 12 hours.

鈥淲e were laughing about it,鈥� said a former employee who asked to remain anonymous to protect colleagues still at the department. 

Biedermann acknowledged that the portal was initially overwhelmed, but said it resumed operations in about an hour and is now working smoothly.

鈥楴ame names鈥� 

In Virginia, Youngkin set up his special email address to make good on a promise to listen to parents鈥� concerns. His successful run for governor in 2021 tapped into deep anger over remote learning and fears that critical race theory was infiltrating classrooms. An academic principle usually reserved for graduate schools, CRT argues that racism is built into the fabric of American institutions.

As governor, Youngkin鈥檚 first banned classroom lessons based on CRT. On a , he promoted the tip line as a way to track down 鈥渋nherently divisive teaching practices.鈥� 

He called out the Fairfax County district for a high school English assignment, titled Privilege Bingo, that was intended to teach students about diverse perspectives. The squares on the bingo card listed features such as being white, Christian, male and able-bodied. , an Army veteran complained that the lesson listed being part of a military family as an example of privilege. The district apologized and revised the activity, but said it remained committed to teaching students how to understand multiple viewpoints. Youngkin pledged to wipe out similar lessons from Virginia classrooms. 

鈥淲e’re going to make sure that we catalog it all,鈥� he said.

But the effort didn鈥檛 go as planned. Teachers in the Prince William County district, next to Fairfax, thought it was a joke. They even ordered custom T-shirts that read 鈥淗i tip line? I鈥檇 like to report Virginia teachers for being incredible at what they do. Thanks Bye.鈥� 

鈥淲e just couldn’t believe that they were going to spend tax dollars to run this tip line, but not fully fund our schools to decrease class sizes,鈥� said Angie Trerotola, a high school social studies teacher in Prince William.  

Saturday Night Live鈥檚 Weekend Update got into the act. Co-anchor Colin Jost quipped, 鈥淵ou know you鈥檙e racist when you call the cops about a Black character in a book.鈥�

In response to public records requests, the governor鈥檚 staff initially submissions to the tip line. But when several news outlets sued, the governor turned over 350 emails as part of a settlement, few of which pointed to lessons Youngkin was trying to eliminate. A spokesman referred 社区黑料 to a statement it released in the fall of 2022 explaining that it the tip line because it was 鈥渞eceiving little to no volume.鈥�

A similar tip line in Rhode Island also failed to gain traction. The Rhode Island Center for Freedom and Prosperity, a nonprofit, at the height of outrage and confusion over how schools were teaching racial issues. It called on parents to 鈥溾�榥ame names鈥� of those indoctrinating our kids.鈥� 

The free market think tank and the conservative Civics Alliance collaborated on that said state social studies standards are 鈥渁nimated by a radical identity-politics ideology鈥� and show 鈥渉ostility toward America.鈥� The standards expect students to study Latino history, workers鈥� rights and feminism, they wrote, but distort 鈥渉istory where white men played the leading roles.”

More recently, Mike Stenhouse, the center鈥檚 CEO, that a policy that recognizes transgender students and protects their decision to use restrooms and locker rooms that align with their gender identity puts them at risk of a civil rights investigation by the Trump administration.

But after four years, the group鈥檚 tip line had nothing to show for it, Stenhouse said in an email. The line 鈥渉as not yielded any notable results鈥� or received many 鈥渃redible responses,鈥� he said. Stenhouse blamed the lack of participation on the center鈥檚 failure to adequately promote the site.

鈥楽oup du jour鈥�

In Oklahoma, Superintendent Walters has had more success getting the public鈥檚 help. His predecessor, Joy Hofmeister, launched a website called Awareity to report school security risks. Walters turned to it to and districts violating a state law banning divisive concepts and his own mandates.

last year focused on two books in the Edmond School District鈥檚 high school libraries. The Kite Runner by Khaled Hosseini, is an award-winning bestseller about an Afghan boy鈥檚 relationship with his father set against the backdrop of the Soviet-Afghan war, and The Glass Castle by Jeannette Walls is a memoir about growing up in a dysfunctional family. Both books include descriptions of sexual assault.

Walters threatened to downgrade the district鈥檚 accreditation if they didn鈥檛 remove them. When the district sued over his rule, it had chosen to 鈥減eddle porn and is leading the charge to undermine parents in Oklahoma.鈥�

Cobb, the Mid-Del superintendent, didn鈥檛 pull the books, but others preemptively removed the titles and similar ones Walters labeled 鈥渇ilth.鈥�

鈥淚 guess we all have to make our own decisions,鈥� Cobb said. 鈥淏ut I’d rather stand up and fight than comply in advance with something that is wrong.鈥�

Walters lost the case Edmond brought against him last year. The Oklahoma Supreme Court accused the superintendent of acting with 鈥渦nauthorized quasi-judicial authority鈥� and said decisions over library materials are up to local districts. 

The option to report 鈥減ornographic materials or sexualized content鈥� no longer appears in Awareity鈥檚 dropdown menu. The public also can no longer use it to report that a teacher is violating the 蝉迟补迟别鈥檚 divisive concepts law. Last June, a federal judge parts of the legislation, finding some of the language confusing for teachers to follow. 

But Walters has a new use for Awareity. The public can report a 鈥渧iolation of religious liberty and patriotism rights.鈥� Those categories complement his controversial mandate for teachers to in the classroom and that students should be allowed to fly and display the American flag at school 鈥渨ithout infringement.鈥澨�

鈥淚t鈥檚 like the soup du jour 鈥� whatever issues seem to be playing well at the current time,鈥� said Brendon Hoover, coordinator at the Kirkpatrick Policy Group, which advocates for schools having full-time librarians.

He worked with Oklahoma Appleseed for Law and Justice, a nonprofit law firm, to file an open records request for Awareity files. Complaints included objections to schools offering Stamped, by anti-racist author Ibram Kendi, and a middle school book fair featuring selections from the LGBTQ-themed Heartstopper series of graphic novels.

The Oklahoma Department of Education did not respond to questions about Awareity.

Hoover blames the current atmosphere surrounding classroom instruction for contributing to an exodus of teachers from the profession and the state. Last year, Oklahoma approved nearly for teachers to fill vacancies, breaking a previous record, the Oklahoma Voice reported.

鈥淥klahoma has a huge teacher shortage,鈥� Hoover said, 鈥渁nd it’s because teachers are under attack by their own state Superintendent.鈥�

One former Oklahoma health teacher got tired of being a target. Describing herself as a 鈥渂lue drop in a red sea,鈥� she said the threat of being reported for discussing racial issues was one reason she left the classroom in 2022. She stopped teaching a lesson about how the slave trade likely contributed to Black Americans鈥� to certain diseases like diabetes and high blood pressure. After parents complained, an administrator encouraged her to drop the material from her curriculum.

鈥淲hat the parents heard was, 鈥榃hite folks did this to Black folks,鈥� 鈥� said the teacher, who asked to remain anonymous to protect future job prospects.

UCLA鈥檚 Clark said she expects the new End DEI portal to create a similar chill. 

鈥淭hese mechanisms to surveil and to monitor teachers and principals are ripe for reports that are not serious or not given in good faith,鈥� she said. Ultimately, she said, 鈥渢he purpose is to get people to self-censor.鈥�

With roughly 160 students 鈥� nearly two-thirds of them low-income 鈥� the rural Charleston County school recorded well below district and state averages. One-third of students were chronically absent, and school climate was ranked low by teachers.

鈥淭he school was a failing school, and it had been a failing school for a few years,鈥� Smalls said.

Smalls鈥檚 first year coincided with the school鈥檚 acceptance into the University of Virginia Partnership for Leaders in Education, a program that helps improve low-performing schools through administrator training and professional development. 

Frierson Elementary is one of three schools that transformed from struggling to succeeding because of the turnaround program. After one year, the school went from an unsatisfactory to excellent rating, the in the 蝉迟补迟别鈥檚 report card system. 

Since 2004, the partnership has worked with more than 900 schools from 33 states. Roughly half achieve double-digit gains in reading, math or both, within three years of starting the program.

For two to three years, administrators receive professional development at the university and coaches visit their schools to help brainstorm ways to improve academic achievement, attendance and culture. Districts must apply and, if selected, pay roughly $90,000 for program costs.

Leighann Lenti, the program鈥檚 chief of partnership, said the key to transforming a low-performing is to work with district and building administrators to make systemic changes that will lead to improved student outcomes.

鈥淭hey’re given a chance to think about the design and the decisions they’re making in their buildings and in their school district,鈥� Lenti said. 鈥淸They] think about their highest priorities and the root cause of what hasn’t worked, so they can solve those problems differently 鈥� not just keep doing the same things over and over 鈥� and see tangible results for kids.鈥�

A 2016 found that 20 Ohio schools that participated in the program saw statistically significant academic improvement that persisted even two years after completion. 

The program focuses on four areas of school improvement: system leadership, support and accountability, talent management and instructional infrastructure. 

During the first year, University of Virginia staff work with district and school leaders to develop a plan for their school. They try to find root causes for low performance and create goals that are revised every 90 days.

Administrators at Schoolfield Elementary in Danville, Virginia, started the program before the 2023-24 school year and finished in January. Principal Kelsie Hubbard and her colleagues created a 90-day plan with three main areas of focus: professional learning, classroom instruction and teaching strategies.

Educators began professional development twice a week to make sure instruction and activities matched existing rigorous academic standards. They also worked to ensure students were being taught the same way in every classroom, so they didn鈥檛 have to relearn strategies if they changed grades or teachers.

鈥淐oming out of COVID, we were seeing a lot of our students performing below grade level, and so a trend we started to notice is that our instruction was not meeting the rigor of the standards,鈥� Hubbard said.鈥漌e were teaching lower level because we were assuming that students needed that intensive intervention. 鈥� But we were holding and keeping them further and further behind.鈥�

At the end of the program, Schoolfield 鈥� a building of 500 students, with 85% low-income 鈥� improved its from 68% in 2023 to 78% in 2024. Math proficiency went from 68% to 73%.

Similar gains were observed in Alabama鈥檚 Florence City Schools, a district of 4,500 students that recently finished the program. Three of its lowest-performing elementary schools that participated all reported improvements in reading, math and chronic absenteeism.

Superintendent Jimmy Shaw said principals met with reading and math teachers to brainstorm why academic scores were lacking. 

For example, they found in Weeden Elementary that third graders had a hard time with geometry and other math topics while taking state assessments. Teachers began to give 10-minute mini-lessons daily to help students master specific skills.

鈥淚t’s been beautiful work to be able to build the capacity of our leaders and our research teams. To us, that’s what it’s about,鈥� Shaw said. 鈥淚t’s not about having some dynamic leader, but it’s about building the capacity of a group of adults who can understand system structures and processes to be able to attack a problem.鈥�

Smalls鈥� 90-day plan for Frierson Elementary began with a list of goals such as improving school climate by training educators and ensuring they got enough classroom time to teach the? curriculum. She also delivered a 鈥渟tate of the school鈥� address for families to explain Frierson鈥檚 unsatisfactory rating and what steps were being taken to fix it. Teachers hosted literacy and math nights to get parents more involved in their child鈥檚 learning.

鈥淚 felt like I created an environment, a climate or a culture where everybody was valued and everybody was seen as a leader,鈥� Smalls said. 鈥淸The program] is very effective. It is very self-provoking, very reflective, very action-based and action-oriented. I really believe in it.鈥�

At the same time, schools are struggling to bring down high absenteeism rates that undermine academic achievement and school climate. While there鈥檚 been some progress since the pandemic, far more students are missing a month or more of school than in 2019. The rates are particularly high among homeless students: of them were chronically absent in the 2022-23 school year, compared with about 28% of all students and 36% of those who are economically disadvantaged.

These results are hardly surprising: The constant moves that come with homelessness often leave children far from their schools and without an easy way to get there. Hunger, lack of clean clothes and mental or physical illnesses complicate the picture. 

Our organizations, SchoolHouse Connection and Attendance Works, spent the past six months interviewing school leaders across the country to learn how districts are bringing students without stable housing back to school. reflect common-sense approaches driven by data and cloaked in compassion.

The first step is to identify the students who need help. The federal provides school districts with money for transportation, staffing and other assistance to students residing in shelters, cars and motels, as well as those staying temporarily with other people. But many families and youth don鈥檛 realize they qualify for extra help from the school district, and others are afraid or embarrassed to say they are homeless.

School districts are adjusting their to reflect different sorts of temporary living arrangements. And they鈥檙e training all school staff, from attendance clerks to counselors to administrators, to recognize the signs of homelessness. Even tardiness or poor attendance can be a tipoff that families have lost their homes.

Some districts are going further. In Henrico County, Virginia, the McKinney-Vento team hosts summer events at Richmond-area motels where homeless families live and signs students up for services. In Albuquerque, team members visit homeless shelters and RV parks.

Once students are identified, districts need to track what鈥檚 happening with their attendance and update the data regularly. Many districts are using that focus on addressing the factors that keep students from showing up, such as transportation, hunger and depression. 

In California鈥檚 Coalinga-Huron Unified School District, for instance, officials at each school once a week with a list of homeless students and review academics, attendance and other indicators. They emerge with action items for helping students, whether it鈥檚 rearranging a school bus route, bringing in a counselor or connecting the family to food and other services. Coalinga-Huron鈥檚 efforts are supported by real-time data analysis from the Fresno County Office of Education. 

In the small rural district and elsewhere, transportation remains one of the biggest barriers to school attendance for homeless students. Recognizing this, the McKinney-Vento Act requires districts to provide eligible students with a way to get to their 鈥渟chool of origin鈥� if it is in their best interest. This often creates logistical challenges. 

For students living beyond school bus lines, some districts use vans or car services with drivers vetted for safety. But the costs can be high, and drivers are sometimes in short supply. Others offer gas cards to parents or student drivers. The Oxford Hills School District in Maine paid for one student鈥檚 driver鈥檚 education course.

The challenges go beyond expenses. Henrico County created school bus stops for homeless children living at motels but found the kids were embarrassed for their classmates to see where they lived. The district then changed the routes so the motels were the first stop of the day and the final stop in the afternoon. 

Depression and anxiety can also contribute to absenteeism. Near Denver, Adams 12 Five Star School District matches youth experiencing homelessness with mentors for a 15-hour independent study focused on academic goals, social-emotional development and postsecondary options. Kansas City, Kansas, uses a 鈥�2 x 10鈥� approach, with a staff member spending two minutes talking to each at-risk student for 10 consecutive days.

It鈥檚 also key to reach families, many of whom report feeling unwelcome at school or embarrassed by their living situations. Fresno Unified School District in California hosts parent advisories to discuss challenges that are keeping homeless students from attending school. Adams 12 hired a diverse team of specialists whose backgrounds include some of the experiences that their students are living through, including poverty, immigration and homelessness. Henrico County spent some of its federal COVID relief funding for two years of Spanish lessons that help the McKinney-Vento team members communicate with families more easily.

This work takes coordination across departments, so that district staffers who concentrate on homeless students work closely with those monitoring school attendance. It also requires strong relationships with community-based organizations.

Several districts use a approach that coordinates nonprofits and government agencies in supporting students and families. In Coalinga-Huron, where families often have trouble accessing social services located more than an hour away in the county seat of Fresno, the district offers nonprofit organizations space to provide immigration services and language instruction, as well as a food pantry, clothing closet and health clinic.

Several states have also launched grant programs or provide funding specifically for students experiencing homelessness. In Washington state, a funds North Thurston Public School鈥檚 student navigator program that connects each homeless student with a staff member. Adams 12 relies in part on Colorado鈥檚 to pay the salaries for some of the specialists on its team. 

These districts are using data-driven approaches to improve attendance for homeless students. And they鈥檙e doing it with compassion and heart. They recognize that these absences mean weaker academic performance and higher dropout rates. In some places, the absences affect school funding, leaving less money available.

As the homelessness rate continues to rise, districts should adopt these common-sense approaches to identifying students, tracking data and addressing barriers with community, state and federal support.

SchoolHouse Connection and Attendance Works are hosting to explore the findings at 1 p.m. Eastern March 13 and 18. A SchoolHouse Connection-University of Michigan database provides for homeless students at the district, county and state levels.

Disclosure: The Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, the Joyce Foundation and Overdeck Family Foundation provide financial support to Attendance Works and 社区黑料.

Virginia colleges and universities are on notice: the U.S. Department of Education鈥檚 Office for Civil Rights (OCR) has warned that institutions failing to eliminate race-based decision-making could lose federal funding.

The supplemental , released Friday, follows the federal government鈥檚 directive for schools to stop considering race in admissions and other policies. It clarifies how the Supreme Court鈥檚 Students for Fair Admissions, Inc. v. President & Fellows of Harvard College ruling applies to 鈥榬acial classifications, racial preferences, and racial stereotypes,鈥� and how OCR will enforce Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964.

The Supreme Court鈥檚 decision in June 2023 effectively ended affirmative action in higher education, striking down race-conscious admissions policies at Harvard University and the University of North Carolina. In response, Virginia schools have revised their admissions policies to comply with the ruling.

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Under President Donald Trump鈥檚 administration, the latest directive from OCR aligns with broader efforts to eliminate race-based considerations in education.

In Virginia, Gov. Glenn Youngkin and lawmakers took further action last year by banning legacy admissions. Youngkin鈥檚 administration has also instructed Virginia鈥檚 Boards of Visitors 鈥� governing bodies appointed by the governor 鈥� to eliminate all forms of racial discrimination on campus, according to by the Richmond Times-Dispatch on Tuesday.

Many of Virginia鈥檚 educational institutions rely on federal funding, including all 132 K-12 public school divisions. Federal dollars are critical in key areas such as support for students with disabilities and funding for at-risk schools 鈥� those serving students at higher risk of failing or dropping out.

Over the next two years, more than $2 billion in federal funds is set to flow to schools across the commonwealth.

鈥淰irginia鈥檚 Department of Education is currently reviewing all of its programs to ensure full compliance with federal laws and to foster an educational environment for all students that is free from discrimination, as outlined in the letter and additional guidance from the U.S. Department of Education,鈥� said Christian Martinez, a spokesman for Youngkin, in a statement. 鈥淕overnor Youngkin expects that they will comply.鈥�

Beyond K-12 schools, Virginia鈥檚 higher education system also stands to be affected. The state has 15 four-year public colleges and universities and more than 20 community colleges.

Bob Spieldenner, a spokesman for the State Council of Higher Education for Virginia (SCHEV), said the council is 鈥渃losely monitoring potential changes to higher education policy at the federal level and reviewing the recently posted FAQs.鈥�

Given the shifting landscape of executive orders, legal challenges and court rulings, SCHEV has not yet issues formal recommendations to institutions. However, Spieldenner said the council continues 鈥渢o track developments and may, as necessary or helpful, provide opportunity for discussion or collaboration with Virginia institutions.鈥�

The letter and guidance

The Trump Administration has moved to reinforce what it describes as schools鈥� 鈥渘on-discrimination obligations鈥� with new directives from the U.S. Department of Education鈥檚 Office for Civil Rights. A published in February, followed by supplemental guidance in March, aims to clarify the restrictions on race-conscious policies for schools and other entities receiving federal financial assistance.

In the letter, Craig Trainor, acting assistant secretary for OCR, emphasized the department鈥檚 commitment to eliminating what it views as unlawful race-based policies in education.

鈥淭he department will no longer tolerate the overt and covert racial discrimination that has become widespread in this nation鈥檚 educational institutions,鈥� Trainor wrote. 鈥淭he law is clear: treating students differently on the basis of race to achieve nebulous goals, such as diversity, racial balancing, social justice or equity is illegal under controlling Supreme Court precedent.鈥�

The letter advises all educational institutions to ensure that their policies align with existing civil rights law and warns against any form of race-based decision-making. It specifically directs schools to discontinue using race as a factor in admissions, hiring, promotion, scholarships, disciplinary actions, and other programs. Additionally, institutions are instructed to halt reliance on third-party organizations that assist in implementing race-conscious policies.

OCR鈥檚 additional guidance released Friday seeks to clarify its previous directive and address anticipated questions. One key issue was whether Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) programs violate the Supreme Court鈥檚 ruling in the Students v. Harvard case.

According to the guidance, schools 鈥渕ay not operate policies or programs under any name that treat students differently based on race, engage in racial stereotyping or create hostile environments for students of particular races.鈥�

Another question focused on whether schools can invite applicants to discuss race in their application essays. The Supreme Court barred race-based admissions policies, the guidance states, but institutions are still allowed to consider how race has shaped an applicant鈥檚 experiences 鈥� so long as they do not use it as a direct admissions factor.

鈥淪chools that craft essay prompts in a way that require applicants to disclose their race are illegally attempting to do indirectly what cannot be done directly, as are admissions policies that hold brief interviews in order to visually assess an applicant鈥檚 race. It is ultimately racial preferences that are illegal, however accomplished,鈥� the guidance states.

OCR also cautioned against what it described as attempts to 鈥渃ircumvent SFFA鈥檚 holding鈥� through what some commentators have called the 鈥渆ssay loophole.鈥�

鈥淪chools can credit what is unique about the individual in overcoming adversity or hardship but never the person鈥檚 race,鈥� the guidance states.

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Virginia Mercury maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Samantha Willis for questions: info@virginiamercury.com.

Virginia students may soon face tougher academic benchmarks as the state aligns its performance levels with the higher standards of a national assessment.

Starting next month, the Virginia Board of Education will begin adjusting its cut scores 鈥� used to determine whether K-12 students are meeting proficiency levels 鈥� to better match the rigor of the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP).

Student performance is typically categorized as 鈥渂elow basic,鈥� 鈥渂asic,鈥� 鈥減roficient鈥� or鈥渁dvanced,鈥� reflecting their knowledge and skills in core subjects.

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Since 1998, Virginia has relied on its Standards of Learning (SOL) assessments to gauge proficiency in areas like reading and math. However, NAEP, a widely recognized national organization, has often been used to assess smaller student groups, such as fourth and eighth graders.

鈥淭he NAEP assessment provides a common benchmark that states can then use to look at the relative rigor of their own assessment cut scores,鈥� said Lesley Muldoon, executive director of the National Assessment Governing Board, during a work session Wednesday.

Gov. Glenn Youngkin鈥檚 administration has frequently pointed to NAEP data to highlight what it calls the 鈥渉onesty gap鈥� 鈥� the disparity between state-level proficiency standards and the more stringent NAEP benchmarks.

Between 2017-2022, Virginia鈥檚 fourth-grade reading and math results showed a staggering 40-percentage-point gap between the 蝉迟补迟别鈥檚 SOL and NAEP assessments. That disparity does not provide an 鈥渁ccurate picture of student performance,鈥� said Em Cooper, deputy superintendent of teaching and learning, during Wednesday鈥檚 work session.

In response, the board has begun discussing plans to revise the cut scores 鈥� the threshold for determining student proficiency 鈥� in key subjects. The effort is a cornerstone of Youngkin鈥檚 broader push to 鈥渞estore excellence in education,鈥� which includes raising standards in core subjects, increasing transparency and accountability, and overhauling the 蝉迟补迟别鈥檚 assessment system.

Youngkin has argued that Virginia鈥檚 current proficiency standards are the result of the previous Board of Education lowering cut scores and altering school accreditation standards.

However, Anne Holton, a former state education secretary and an appointee of former Democratic Gov. Ralph Northam, defended the previous board鈥檚 approach. She noted that Virginia鈥檚 pass rates aligned with the NAEP鈥檚 鈥渂asic鈥� achievement level, which reflects 鈥減artial mastery of the knowledge and skills that are fundamental for proficient work at a given grade,鈥� according to NAEP.

The Youngkin administration, however, is pushing for Virginia to meet NAEP鈥檚 鈥減roficient鈥� standard 鈥� defined as a student demonstrating a deeper understanding of complex topics and the ability to apply them in real-world situations.

Board member Amber Northern, a Youngkin appointee, argued that achieving NAEP proficiency is linked to better long-term outcomes, including higher graduation rates and increased job earnings compared to students who score at the NAEP 鈥渂asic鈥� level.

鈥淣AEP proficiency matters in terms of long-term outcomes for kids [and] I know this because I study it,鈥� Northern said.

She dismissed political finger-pointing over the 蝉迟补迟别鈥檚 current standards, urging the board to focus on the benefits of higher expectations.

鈥淚 don鈥檛 care about the politics, I don鈥檛 care about 鈥榳ell we did this, and we did this,鈥� 鈥� nobody knows why we are in the situation we鈥檙e in, we just know that we鈥檙e in it and we鈥檙e not about pointing fingers. What we鈥檙e about saying is, okay, this is what NAEP proficiency does for our kids, and we should actually have that as our goal to do right by them.鈥�

But Holton pushed back, questioning whether realigning Virginia鈥檚 SOL to match NAEP would lead to actual student improvement. While she acknowledged that strong SOL and NAEP scores correlate with better outcomes, she argued that no research supports the idea that adjusting cut scores alone drives success.

鈥淭he research shows there鈥檚 no impact of realigning our cut scores,鈥� Holton said. 鈥淲e need our students to do well on the test, but where the line is is irrelevant.鈥�

The process

Previously, cut score adjustments went through a multi-step review involving a standard-setting committee, an articulation committee, and the state superintendent before final recommendations were presented to the Board of Education.

On Wednesday, the Virginia Department of Education staff outlined the board鈥檚 new approach, which includes selecting and training committee members, assessment date, and ultimately making recommendations on cut scores.

Under the process proposal, committees will primarily consist of education experts, including teachers and instructional specialists, while the remainder will include community stakeholders such as parents and business leaders.

Educators applying to serve must complete an application demonstrating their understanding of grade level content and assessments. Community members will undergo a selection process led by the board and the governor鈥檚 office.

The committees are set to convene in late May once enough assessment data from the 2025 assessment cycle is available. Their proposed cut scores will go before the board for an initial review in June, with a final decision expected in July.

On Thursday, the board will on the proposed review process. If approved, the updated performance standards will not take effect until spring 2026.

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Virginia Mercury maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Samantha Willis for questions: info@virginiamercury.com.

Report cards are the culprit. Almost say their child consistently brings home B鈥檚 or better on their report cards. But those grades don’t necessarily reflect whether a student is truly performing at grade level. 鈥� they also factor in elements like classroom participation, attendance and completion of assignments. While important, these additional factors can make it difficult for parents to assess whether their child is where he or she needs to be academically.

What would happen if families had an accurate and holistic picture of their child鈥檚 and school鈥檚 academic progress? Virginia is about to find out.

Over the past two years, Virginia has developed a new accountability model for K-12 schools that prioritizes transparent and timely information for parents. It focuses on academic mastery and growth as well as skills necessary for life after high school, such as collaboration, critical thinking and communication. 

Instead of simply receiving quarterly report cards with classroom grades and an end-of-school year report showing how their student performed on a single exam administered in the spring, families will also get fall and winter that show how their child is progressing throughout the year.

This new system, part of which was created in partnership with Learning Heroes, will provide parents with a host of data points and resources about their child鈥檚 performance. And they will come early enough in the year to let families know if they need to sign their child up for tutoring or summer school.

In addition, parents of K-3 students will receive the results of a new literacy screener designed to identify students in need of additional reading support, as well as . And, a new provides information for educators and parents, including a range of tools to guide conversations between parents and teachers and online children’s books, math games and puzzles to help families reinforce their kids’ grade-level skills.

To help parents gauge how well their school is doing, a new online platform will rank each into one of four categories 鈥� distinguished, on track, off track, and needs intensive support 鈥� explain what each rating level means and provide specific data points for the public to explore.

This is a huge change from the old system, which sorts schools into broad categories based on whether they meet the minimum criteria for accreditation 鈥� meaning that parents cannot differentiate between a school with standout performance and one that is mediocre or stagnant.

To help teachers have meaningful conversations with parents, Virginia’s initiative provides training in how to communicate with families about their child鈥檚 progress and create a personalized plan to help students recover academically from the effects of the pandemic. Giving families a holistic picture of their child鈥檚 and school鈥檚 academic progress seems like common sense, but it鈥檚 actually all too uncommon.

This focus on improving teacher-parent communication is particularly important in light of the disruptions caused by COVID-19. Many children have faced significant learning setbacks, making it essential for schools and families to work together to help them recover. And, , parents said that they trust communication from their child鈥檚 teacher more than any other indicator of student performance.

Research from Learning Heroes shows that when parents know their child is struggling academically, they take specific actions. One of the they take is talking with their teacher. Parents who know their child is behind stack rank academics . But they cannot help solve a problem they do not know they have.

Disclosure: Andrew Rotherham is a member of the Virginia Board of Education and sits on 社区黑料鈥檚 board of directors. He played no role in the reporting or editing of this essay.

But across the country, when it comes to education, voters rejected those policies loudly and firmly. As the founder of Red Wine & Blue, a community of over 600,000 diverse suburban women, I hear from women all the time who don鈥檛 want right-wing extremist groups coming into their school districts to impose their vision of so-called parents鈥� rights. The vast majority of moms believe in America’s public schools, want to work with their children’s teachers to make education better and are sick of a vocal minority wasting time and resources on culture war chaos. 

But I don鈥檛 just say this because it鈥檚 what I see in my group chats and hear in conversations at the bus stop. Of the common-sense candidates 鈥� those standing up to attacks on history lessons about race and age-appropriate sex ed 鈥� who were supported by my organization in school board races across the country, 69% won. And in some states, that figure is even higher: 78% of our 45 candidates won in 15 Michigan school districts, and 86% of our 14 candidates won in six Virginia districts 鈥� an especially gratifying result given that Virginia became ground zero for the uproar over so-called Critical Race Theory in 2021.

Meanwhile, in North Carolina, Mo Green, a Democrat and former superintendent of Guilford County Schools, won the statewide race for superintendent of public instruction over homeschooler Michele Morrow. Morrow was a Republican Moms for Liberty candidate who has described public schools as 鈥溾�� and urged people not to send their children to them; called for the ; and demanded military intervention to keep then-President Donald Trump in power on Jan. 6, 2021. Trump may have won the presidential race in North Carolina, but Morrow鈥檚 slogan, 鈥淢ake America鈥檚 Schools Great Again,鈥� clearly didn鈥檛 resonate with the majority of voters who want to build up their public schools, not tear them down.

It鈥檚 true that different parents and families have different values and concerns 鈥� and that’s okay. If there’s a book you don’t want your kids to read, then don鈥檛 let them read it. I believe in providing students with accurate, age-appropriate sex education, but I also believe in allowing parents to opt their kids out if they alone want to have those conversations. But I don’t think one parent should be able to take those opportunities away from everyone else’s kids. American public schools should be, at their core, places where all students should feel supported and safe. And while extremists have come in from outside communities to gain power, divide and control people, most voters want none of it. 

If you zoom out and examine other election results, you see similar trends. Republicans spent at least on political ads attacking the trans community 鈥� including trans children who attend public schools 鈥� on issues ranging from sports to health care. But there is no evidence that these ads swayed voters at the ballot box. In fact, an found that a majority of likely voters (including a plurality of Independents, by a 23-point margin) thought they were “meanspirited and out of hand.” Likewise, a of voters in eight Senate battleground states found that those who saw the ads found them “intensely off-putting” and that they failed to impact candidate support. 

In four states 鈥� including three that voted for Trump 鈥� voters rejected Republican priorities for education. Ballot measures to expand voucher programs, which shift money from public to private schools, failed in Colorado, Kentucky, Nebraska. In Florida (the home of Moms for Liberty), voters defeated a state constitutional amendment to make school board elections partisan.

MAGA politicians will ignore these rejections at their own peril. Many parents remain concerned about their students and the state of the public schools. And when I sit down and talk to them, we almost always realize that we have far more in common than what separates us. We don鈥檛 want a loud minority telling us how to raise our children. We don鈥檛 want books about Anne Frank or Martin Luther King Jr. to be banned. We certainly don鈥檛 want kids to be bullied just because of who they are. It’s time to tune out the claims of MAGA mandates and get to work with teachers and administrators for the good of all students.

Long championed by Republican Gov. Glenn Youngkin, the project started from the that the existing state system used to evaluate school performance was not providing accurate information to parents or the public at large. In the wake of COVID-19, an analysis by Stanford and Harvard researchers that Virginia students suffered larger academic declines than those in almost any other state. And yet, the percentage of schools that were identified as needing to improve barely budged, rising from only 7% to 10%.

As a consultant working on the 蝉迟补迟别鈥檚 new School Performance and Support Framework, I鈥檝e had a front-row view into the changes. Some of them are unique to Virginia. For example, the commonwealth used to operate two accountability systems, one for federal compliance purposes and the other the state accreditation system that everyone actually paid attention to. That added complexity, with extra data points and additional paperwork, and it meant that Virginia was running two parallel systems that sometimes agreed, but sometimes did not.

Moreover, the state system was weak and purposefully obscured key data points. For example, rather than reporting student performance metrics separately and clearly, it used what it called a combined rate that added student achievement, progress and English proficiency rates into one overall measure, without a way to disentangle the three components.

Worse, the commonwealth made a series of decisions that hid the results of lower-performing student groups. In one particularly egregious example, it allowed school districts to exclude English learners from their ratings for up to 5陆 years. Effectively, some schools were never held accountable for the learning outcomes of those students. When the state Department of Education counted those students, it found 35,000 marginalized kids who were being ignored.

The recent changes clean all that up. Newly arrived English learners will be tested and included after a one-year grace period, the maximum allowed under federal law. And Virginia will have one unified system that will reduce paperwork for school and district leaders and allow them to focus on one set of high-quality performance metrics. I鈥檓 also personally excited about a middle school , which will evaluate schools on whether they鈥檙e giving high-scoring students the chance to take algebra in eighth grade.  

Will the new framework boost student performance? Well, that depends on a lot of factors, not least of which is whether state policymakers sustain and build on the new system over time. For example, the state Board of Education had a lot of debates over the last year about how much to weight student achievement versus student growth. Because growth was only partially included in the old system, this will be the first year that all schools will be held accountable for the growth of all their students. That鈥檚 a big deal, but the allows for changing that balance over time. It also depends on how parents and educators perceive the changes over time.

We officially called the new system a because we were interested in accurately identifying schools that needed extra help, and we deliberately chose not to use A-F grades or use shaming language like 鈥渇ailing鈥� schools. But time will tell if that original intent will stick and how the new system will be regarded once it becomes operational at the end of the current school year. 

that schools can and do respond to clear and transparent rating systems in ways that boost student outcomes in the short and long term. Last year, for example, a study came out that looked at the of a school accountability system South Carolina put in place in the year 2000. The authors found that high schools that were given a low accountability rating subsequently boosted attendance and achievement. More importantly, those benefits persisted: Kids who attended those schools had lower rates of criminal activity and were less likely to need welfare programs like food stamps throughout their 20s.

On the flip side, when states backed away from accountability a decade ago, it may have contributed to achievement declines and widening gaps between the highest- and lowest-performing students. With attendance rates and achievement scores still well below where they were pre-COVID, now would seem like an especially important time to put these findings into practice. But in many parts of the country, policymakers are doing the opposite. recently weakened its school accountability system, while Oklahoma and are relaxing their testing standards.

School districts adopted their own versions of lax grading standards during the pandemic, and, while grades have from their COVID highs, they remain elevated. Easier grading standards may boost student scores in the short run. But they can also depress student effort and cause kids to learn less over time.

And, as Paul Peterson noted in a recent piece for Education Next, the presidential campaigns are completely of discussions of student learning results.

Virginia is bucking that trend. It鈥檚 trying to raise the bar on schools, and it鈥檚 betting that they can and will respond in ways that lead to improvements in student performance. 

Disclosure: Chad Aldeman helped write new accountability regulations for the commonwealth of Virginia.Andy Rotherham is a member of the Virginia Board of Education and sits on 社区黑料鈥檚 board of directors. He played no role in the reporting or editing of this essay.

While it looked like the number of students scoring at the lowest level dropped by over 12%, the reality was more complicated. 

鈥淐omparing 2023 to 2024 is challenging,鈥� David Johns, an associate superintendent, . In conjunction with the unveiling of new standards last year, the state for proficiency and performance levels. Below basic became 鈥渄eveloping鈥� and basic, 鈥渁pproaching.鈥� 

鈥淚t鈥檚 not exactly apples to oranges, but it’s like apples to apple juice,鈥� he said.

Wisconsin isn鈥檛 the only state that recently instituted changes that effectively boost proficiency rates. Oklahoma and recently made similar adjustments. lowered passing or 鈥渃ut鈥� scores in reading and math last year, while and are considering such revisions.

Changing standards and proficiency targets is a routine process for states that some say offers a reflection of what students know. But given the cataclysmic effects of COVID on student learning, experts say now is not the time to tweak how we measure performance. 

鈥淢any parents are already underestimating the degree to which their children are ,鈥� said Tom Kane, a Harvard researcher who has been tracking students鈥� recovery from COVID learning loss. 鈥淟owering the proficiency cuts now will mislead them further.鈥�  

Even Jill Underly, Wisconsins鈥檚 education chief, confessed to some bewilderment about the process last year.

鈥淭he crummy thing is, I am an educator and I don鈥檛 understand it 鈥� so how are parents supposed to understand this too?鈥� she wrote in a June 2023 email. 鈥淔or example, what does Proficient mean vs. Advanced? That they are at grade level vs. the next grade level? I just hate this stuff so much.鈥�

The conservative Institute for Reforming Government, which obtained the email through a public records request and shared it with 社区黑料, is pushing the state to level with parents about poor student performance in the aftermath of COVID. 

Shifting the goal posts “sends a message that we are accepting post-pandemic levels for student performance and shows a lack of belief in every student,鈥� said Quinton Klabon, the think tank鈥檚 senior research director.

Chris Bucher, a spokesman for the Wisconsin Department of Public Instruction, said Underly鈥檚 comments show she was 鈥渄oing her job鈥� by asking the department鈥檚 experts tough questions in an effort to make the complex calculations more transparent. To help explain the changes, the department released a of how it altered standards and cut scores. 

鈥楢n outlier鈥�

The scoring changes in Wisconsin and other states are likely to fuel fresh criticism of the 鈥渉onesty gap鈥� 鈥� the chasm between the disparate, conflicting measures states use to determine student progress and the , uniform standard for proficiency set by the National Assessment of Educational Progress. 

Known as the Nation鈥檚 Report Card, NAEP defines proficiency as 鈥渟olid academic performance鈥� and 鈥渃ompetency over challenging subject matter.鈥� It鈥檚 a higher bar than merely being on grade level and one that has long triggered debate. Education researcher Tom Loveless, formerly with the Brookings Institution, calls it 鈥�,鈥� and one of international tests showed that many students in high-performing countries couldn鈥檛 reach it.

But it鈥檚 a goal many states were striving toward just prior to the pandemic, when several commentators first about the 鈥渉onesty gap,鈥� and one some experts think states shouldn鈥檛 abandon. 

鈥淚t is the only common yardstick that is available to compare student achievement across states and across the large urban districts,鈥� said Lesley Muldoon, executive director of the National Assessment Governing Board, which sets policy for NAEP. 鈥淔rom the board鈥檚 perspective, standards are not going to be lower for [kids] when they enter college or the world of work.鈥�

Frustrated with test standards in New York, Ashara Baker, a Rochester mother and state director of the National Parents Union, created her on student outcomes. While she included state data, broken down by race, she also cited NAEP proficiency rates as a comparison.

鈥淲hen you’re lowering these cut scores, clearly the goal is to show some sort of growth,鈥� she said. 鈥淏ut I think we’re getting away from the actual goal of why we do assessments. They should really demonstrate where kids are struggling or where there is a gap.鈥� 

Christy Hovanetz, a senior policy fellow at ExcelinEd, a think tank, added that unlike grades on assignments and homework, state assessments should provide parents 鈥渙bjective鈥� information on how their children are doing. Schools also use them to determine which students are eligible for extra help. Lowering the bar, she said, means some students who need aid might not get it.  

鈥淭hese assessments are how we help identify students for extra support and assistance,鈥� she said. 鈥淣ow there will be a lot of kids that aren’t going to be getting those high-dosage tutoring sessions or who aren’t going to be getting that additional support in math that they might need.鈥�

As with most states, New York鈥檚 threshold for proficiency lines up with NAEP鈥檚 basic level, defined as 鈥減artial mastery鈥� of fundamental knowledge and skills, according to a from the National Center for Education Statistics. The report showed that at the time, Wisconsin had some of the toughest standards for reading and math in the country, which meant that a higher percentage of students fell short compared with other states.

That made Wisconsin 鈥渁n outlier鈥� Bucher said. 

鈥淥ur previous test scores made it appear kids were performing worse on standardized assessments than they actually were,鈥� he said. 鈥淲e listened to a group of experts 鈥� educators who are in the classroom each day teaching kids 鈥� who recommended we use cuts that align to our standards and take us closer to grade-level expectations.鈥�

Next month, NCES is expected to update its 2021 report with a new comparison of states鈥� proficiency cut scores and NAEP, one that is likely to renew criticism of the way states measure student performance. 

鈥淪tates that have been more ambitious are now sticking out like sore thumbs,鈥� Klabon said. 鈥淚t鈥檚 kind of a race to the bare minimum, rather than a race to the top.鈥�

鈥楢 sense of urgency鈥�

One state that is choosing to stick out is Virginia. Rather than calling it unrealistic, the state, under Republican Gov. Glenn Youngkin, is hoping to reach the ambitious NAEP standard.

The governor to the honesty gap in 2022, announcing sweeping changes to the 蝉迟补迟别鈥檚 testing regimen that include stricter standards, assessments and cut scores. A new , which takes effect in 2025-26, is expected to label a majority of schools off track or in need of 鈥渋ntensive support.鈥� 

鈥淲e are not telling parents, students, teachers, policymakers and citizens the truth about where our children really are on mastering content,鈥� state education Secretary Aimee Guidera told 社区黑料. 鈥淲hy isn’t there a sense of urgency?鈥�

The 2021 NCES report showed that Virginia had the lowest standards for proficiency in reading. Virginia education officials pin its poor showing on decisions made by previous Democratic governors. In 2014, under former Gov. Terry McAuliffe, the state passed a law requiring students to . And under former Gov. Ralph Northam, the State Board of Education in reading and math.

accuse the Youngkin administration of fueling a negative perception of schools in order to  private school choice, including education savings accounts, which in the state legislature last year. 

Virginia saw the largest decline in the nation in fourth grade reading on the 2022 NAEP test, dropping from an average score of 224 to 214. But 32% of students were proficient 鈥� same as the national average. On several other , including the SAT and exam, Virginia students have historically ranked near the top.

Advancing school choice was a 鈥渕andate for Youngkin and he has pursued it with dogged determination,鈥� said Cheryl Binkley, president of 4PublicEducation, a Virginia advocacy group. He has appointed school choice advocates to the state board, she said, and pledged to increase the number of .

But Guidera points to increases in and over $400 million the state provided to as evidence that leaders aren鈥檛 trying to 鈥渢ear down鈥� public schools.

Under a different Republican administration in Oklahoma, the opposite scenario is playing out. As 社区黑料 reported last month, the state education department, led by Superintendent Ryan Walters, made its state tests less challenging, especially in reading. In third grade, for example, 51% of students scored proficient or better, compared to 29% last year. 

Richard Cobb, superintendent of the Mid-Del district, near Oklahoma City, said district leaders know student performance has improved, but the department鈥檚 changes had the effect of artificially inflating the magnitude of the gains.

The move represented a break from work led by Walters鈥檚 predecessor, Joy Hofmeister, to align the state with NAEP鈥檚 stronger proficiency targets. In 2017, over 70% of students on average were performing at the proficient level through elementary and middle school on state tests, but only a quarter went on to earn a competitive score on the ACT test in 11th grade.

鈥淭he whole idea was trying to get an honest indicator of student readiness as early as third grade when kids start testing,鈥� said Maria D鈥橞rot, a former deputy superintendent in Oklahoma who traveled across the state with Hofmeister to explain the honesty gap to local superintendents. 

Their message wasn鈥檛 well received.

鈥淛oy’s adjustment to the cut scores was wildly unpopular and demoralizing,鈥� said Cobb, who has led the district since 2015. 鈥淣AEP should not be our target, and many superintendents told her that.鈥�

But in the summer of 2017, 121 educators met at the Cox Convention Center in Oklahoma City to determine tougher cut points for each performance level. Just as the public, plummeted. The in third grade reading, for example, dropped from 72% to 39%.

Hofmeister, who was reelected in 2018, remains proud of that work, which she said would make students better prepared for college and a competitive job market.

鈥淚 remember feeling like this is worth it if it means I’m a one termer,鈥� she said. 

Virginia lawmakers are carefully examining the 蝉迟补迟别鈥檚 52-year-old funding formula, which determines the funding level for public schools.

During its first meeting in Richmond on Monday, a small subcommittee of lawmakers faced the reality that the transformation could take a while, with members of the public in attendance and watching online.

Lawmakers said they hope to move forward swiftly, but not too quickly, after a December showed that local governments in Virginia are spending far more than the state for K-12 education to fund the Standards of Quality in Virginia school divisions.

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Researchers learned that for fiscal year 2021, school divisions needed close to $11 billion in state and local funding. Instead, schools spent $17.3 billion, $6.6 billion more than the funding formula indicated was needed. Researchers said local governments covered the 鈥渧ast amount鈥� of funding.

The Joint Legislative Audit and Review Commission, which studied the formula, said lawmakers could partially replace the SOQ formula by using student-based calculations for special education and English learner funding, or fully replace the entire staffing-based formula with a new student-based formula.

According to the Senate Appropriations Committee, since the Joint Legislative Audit and Review Commission published its report on the Standards of Quality last December, funding for public education is projected to increase by $1.85 billion between fiscal years 2023 and 2026. $1.17 billion of this new funding will result from new policy spending, including salary increases.

Policy experts told legislators from the House and Senate that other states have taken around three years to adopt new funding formulas. According to the Learning Policy Institute, a nonprofit that studies ways to improve education policy, nine states, including Tennessee and Pennsylvania, have adopted new funding formulas since 2000.

鈥淭he education system today does not look the same as it did when our funding system was designed,鈥� said Sen. Mamie Locke, D-Hampton, serving as the committee chair. 鈥淭his is our opportunity to evaluate the current system and ensure that it is aligned to meet the needs of our students and school divisions for the next half-century.鈥�

Del. Sam Rasoul, D-Roanoke, chair of the House Education Committee, said funding for public education is one of the largest components of the 蝉迟补迟别鈥檚 budget. As a result, he said funding schools often impacts other priorities around the commonwealth.

鈥淔or that reason, we will be careful, thoughtful and deliberate as we move through this process to make sure we get it right,鈥� Rasoul said.

Del. Terry Austin, R-Botetourt, said he would like to see the Department of Education staff and the Secretary of Education involved in the lengthy process. Neither Secretary of Education Aimee Guidera nor any Department of Education staff appeared to be present for the meeting on Monday. The legislature $600,000 to the department over the next two years to support the subcommittee.

鈥淚 don鈥檛 want to see us work through this very quickly,鈥� Austin added. 鈥淎lthough we can move through it in a timely fashion with a good, organized work plan, 鈥� this is something that鈥檚 going to be very challenging because there is tremendous diversity in the commonwealth of Virginia from one border to another, both east, west, north and south.鈥�

Some Democratic lawmakers, including Locke, believe much of the work the committee will be tackling could have been addressed in two that Gov. Glenn Youngkin vetoed last session. The bill would have raised teacher salaries to the national average.

In his veto, Youngkin said he supported the desire of 鈥渆nsuring that teachers and state-funded education support positions are funded competitively,鈥� but passed up on the legislation because it relied heavily on what he viewed as flawed data from the , which represents educators across the country.

However, while the governor and legislature could not agree on the two bills, they agreed on reforming the funding formula.

Christian Martinez, a spokesman for Youngkin, said the governor has been clear that the funding formula is 鈥渁rchaic鈥� and an 鈥渙pportunity for real reform.鈥�

鈥淭he commonwealth needs a more effective K-12 funding formula that strategically allocates resources to meet the specific needs of students, teachers, and school divisions, ensuring that critical needs are addressed effectively,鈥� Martinez said in a statement.

The committee will keep its period open through Thursday. Lawmakers will review a draft work plan at its next meeting on Oct. 31.

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Virginia Mercury maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Samantha Willis for questions: info@virginiamercury.com. Follow Virginia Mercury on and .

Virginia students鈥� reading and math assessments for the 2023-24 school year saw some improvement over last year after months of recovery efforts, according to data released by the Department of Education Tuesday. However, pass rates in other subjects are still behind results from the 2022-23 school year.

Pass rates for grades 3 through 8 in reading, math, and science Standards of Learning tests all showed increases statewide by at least 1%. Writing showed the highest increase 鈥� 17 percentage points 鈥� while history and social science saw little gain, less than a percentage point.

The Standards of Learning tests (SOLs) are used in Virginia to measure student learning and achievement in mathematics, reading, science, writing, and history and social science. Testing was suspended during 2020-21, when many schools around the state stopped in-person instruction in response to the COVID-19 pandemic.

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In 2023-24, roughly 71% of Virginia students passed the math tests compared to 82% before the pandemic. On reading tests, 77.5% of students overall passed compared to 73% before the pandemic.

The administration has regularly the results of the learning loss on prior Boards of Education that changed the 蝉迟补迟别鈥檚 standards of school accreditation and required to be considered proficient in a certain subject, on student assessments. Democrats and previous board members have defended such decisions.

鈥淓very single one of our data releases is a snapshot into a motion picture, and I鈥檓 pleased today that the motion picture will, in fact, show that a ship that was off course has been turned around, and that we are seeing progress,鈥� said Gov. Glenn Youngkin, 鈥渂ut we will also say today that we have a long way to go.鈥�

Last September, the administration, troubled by the significant learning loss in reading and math, dedicated $418 million through the 2025-26 school year to the problem. The administration launched 鈥渉igh-intensity鈥� tutoring programs and the 鈥淎LL IN VA鈥� plan to focus on attendance, literacy and tutoring.

Statewide, schools hired additional tutors, extended instruction time before and after school, and focused on using the 蝉迟补迟别鈥檚 free personalized supplemental math and reading resources.

The data showed a 16% reduction in students chronically absent in 2023-24 compared to the previous year. Students are chronically absent if they have missed at least 18 days of instruction for any reason, including excused and unexcused absences.

Data shows pass rates statewide increased for economically disadvantaged students, English learners and students with disabilities over the previous two school years.

Mixed results between counties

However, school divisions have had mixed results with pass rates.

Fairfax County, the largest school division in Virginia, maintained similar pass rates in reading, math and science over the previous two school years, but experienced significant drops in writing, and history and social science by at least 20 percentage points each.

Craig County, one of the smaller school divisions in the commonwealth, saw increases in all five subject areas.

The administration also praised school divisions such as Bath and Brunswick County Public Schools.

Between 2022-23 and 2023-24 school years, Bath saw a 19% increase in reading scores and Brunswick saw a 21% increase in grades 3-8 math pass rates.

With schools facing the threat of All In VA funding ending in two years, Kristy Somerville-Midgette, superintendent of Brunswick County Public Schools, recommended superintendents work with their school boards, and local government and 鈥渂e creative鈥� with their funding and 鈥渓ook for opportunities to best serve students.鈥�

Levi Goren, a policy director at The Commonwealth Institute for Fiscal Analysis, said in a statement that the increases in pass rates are 鈥済reat鈥� and the success is likely connected to the recent increases in state support for students. Support for students facing 鈥渉igher barriers,鈥� such as students from low-income families, students with disabilities, and English language learners, is still needed, Goren added.

鈥淲hile today鈥檚 scores were promising for some of these students, we know that one strong year of improvement cannot make up for the continued impact of years of insufficient funding,鈥� Goren said. 鈥淪ustained increases in state funding would help lift test scores and other outcomes for students facing greater barriers.鈥�

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Virginia Mercury maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Samantha Willis for questions: info@virginiamercury.com. Follow Virginia Mercury on and .

Virginia is moving closer to restricting cell phone use in schools after the Virginia Department of Education published a draft of its 鈥渃ell phone-free鈥� on Thursday after a series of public input events.

The draft defines 鈥渃ell phone-free鈥� education as 鈥渂ell-to-bell,鈥� meaning phones should be turned off and stored away from the first school bell until dismissal. This includes lunchtime and breaks between class periods.

On July 9, Gov. Glenn Youngkin issued Executive Order 33, directing his administration to create guidelines to limit students鈥� time in front of 鈥渁ddictive鈥� cell phones and eliminate 鈥渃lear distractions鈥� in the classroom.

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The education department said over 600 community members, parents, teachers and school officials attended public events to provide input on the guidelines as well as other community events to understand concerns about cell phones and personal electronic devices.

鈥淭he extensive input we received from Virginians was clear and direct,鈥� said Superintendent of Public Instruction Lisa Coons. 鈥淭hey asked for cell phones and personal electronic communication devices to be removed from our children鈥檚 public schools during the school day at every level 鈥� elementary, middle and high school. By refocusing our students鈥� attention back into learning and away from their phones and social media, all our children will have a better opportunity to learn and succeed academically.鈥�

Studies have shown that students use cell phones to browse the internet and social media apps, and message people during instructional time. Students have also used the devices to record events at schools and post them on various platforms.

The draft guidance includes age-appropriate cell phone restrictions in Virginia鈥檚 elementary and secondary public schools.

According to the draft, if a parent determines an elementary student needs to bring a cell phone or personal electronic communication device to school, it must be stored, off, and away from the student during the school day. Students should not use cell phones in the school building or on the school grounds before or after school.

In middle and high school, students should not have a readily available cell phone or personal electronic communication device during the bell-to-bell school day.

Middle schools should establish local policies that determine cell phone and personal electronic communication device use within the school building or on school grounds outside of bell-to-bell, including before and after school.

Cell phones and personal electronic communication devices may be used on a high school campus before or after school.

Exemptions will be permitted for students with disabilities and EL students with a documented language barrier.

on the draft guidelines closes Sept. 15. School boards must adopt the final guidance by Jan. 1.

Some of Virginia鈥檚 school boards have already banned or restricted cell phone use in schools.

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Virginia Mercury maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Samantha Willis for questions: info@virginiamercury.com. Follow Virginia Mercury on and .

A federal judge ordered Hanover County Public Schools late Friday to temporarily cease blocking a transgender middle school student from trying out for and, if selected, playing on a sports team this school year.

In February, the student, represented by the American Civil Liberties Union of Virginia and the law firm Freshfields Bruckhaus Deringer LLP, filed a lawsuit claiming the school division violated Title IX and the Equal Protection Clause of the U.S. Constitution.

ACLU stated that the ruling found that the school board 鈥渓ikely violated鈥� both when it banned the Hanover student from the tennis team.

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鈥淭his order is a reminder to school boards that protecting transgender young people is part of protecting girls鈥� sports,鈥� said legal director Eden Heilman, in a statement. 鈥淎nd it鈥檚 a flashing red light to any Virginia school board that might be tempted to think that VDOE鈥檚 anti-trans model policies give it license to abuse its power. As the court reminded Hanover County School Board in its ruling, no state policies can shield Virginia schools from accountability for violating federal law.鈥�

Last year, Gov. Glenn Youngkin鈥檚 administration overhauled the model policies for transgender and nonbinary students designed under former Gov. Ralph Northam to protect the privacy and rights of such students.

In February, ACLU and Freshfields filed three lawsuits challenging the Virginia Department of Education on the policies that some schools have adopted.

In opposition to a student鈥檚 right to decide who finds out about their gender status out of fear of being bullied or harassed, the governor sided with parents鈥� rights, directing the administration to overhaul the policies.

The administration the policies to require parental approval for any changes to students鈥� 鈥渘ames, nicknames, and/or pronouns,鈥� direct schools to keep parents 鈥渋nformed about their children鈥檚 well-being鈥� and require that student participation in activities and athletics and use of bathrooms be based on sex, 鈥渆xcept to the extent that federal law otherwise requires.鈥�

Freshfields and ACLU filed the Hanover case in two courts, the Eastern District of Virginia and the Hanover County Circuit Court. The third lawsuit involving a York County student was in July. That suit claimed that at least one teacher had refused to address the student by her correct first name.

Editor鈥檚 note: This story was updated to reflect that the Hanover case is being heard separately in the federal and county courts. 

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Virginia Mercury maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Samantha Willis for questions: info@virginiamercury.com. Follow Virginia Mercury on and .

As Virginia schools reopen for a new school year, most of those serving low-income students or those identified as 鈥渁t-risk鈥� will receive $371.3 million in additional funding over the next two school years, according to the state budget.

Lawmakers redirected approximately $650 million each year and added around $180 million yearly to develop the at-risk program. Most localities have opted into the program, which helps to provide sufficient funding for schools to serve low-income students in Virginia.

Data from the Department of Education shows that at-risk students comprised approximately 43% of Virginia鈥檚 total enrollment last year.

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Underfunded schools, under-resourced students

The state investment comes after localities lawmakers to address Virginia鈥檚 historical underfunding of its school divisions. This was backed by a from the Joint Legislative Audit and Review Commission that Virginia schools receive 14% less state funding than the 50-state average, roughly $1,900 less per student.

鈥淎ny additional money that the state provides to local governments to the local school divisions to help restore the balance in the funding relationship to what it should be based on the JLARC [recommendations] is greatly appreciated and is a good first step,鈥� said Jeremy Bennett, director of intergovernmental affairs for the Virginia Association of Counties.

Bennett said the report shows that local governments and school divisions are 鈥減aying billions more than they鈥檙e required to by the state because we recognize that the cost of providing quality education is higher than what is recognized on the 蝉迟补迟别鈥檚 current funding formula.鈥�

Del. , D-Richmond, who carried unsuccessful at-risk add-on legislation based on JLARC鈥檚 recommendations, said changes to the program will help support at-risk students with potentially more one-on-one instructional time, more nutritional school meals, and before-and after-school programs.

鈥淥ur schools just didn鈥檛 have the resources that those [at-risk] students needed to be successful,鈥� Cousins said.

Local leaders said funding formulas that underestimated the needs of school divisions and a cap on the number of support positions the state would fund enacted amid the Great Recession in 2007 have contributed to the lack of funding.

Lawmakers the cap last summer by investing $152 million in school support positions, but funding levels were never restored.

Recommended changes for the at-risk program

After finding the previous add-on program for at-risk students relied on outdated free lunch data, JLARC changing the state code and language in the Appropriation Act to designate the at-risk add-on program as a Standards of Quality funding program, which would signify that the funding is听 鈥渆ssential for providing Virginia K鈥�12 students with a quality education.鈥�

Researchers also recommended changes to allow for the federally-approved Identified Student Percentage (ISP) measure to calculate funding for all at-risk programs that relied on outdated free lunch estimates.

According to the two-year budget lawmakers adopted in May, funding would be allocated based on each school division鈥檚 weighted ISP.

As part of the new program, 60% of funding would be distributed to divisions using a flat per-student rate, and 40% would be distributed using a variable rate based on the concentration of poverty in each school division.

School divisions that opt into the program will receive a minimum 11% basic aid add-on per estimated at-risk student and an additional add-on to basic aid varying between 0% and 37%, depending on the number of at-risk students relative to other school divisions.

Sen. , D-Petersburg, carried legislation that would have added at-risk add-on funding to the Standards of Quality, as well as updated the funding formula to 鈥渆nsure that money designated for our highest-need students doesn鈥檛 go unused,鈥� in a statement to the Mercury.

However, the legislation was incorporated into an vetoed by the governor after the legislature failed to accept his recommendations. If the bill had been successful, the program would have been a mandatory part of the Standards of Quality.

The Joint Subcommittee to Study Elementary and Secondary Education Funding, which will be meeting for the first time on Sept. 16, was created to provide direction and oversight of Standards of Quality funding cost policies and make recommendations.

Local governments that opt into the at-risk add on program are responsible for providing a local match to receive state funding.

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Virginia Mercury maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Samantha Willis for questions: info@virginiamercury.com. Follow Virginia Mercury on and .

Virginia鈥檚 school bus driver vacancy rate has decreased by five percent over the past three school years, according to the Virginia Department of Education.

After the legislature amended its reporting requirements, the agency started collecting bus driver vacancy data two years ago. Factors like pay and recruitment challenges, and drivers leaving for the private sector, led to the shortage of drivers.

In addition, schools were closed to in-person leaving some drivers to find other ways to meet the increased cost of services and goods due to inflation that burdened families in Virginia.

During the 2021-22 school year, Virginia recorded a vacancy rate of full- and part-time drivers at 16% in 2021-22. The rate decreased to 11% in 2022-23 and last year to 10%. Data on the upcoming school year ‘s driver vacancy rates will not be available until the fall.

鈥淚t鈥檚 good news,鈥� said Scott Brabrand, the executive director of the Virginia Association of School Superintendents.

He said superintendents around the commonwealth have been working to address the shortage by offering bonuses and increasing bus driver salaries.

Schools in Virginia found other unique ways of transporting students amid the bus driver shortage, such as altering routes, placing more students on buses, and using car and van services. Some communities created programs to promote to school.

The state legislature has also attempted to address the shortage in recent years.

Last year, the General Assembly agreed to legislation carried by Del. , R-Chesterfield, and Sen., D-Portsmouth, to shorten the time period during which retired drivers with at least 25 years of service could return to work without jeopardizing their pension benefits.

In another measure, Sen. , R-Abington, and Del. , R-Washington, raised awareness of the retirement benefits for teachers who drive buses. Following the session earlier this year, the Virginia Retirement System clarified that qualifying teachers who drive buses would receive compensation when they retire.

According to the agency鈥檚 , VRS-participating school divisions may combine the job duties of two positions under one contract as long as one of the positions is a covered position.

鈥淚t is a huge benefit to teachers,鈥� Washington County Public Schools Superintendent Keith Perrigan said.

Experts have said that transportation is one key to keeping children in school, limiting a high number of absences, and addressing the learning loss exacerbated during the pandemic.

Perrigan, who serves on the 蝉迟补迟别鈥檚 to address absences, said a few school divisions he represents in the Coalition of Small and Rural Schools of Virginia will start the school year fully staffed with drivers, unlike previous years.

鈥淢uch of rural Virginia, especially Southwest Virginia, is seeing progress in this area. Although we still have some work to do, we are breathing a little easier with the bus driver shortage,鈥� Perrigan said.

According to Perrigan, seven teachers in Washington County will split their time teaching and driving students, and more than 20 will do the same in Buchanan County.

Last year, Rappahannock County faced a shortage of drivers. However, according to Shannon Grimsley, superintendent of Rappahannock schools, the school division is fully staffed with drivers and has substitute drivers available.

This comes after Grimsley became a part-time school bus driver to alleviate transportation barriers for students and encourage others to become drivers. The division’s focus now is covering the costs of replacing aging buses, another transportation challenge some districts face.

鈥淲e are creatively working with the county government on our bus replacement schedule to ensure our fleet is in proper order and meeting all guidelines for optimum operability,鈥� Grimsley said.

Grimsely said the costs of buses have significantly increased and the impact on rural school districts with limited state funding can be a challenge. She said the costs of buses in her district have increased by more than 63% over the past five years.

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Virginia Mercury maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Samantha Willis for questions: info@virginiamercury.com. Follow Virginia Mercury on and .

Senior reporter Jo Napolitano spent nearly a year and a half calling 630 high schools in every state plus Washington, D.C. to test whether they would admit a 19-year-old Venezuelan transplant who spoke little English and whose education was interrupted after ninth grade. Using her own name, she told school officials the new arrival was her nephew, that he had recently moved to their district and was eager to resume his studies. 

鈥淗ector Guerrero,鈥� a stand-in for others like him, was refused 330 times, including more than 200 denials in states where he had a legal right to attend according to his age. Many schools, including those that reluctantly accepted him, tried hard to steer Hector to GED programs, adult education or community college 鈥� anything but public school.

社区黑料鈥檚 investigation, which exposed a pervasive hostility and suspicion toward older newcomers, proved enrollment for this group is arbitrary across the map, with little consistency within states, counties or school districts: Staffers within the very same building sometimes disagreed. 

And those answering these high-stakes enrollment questions 鈥� from temporary office workers to school principals 鈥� often provided bad information. 

Almost all 50 states and D.C. have laws establishing a maximum age for public school enrollment. In 35 states and the District of Columbia, general education students can attend high school to at least 20 鈥� often to 21. 

社区黑料 reached out to 25 states and the U.S. Capitol where Hector was within the maximum enrollment age but faced a high volume of rejections to alert education department officials to our findings.

鈥淚t is very concerning that there is confusion among school districts about this issue,鈥� said Jackie Matthews of the Illinois State Board of Education. 鈥淲e are updating our enrollment to clarify the maximum age of enrollment and are issuing additional guidance to address specific questions about enrolling newcomer students. We hope to bring greater clarity to the field.鈥�

Illinois, where students can stay in high school until age 21, had among the highest refusal rates of any state in the country 鈥� 25 out of 32 schools turned Hector away.

In Chicago alone, he was rejected by seven out of eight high schools 鈥� and was likely to be refused by one other. Among the rejections: Benito Juarez Community Academy, founded in 1977 when a group of Latina mothers in their neighborhood.

鈥淲e are concerned anytime we hear reports that a prospective student and/or family member may have been turned away from their right to a free public education,鈥� a spokeswoman for the city鈥檚 public schools, which serve , wrote in an email. 鈥淲e have shared the findings on specific schools and are doubling down on our efforts to ensure those particular schools 鈥� and all staff 鈥� understand the law and our own CPS policies.鈥�

The school system, like many other districts and state education departments around the country, noted it has long taken steps to educate staff about newcomers鈥� rights. Chicago Public Schools, which at the district level has 鈥� many arriving to the city after being bused from southern states 鈥� called it 鈥渁 matter of rightful presence.鈥�

The New Mexico Public Education Department鈥檚 general counsel drafted a memorandum to all districts and charters outlining their legal obligations to these and other students. A spokeswoman there confirmed the action is in response to 社区黑料鈥檚 findings. The memo was sent out in early August.

鈥淪chool districts and charter schools have a responsibility to educate these students regardless of  their relative academic ability or likelihood of success,鈥� it reads. 鈥淭hey are entitled to receive as much education as other students, until graduation or equivalent, or aging out of the public school system.鈥� 

State education officials in Michigan say they need additional legislative action to guarantee students鈥� rights. Spokesman Bob Wheaton said current state law is silent on whether districts must enroll prospective students who will turn 19 or 20 during the school year 鈥� even though the law states such students are eligible to attend and school districts receive state aid for supporting them. 

鈥淪tate law says these students are eligible to attend but doesn鈥檛 say schools must enroll them,鈥� Wheaton wrote. 鈥淭hat鈥檚 why we support legislation to change that.鈥� 

Hector was turned down by 11 of 16 Michigan high schools with one other saying it would likely refuse him. Wheaton said a team of staffers within the department is working to explore and recommend a change to the statute鈥檚 language.

He said 社区黑料鈥檚 investigation 鈥渟hines a light on the need for states to improve not just their policy in this area but the implementation of their policy.鈥�

Officials in D.C., where Hector was rejected by 6 out of 7 schools, also vowed to take action on the issue before the start of the academic year. The Office of the State Superintendent of Education will 鈥渆nsure staff consistently share key resources and information with any student or family that contacts a school about enrollment, so that the correct process can be followed and the student enrolled,鈥� a spokesman wrote. 

社区黑料 called 20 high schools in Georgia, where students have a right to attend until age 21, and received 14 refusals and two likely rejections. The state education department did not pledge to take any additional steps to ensure immigrant students鈥� rights based on our findings 鈥� but the Atlanta Public Schools had a starkly different reaction. 

A district administrator who works with multilingual learners reached out to 社区黑料 two days after our story published and said the 50,000-student school system had been “diligently educating our registrars to ensure no eligible student is denied enrollment in our district.” She said it intended to take further steps based on our findings. 

State education department officials in Minnesota, Kansas, Missouri, Ohio, Mississippi and South Carolina said they will reach out to all of the individual schools that refused Hector 鈥� in addition to numerous other measures 鈥� while Colorado said it will contact the districts as a whole.   

Colorado will also advise school superintendents of their responsibility toward these students at upcoming presentations and conferences, a spokesman said. It will highlight enrollment in the commissioner鈥檚 monthly communication to superintendents for August and include periodic reminders throughout the school year.

Virginia, where Hector was accepted by just 1 out of 11 schools, also pledged to act on our findings. 

鈥淵our reporting showed that a number of our school divisions could use a refresher on the current enrollment requirements, so we are using the start of the school year as an opportunity to remind all divisions of the obligations involving enrollment,鈥� state education officials said. 鈥淚t is not something we would usually send.鈥�

The North Dakota Department of Public Instruction holds an annual workshop in the summer for school administrators, typically in August, to help prepare for the new school year. At this year鈥檚 gathering, a spokesperson said, the department will remind administrators of the state law about maximum age for school admittance 鈥� and ask that they ensure staffers who handle enrollment are made aware of it. 

North Dakota must admit all students who have not turned 21 by Aug. 1 of that school year.

鈥淭his reminder will certainly be verbal and I suspect there will also be a written reminder as well,鈥� the spokesperson said. 鈥淚鈥檓 sure your story will be mentioned.鈥�

The department has also reached out to the two high schools that refused Hector. 

社区黑料 contacted a minimum of five high schools in each state. Napolitano then added hundreds more in various locations across the country based primarily on the number and percentage of Hispanic and immigrant residents living there. The calls, which numbered in the thousands, were made between February 2023 and May 2024. They were recorded in those states that allow for one-party consent. 

Roughly 1.1 million people ages 18 to 20 entered the United States between 2012 and 2021, according to the Migration Policy Institute. 

社区黑料 aimed to expose how schools handle enrollment requests for older immigrant  students in this openly xenophobic era, one in which the southern border has become a and more and more Americans say for the country despite newcomers bring. 

Conservative forces have been from school for . They now want schools to collect information on students鈥� immigration status when they enroll and charge tuition for undocumented children or the children of undocumented parents. Such steps would defy 鈥� and potentially set the stage to overturn 鈥� Plyler v. Doe, the landmark 1982 Supreme Court ruling that a child cannot be denied a public education based on immigration status. 

Texas, which has and is constantly pushing for even more , had among the worst acceptance rates in the nation: 18 of 29 schools refused to admit Hector. Two others said they were likely to turn him away. 

The Texas Education Agency said it shared 社区黑料鈥檚 findings with the 蝉迟补迟别鈥檚 Special Investigations Unit. It’s unclear what action may be taken. In Texas, where roughly is an immigrant, students can remain in high school until age 21 and, if a school district accepts them, . 

State education officials in Alaska, Hawaii and Maine 鈥� where Hector was denied by 16 of 27 total schools 鈥� did not respond to repeated calls and emails asking for comment. 

Educators and advocates from across the country reached out to 社区黑料 on their own shortly after our June 17 investigation was published to report that these discriminatory enrollment practices were widespread 鈥� sometimes involving immigrants as young as 17.

Several said they were heartened to hear at least some states are moving quickly to re-enforce the law.

鈥淚 believe that when people are reminded of the facts and stop to think about the importance of allowing all students to pursue an education, they will push for positive change,鈥� said student immigration advocate and policy expert Timothy Boals. 

Adam Strom, of Re-Imagining Migration, said immigrant students still face barriers once they enter school, but getting through the door is a crucial first step.

鈥淭hat work begins, but does not end, with ensuring that all eligible students have unfettered access to education,鈥� he said. 鈥淭here is more work to be done to ensure equitable educational opportunities, however this is a hopeful start.鈥�

This story was produced with support from the Education Writers Association Reporting Fellowship program.