While students don鈥檛 typically attend these meetings, this one was different: students were present and at the center of the conversation. Scholars spoke candidly about their experiences with the school鈥檚 evolving model for clubs and internships 鈥� what was working, what could be improved and what they hoped would come next. The students were reflecting on a program called 鈥淲orldview Wednesday,鈥� which allows them to explore academic and career interests during the school day. The goal of the staff meeting was to identify implementation trends, including those raised by students, and improve structures for the following school year鈥檚 programming.  

What鈥榮 remarkable about CHEC鈥檚 approach to staff meetings is not just the clarity of the students鈥� insights or their sincerity in wanting to help improve programming; it鈥榮 the way the adults lean in, quite literally. Teachers nod, take notes and ask follow-up questions, resembling a co-design session more than a traditional staff meeting.听

That was the CHEC leadership team鈥檚 goal. During school year 2024-2025, Principal Maria Tukeva and her staff had set the ambitious target to engage 20% of their learners in traditional adult decision-making spaces. They exceeded that aim, with 30% of their scholars participating over the course of the school year. That also led to student sense of belonging increasing by 7%, according to a school climate survey. 

I see members of the CHEC team modeling a monumental shift in power as staff members center student voice and revamp school culture. Across the country, pockets of school innovation and improvement have historically gained traction in one classroom or school, but their impact is often isolated. Innovative teachers and school leaders are busy people. Districts rarely have the resources, capacity, and system-level enablers to codify and diffuse promising school-level practice widely.  

Codifying and scaling school-level practice can look like curating resource libraries, developing blueprints or playbooks, or even establishing demonstration sites and hosting visits from other school teams so they can see promising practices in action. Districts play a key role in this process, from monitoring and elevating bright spots to providing added capacity and resources to invest in codification. 

They can also create enabling conditions for school innovation through flexible policies and infrastructure that allow promising practices to take root and grow. The , in partnership with the , has implemented some of these strategies to overcome challenges that districts have faced nationwide. The district  is fortunate to have dedicated Design Lab staff members who work with schools to design and evaluate programs, facilitate cohort-based development initiatives, and shape infrastructure and policy through collaboration with other district leaders. 

At CHEC, the student-centered, decision-making model during the school鈥檚 meeting in their cafeteria has become an exemplar for youth voice across the district. It has shaped district guidance for key planning processes 鈥� such as how stakeholders are engaged in the development of annual comprehensive school plans. I have even heard high schoolers from across DCPS present their own solutions to address chronic absenteeism at our Student Design Days. Some of our schools adopted these student-led ideas, resulting in an increase in-seat attendance by as much as 20%.鈥� 

Not far from CHEC is Paul Laurence Dunbar High School 鈥� America鈥檚 first public high school for Black students 鈥� where every eligible senior participates in an off-campus internship with a local nonprofit, government agency or business. The school鈥檚 鈥淐ity as Classroom鈥� model has contributed to an 18% increase in students on track for promotion and graduation. Driven by Dunbar鈥檚 pioneering efforts, DCPS codified processes for off-campus learning 鈥� clarifying site approvals and attendance tracking 鈥� making it easier for other schools to replicate the model. 

Just down the road at Cardozo Education Campus 鈥� every ninth grader engages in structured career exploration before selecting a pathway during a celebratory 鈥淒eclaration Day.鈥� Since launching this model, Career and Technical Education pass rates for the first course in chosen pathways have climbed to 93%. Encouraged, DCPS is expanding support for exploratory CTE opportunities districtwide. 

If we want innovation to scale beyond isolated stories of success, districts can invest in the infrastructure to help support and amplify promising innovations. That can mean creating dedicated roles and teams to provide capacity for codifying and disseminating best practices or building systems to capture and share these practices across campuses.  

But first, it means fundamentally recognizing school-level innovators as leaders for the future of learning. Treating local brilliance as the starting point for system-wide change unlocks the full potential of our schools and the communities they serve. The future of learning is already unfolding in our schools, and I am proud of our young people and our staff for leading the way. 

Disclosure: is a financial supporter of 社区黑料.

In our roles as deputy mayor for education and state superintendent, we see something remarkable taking shape 鈥� a citywide education system leading the nation in how to reimagine what鈥檚 possible for every child.

This year鈥檚 statewide assessment results tell a clear story of momentum. On the , students made the largest gains in English Language Arts and math proficiency since the pandemic. Forty percent of schools raised proficiency by at least 5 points in one of these subjects, and more than 60% showed measurable progress in both. Across the city, 137 of 223 tested schools boosted English scores, while 141 schools improved in math.

ELA proficiency has now surpassed pre-COVID levels, increasing from 37.5% in 2019 to 37.6% in 2025. Math proficiency reached a record high since COVID, rising from 19.4% in 2022 to 26.4% this year. This is evidence that students are not only recovering, but moving forward at a faster pace than before the pandemic.

National data confirms this progress. The Harvard Center for Education Policy and Research鈥檚 ranked D.C. first in the nation for learning recovery in both math and reading for grades 3 to 8 between 2022 and 2024. In that two-year period, D.C. students gained back the equivalent of half a grade level in math and a quarter of a grade level in reading. Just a few years ago, D.C. ranked 32nd in math recovery since 2019; today, it leads the country.

Federal relief dollars helped make this possible. D.C. received more than $600 million in K-12 pandemic recovery funds, about $6,800 per student 鈥� nearly double the national average of $3,700. shows that targeting these dollars toward , summer learning and other evidence-based strategies contributed directly to the rebound.

Together, these results demonstrate what families and educators across the city already feel in classrooms: Students are making meaningful, historic gains in learning.

Several factors are driving this progress. Since 2015, local per-student funding has increased from $16,032 to $28,040 鈥� a 75% rise 鈥� with more money provided for serving students with the greatest needs.

D.C.鈥檚 early education stands above national enrollment levels, with 95% of 4-year-olds and 82% of 3-year-olds citywide enrolled in pre-K. At the high school level, more students are than in 2010-11, with nearly a 20- point increase since 2010-11, growing from 58.6% to 76.1%. These students now graduate with college credits, industry certifications and real-world experience in high-demand fields through , and our growing network of citywide preparing them for .

The initiative enables the Office of the Deputy Mayor for Education to connect data from pre-K-12 with postsecondary outcomes to better identify which programs propel students forward in college and careers, helping D.C. make future investments accordingly.

Teachers are a cornerstone of this progress. Thanks to big investments in recent years, D.C. Public School educators now earn an average salary of $109,000, among the highest in the nation, with comparable pay in charter schools. Investments in professional development, coaching, structured literacy training, high-quality instructional materials in literacy and math and high-impact tutoring have also helped to strengthen classroom instruction, so students feel challenged, supported and inspired. At the same time, D.C. is tackling barriers outside the classroom, securing school-based mental health supports, providing safe passage to schools and expanding the District鈥檚 programming. As a result, chronic absenteeism overall has declined 18.3% between 2021-22 and 2023-24, while profound chronic absenteeism 鈥� a student missing 30% or more of school days 鈥� is down 34.2% over the same time period. 

The vast majority of families receive one of their top choices of district and charter schools through a universal enrollment lottery, helping drive D.C.鈥檚 . This system, combined with investments in quality and variety, has helped drive the city鈥檚 sustained since the 2008-09 school year and added more than 5,000 students . This is at a time when many large districts across the country experienced declines.

D.C.鈥檚 education success isn鈥檛 just about test scores. It鈥檚 about the child who now walks into class with confidence because tutoring makes reading click. It鈥檚 about the high schooler graduating with a resume that includes a paid internship and college credits already earned. It鈥檚 about showing the nation that D.C. students 鈥� no matter their background or income 鈥� can succeed at the highest levels.

D.C.’s experience shows how large urban education systems can rebound and thrive when funding is deep and sustained, resources meet student needs, teachers are well supported and compensated, and learning starts early.

While challenges remain, the data show encouraging momentum that is worth studying nationally. D.C.鈥檚 educational vision invariably focuses on ensuring every child is prepared for higher education and a family-sustaining career, while making certain that the city continues to be the nation鈥檚 talent capital.

D.C.鈥檚 public education leaders can keep proving to the nation what happens when a city dreams big for every student, invests strategically and stays the course: Students and schools will surpass expectations.

Paul Kihn is deputy mayor for education in the District of Columbia. Dr. Antoinette Mitchell is state superintendent of education for the District of Columbia.

School is finally back in session following a three-week delay at Evergreen Public Schools in southwest Washington, after unionized staff approved a deal with district administrators.

Members of SEIU Local 1948 initiated the first strike in the union鈥檚 57-year history following months of failed contract negotiations.

In , also in southwest Washington, teachers ended a week-long strike on Thursday after reaching a tentative agreement with the district. Meanwhile, staff at Vancouver Public Schools voted Thursday to authorize a strike.

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The union at Evergreen Public Schools represents 1,400 paraeducators, bus drivers, security officers, maintenance workers and other 鈥渃lassified鈥� non-teacher staff. They demanded that the district adequately compensate paraeducators, who assist teachers with classroom instruction, and address what the union described as critical understaffing.

鈥淭his agreement is the product of incredible strength and unity from Evergreen鈥檚 classified staff,鈥� said Mindy Troffer-Cooper, president of the Evergreen chapter of Public School Employees of Washington.

The board last week authorized its legal team to take 鈥渁ll lawful steps necessary鈥� to end the strike, including filing a request in Clark County Superior Court for an to force striking employees back to work.

The district and union negotiators reached a tentative agreement on Wednesday, with union members voting to approve the agreement Thursday night.

Class resumed on Friday, Sept. 12. The district has about 22,000 students.

鈥淥ur members stood strong in the face of legal threats and misleading tactics because they knew what was at stake: stability for students, livable wages for staff, and respect for the work that keeps schools running,鈥� Troffer-Cooper said.

She attributed the success of the strike to solidarity across the labor community, thanking teachers, parents, students, community allies and other labor partners for supporting Evergreen鈥檚 classified staff.

La Center educators to return to class, as Vancouver workers authorize a strike

Members of the La Center began striking Sept. 3. They sought higher wages to retain and attract quality staff and compete with neighboring districts.

Union members planned to vote on the agreement there on Friday. If approved, school will reopen on Monday, Sept. 15. Classes started in La Center on Aug. 27 and then paused due to the strike.

鈥淲e are looking forward to welcoming students back to their classrooms,鈥� said Superintendent Peter Rosenkranz.

A start date for the Vancouver Public Schools strike had not been announced as of Friday afternoon.

Members of the failed to reach an agreement after months of negotiations and have been without a contract since Aug. 31.

The union represents over 800 paraeducators, clerks, secretaries, tech support specialists, maintenance workers and other staff.

Union members for additional training, increased staffing, shortened time between salary increases, and pay hikes for inclement weather and work-related injuries.

鈥淲e deeply respect our VAESP labor partners and appreciate schools cannot run without these staff,鈥� Vancouver Public Schools says on its , adding that bargaining is 鈥渆specially difficult right now鈥� due to funding not matching the actual costs of operations.

鈥淲e are all left trying to find a way to make sure our students and staff get what they need, and deserve, even with our very limited resources,鈥� Vancouver Public Schools adds in its statement.

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Washington State Standard maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Bill Lucia for questions: info@washingtonstatestandard.com.

Titi Adams wanted to help others with disaster recovery after her own family struggled to get federal aid following last year鈥檚 tornado in Cypress, Texas. 

For Parv Mehta, years of computer science classes sparked his desire to teach kids in Washington state about the dangers of artificial intelligence and deepfakes. 

And Jackson Simmons-Furlati鈥檚 passion project of buying a hydroponic planter for his California high school turned into a mission of supplying fresh salads to schools across his community.

These four teens were recently awarded fellowships, under a new program from the national nonprofit . For the 2025-26 school year, 100 teams of five participants each will receive up to $7,500 to address real-world problems in their communities. The 500 fellows, ages 14 to 24, will implement their projects during the next school year, with the help of a mentor. 

The program was piloted in a couple of states in recent years, but this is the first time it鈥檚 been offered to students nationwide, said Beverly Sanford, the institute’s vice president. The 500 students come from 27 states and the District of Columbia, and a second cohort will be selected for the 2026-27 school year.

鈥淭hese are big, ambitious efforts, and we think they鈥檙e really going to both bear fruit for their communities and help cultivate a new generation of leaders,鈥� Sanford said.

Here鈥檚 what four of the fellows have come up with:

Angela Choi, 17

Junior at Greenhills School, Ann Arbor, Michigan

Angela and her team created the Youth Caregiver Action Network to help students in the Detroit area who are also caretakers for an ill family member.

It wasn鈥檛 uncommon for Angela to miss crucial study hours or class time as one of the main caregivers for her 14-year-old sister, who has autoimmune encephalitis, a condition that causes neurologic disorders. Angela helps her parents take care of her sister when she needs to go to the emergency room or has emotional outbursts.

鈥淚鈥檝e had to navigate the pressure between being a caregiver and a student at the same time, without any kind of tangible support,鈥� she said. 鈥淸People have] kind of treated me as a way, or as a tool, to make my sister get better 鈥� not as a teen who’s going through a challenge as well. So that’s how this project started.鈥�

When Angela discovered the fellowship a week before the application deadline, she didn鈥檛 know any peers who had a similar caregiving experience. But when she posted a request to student groups on social media, she found other students across the U.S. who were as passionate about the topic as she was. Four of them are now members of her Carnegie fellowship team.

All fellows met face to face in July to start their project. Each team receives a coach from the program and has to identify a mentor in their community. Angela chose the Detroit Health Department because it has the capacity to reach more young caregivers, she said. 

Angela鈥檚 project includes three branches: mental health support, educational equity and civic empowerment. Her team will use some of the Carnegie grant to buy and distribute mental health kits with small gifts and local resources to youth who are caregivers at home. Research that children who care or provide emotional support for a family member have an increased risk for mental health issues.

Because young caregivers spend their time supporting others instead of focusing on education, Angela鈥檚 team also plans to work with local schools to discuss accommodations like tutoring or testing assistance. For the project鈥檚 third branch, the team wants to help caregivers with responsibilities like voting or navigating insurance and finances.

鈥淭his is something that’s definitely become my passion recently, because I wanted to go into the medical field, because my sister’s sick and all,鈥� she said. 鈥淏ut if these kinds of [issues] are not really addressed 鈥� if I can’t even be considered as someone to receive help and support 鈥� the medical field is really nothing to me.鈥�

Titi Adams, 17

Senior at Cypress Ranch High School, Cypress, Texas

Titi had already started a nonprofit that provided aid to Nigerian families when she discovered the Carnegie fellowship. She decided to help her local community with an issue that鈥檚 become more prevalent in recent years: natural disaster recovery.

Titi was 13 when wreaked havoc across Texas in 2021, causing millions to lose power and roughly 200 deaths. Last year, a tore through her own neighborhood. She said her parents are still fighting to receive a check owed to them from the Federal Emergency Management Agency for repairs.

The disasters and her parents鈥� struggle inspired her to create a project to educate citizens about community recovery resources and the FEMA financial aid process. Titi said her team wants to focus their efforts on low-income and underserved communities that are than their affluent neighbors.

鈥淣ot getting the checks you鈥檙e supposed to get was the first [thing] we felt we could actually maybe do something about,鈥� she said. 鈥淲e鈥檙e hoping to help people advocate for themselves and realize that they do have options in regards to FEMA.鈥�

Titi said her team hopes to reach at least 200 people during the next school year by producing pamphlets, flyers and digital campaigns in partnership with schools and local nonprofits. 

She said she thought her project idea might be too niche 鈥� until a devastating flood in central Texas killed , including 35 children, on July 4. 

鈥淲hen we saw people鈥檚 response, it validated us that maybe this is actually a problem and we can make a difference,鈥� she said.

Parv Mehta, 17

Senior at Eastlake High School, Sammamish, Washington

Parv had been passionate about computer science for years. But when ChatGPT was released in 2022, his interest shifted to tech policy and the ethical use of artificial intelligence. 

As software became more and more sophisticated, Parv said, he was increasingly aware of the potential for problems such as 鈥� videos, audio or images that seem real but have been manipulated by AI. Since 2019, 47 states have implemented laws addressing deepfakes, according to a national . 

Parv鈥檚 project aims to educate youth on AI, deepfakes and other digital media through hands-on workshops and teacher curriculum. He wants to focus on students who are Black, Indigenous and people of color because they often attend schools with less AI education than their white peers.

鈥淲e decided to specialize in BIPOC communities because we see the need there the most, even though everyone should be AI and deepfake-literate,鈥� he said. 

The team plans to partner with schools and community nonprofits to offer in-person workshops taught by Parv and other members starting this fall. They eventually want to create a curriculum to help teachers bring AI education into the classroom. 

鈥淲e put in a metric about how many people we want to impact. We said 75 people in person and then over 200 people online. But to me, this fellowship is about making as much impact as possible,鈥� he said. 鈥淲e鈥檙e going to make sure that almost every kid knows about AI in Washington in five years. We鈥檙e going to work really hard to get there.”

Jackson Simmons-Furlati, 16

Sophomore at Dos Pueblos Senior High School, Goleta, California

For years, Jackson has raised money for his local food bank, but he recently became interested in inexpensive ways to provide families with fresh, healthy food. Last year, he used his own money to buy a hydroponic garden for his high school. It鈥檚 an 11-foot tower that grows produce vertically, without the need for soil.

Jackson said the logistics of installing a hydroponic tower next to his high school鈥檚 cafeteria was challenging, but the district eventually approved it with the support of his principal. 

Between January and the end of the school year in the spring, he was able to grow and harvest enough vegetables to create about 100 salads a week. Now, Jackson and his team will be using Carnegie fellowship funds to expand the project to other schools in the Santa Barbara Unified School District. About half of districts in the state have at least one school garden, according to the .

鈥淚鈥檝e been reaching out to other schools in my area, and I鈥檝e been talking to an elementary school that has been pretty interested in installing half-towers 鈥� since the kids are tiny,鈥� he said. “The Carnegie grant will be used to buy saplings for the towers.鈥�

Jackson said the project isn鈥檛 just about providing fresh food, but also limiting plastic use. The salads he made during the school year were served without using any plastic materials, and his team plans to continue the trend at other buildings. 

鈥淲e鈥檙e just trying to grow and trying to expand,鈥� he said. 鈥淲hich is great, especially with the Carnegie grant.鈥�

Last December, after a year and a half of blind alleys, impenetrable paperwork and bureaucratic stonewalling, it seemed like the complaints Sierra Rios had filed against her fifth-grader鈥檚 elementary school were finally getting a proper investigation. A lawyer in the Dallas office of the U.S. Department of Education鈥檚 Office for Civil Rights was asking hard questions of the school where Rios said her daughter, Nevaeh, was repeatedly denied special education services. 

But then, a few weeks into the probe, the San Antonio mother got a bounce-back email informing her that the attorney working on her case was no longer employed by the agency. As part of its plan to shutter the department, the Trump administration had fired 40% of the civil rights division鈥檚 staff and closed half of its regional offices. 

The March email did not say what would happen to Rios鈥� case. In May, she got a message asking for a form that had somehow not been transferred from Texas to the agency鈥檚 office in Kansas City, Missouri. Rios re-sent the document, but it no longer mattered. During the churn, she was told, the complaint had become too old to pursue. 

The saga is a vivid illustration of the awaits families of students with disabilities. For decades, the federal government has been a key avenue of relief for parents unable to get services for their children through complaints filed with their state, mediation, administrative hearings or due process cases. Now, with the department lurching toward closure, state-level officials may increasingly have the final word. And a 74 analysis shows that those systems, intended to help desperate parents like Rios, have never delivered on their promise. 

A ‘parent-friendly’ process that鈥檚 anything but simple 

Fifty years ago, under the Individuals with Disabilities in Education Act, Congress created three ways parents could appeal to their state education departments if they felt their children were being denied accommodations in school. These mechanisms vary in complexity and effectiveness, but all were supposed to be simple enough for any parent to navigate. 

Families, or school administrators seeking help in resolving a disagreement, can file a complaint with their state in hopes that education officials will intervene if they find a district鈥檚 efforts lacking or improper. Parents can also ask the state to appoint a mediator who will try to bring both sides to an agreement. Most complicated, but potentially most effective, families can file a due process complaint, which kicks off a legal process that usually requires an attorney or skilled advocate. The complaint may start with a mediator but can progress to a formal hearing before an administrative law judge. If the dispute isn鈥檛 resolved there, the case can turn into a federal lawsuit.   

Some states pursue complaints quickly, with an eye toward resolving issues before they become intensely adversarial and expensive. Others lag or throw up procedural roadblocks, presumably trying to reduce the number of cases filed. 

Complaints can run aground at . The length of time a family has to file after the event they鈥檙e disputing differs depending on where they live and which mechanism they鈥檙e trying to use. If an email or letter doesn鈥檛 get a reply within a certain number of days, the case can be closed. Things must be done in a precise order, spelled out in legalese. 

In Rios’ case, she initially tried to open a state complaint against the principal of Nevaeh鈥檚 school in 2023. The Texas Education Agency rejected her request in a letter that she read as saying complaints cannot be filed against individuals, just schools and districts. (The agency says complaints can be filed against individuals.)

Rios assumed her complaint was dead in the water. A year later, with Nevaeh鈥檚 situation deteriorating as school staff, Rios says, grew tired of the family鈥檚 continued complaints, she did more research and opened a case at the Office for Civil Rights under the Americans with Disabilities Act.听

The law that created the state complaint processes, the IDEA, guarantees disabled students鈥� educational rights. By contrast, the ADA, passed in 1990, outlaws discrimination against people who need accommodations to access public facilities and programs 鈥� including schools. 

Families of children denied special education services can assert their rights under either law. When states fail to enforce a student鈥檚 educational rights under IDEA, families often file a discrimination complaint via the ADA.

In the 2022-23 school year, more than 54,000 state were filed in the U.S. and its territories, including due process complaints, written state complaints and mediation requests. The Office for Civil Rights had 鈥� half of them involving disability discrimination 鈥� when its staff was . For fiscal year 2026, which started July 1, the White House鈥檚 proposed OCR budget is $91 million, a 35% drop. 

At the same time, the administration wants to move $33 million that currently funds state advocacy clearinghouses into block grants that states 鈥� cash-strapped as their federal pandemic funds run out 鈥� can use for other things. This means families risk losing a second source of leverage: free assistance from experts.

If enacted, both budget cuts would also exacerbate socioeconomic and racial disparities in the services kids with disabilities receive, says Carrie Gillispie, a senior policy analyst at New America. This is because families in states where there鈥檚 little appetite for local enforcement depend on OCR to investigate discrimination.

鈥淭hose discrepancies that exist if these budget changes happen,鈥� Gillispie says. 鈥淚t鈥檚 a choice to continue to underinvest.鈥�            

With the federal office a hollow shell of what it was six months ago, advocates say, families are likely to rely more heavily on their states. And how 鈥� and how well 鈥� each state helps students with disabilities varies widely. 

In fact, our analysis found great geographic disparities in the kinds of appeals families pursue and how far they make it in the multi-step processes. In the few places that have more than a handful of special education lawyers, primarily on the East and West coasts, due process cases often dominate. In the Midwest, where there are few or even no special ed attorneys or advocates, families must go it alone, and public officials frequently put up roadblocks to impede complaints parents file with their states. Here, there are fewer disputes 鈥� likely because parents often depend on schools to apprise them of their rights 鈥� and complaints are less likely to end in a written agreement. 

Rate of due process complaints per 10,000 children receiving special education services

Rate of due process complaints per 10,000 children receiving special education services for each state from 2014-15 to 2021-22 and how it compares with the national average. Hover over each state to see the year-by-year breakdown. Source: U.S. Department of Education Office of Special Education Programs (Eamonn Fitzmaurice)

Information collected by the U.S. Education Department does not record whether outcomes are favorable for students. But attorneys and advocates say that for those who have access to expert help 鈥� either for a fee or pro bono, through an advocacy group 鈥� a due process complaint can yield a quick settlement from a district looking to end a family’s case and move on. 

Using state data submitted to the department from the 2014-15 academic year through 2022-23, the most recent available, we created the interactive map above showing how many cases are filed in each state and how they compare with the national average. To account for population differences, we have tabulated the rate of due process complaints per 10,000 children identified as qualifying for special education services in each state. 

In addition to national averages, we focused on four localities  鈥� California, Texas, Nebraska and the District of Columbia 鈥� that illustrate different approaches to resolving disputes and how far in the process they proceed, and included an interactive chart for each.  

The process was , and to allow parents and schools to start with the least contentious, simplest and most inexpensive options. With some exceptions, a family can begin by filing a written state complaint or by requesting mediation, and, if no agreement is reached, open a due process case later on. If one side disagrees with the decision in a due process hearing, it can file a federal suit. In some circumstances, the losing party will be ordered to reimburse the other side鈥檚 attorney fees. 

In our analysis, we have excluded two statistical outliers: New York, where, because of a tangled legal history, two-thirds of recent complaints in the U.S. were filed; and Puerto Rico, where students are protected by federal law but the special education system is unique.

Finally, we look at trends in Texas, where advocates are cautiously optimistic that a decade-old federal intervention has nudged the process closer to Congress鈥� original vision. Advocates say changes made by Texas officials are getting families what they need faster, and with less red tape, all with an eye to heading off the most contentious options.     

Barring similar efforts by districts and state education officials to help families before disagreements become adversarial, advocates predict the system will become more litigious. By definition, that will make it more expensive for everyone involved, as districts and families are forced to spend money on attorneys and experts instead of the services children need. In June, the U.S. Supreme Court issued a decision making it easier for families to file federal discrimination suits. 

The upshot, advocates say, could be an even more inequitable playing field, where families with access to attorneys and the ability to pay them have leverage and those who don鈥檛 are at the mercy of their states鈥� willingness to enforce their rights.    

Each process for resolving special education disagreements comes with major trade-offs 鈥� which are typically unclear for families trying to figure out where to start. 

A written state complaint is usually the easiest route for a parent going it alone. It鈥檚 free. The information needed to start is comparatively straightforward. The law requires states to finish investigations within 60 days, which is months or years faster than the alternatives. 

If, at any point, a parent and district come to an agreement, they can simply stop the process. If the state probe goes forward, a finding is issued. published in 2018 in the Journal of Special Education Leadership, district leaders surveyed the year before said 62% of state investigations that played all the way out concluded that a district was not compliant with the law. 

Caveats abound, however. In many places, state complaints can鈥檛 be appealed. A mediator or state investigator can determine that a student is owed compensatory services 鈥� academic or therapeutic time to make up for interventions they were improperly denied or money to pay for private services. But in practice, they rarely result in financial compensation for a student鈥檚 family. 

Though these agreements are often supposed to be legally binding, they don鈥檛 always carry the weight of a legal judgment, so schools can feel little pressure to make meaningful changes.

Finally, in order to get what their child was denied, families often must sign a non-disclosure agreement. This makes it hard for parents to compare notes about what services are available from their school and what they can reasonably ask for.  

In , families told the Council of Parent Attorneys and Advocates 鈥� a network of state and local professionals partly funded by IDEA 鈥� that the corrective actions called for in state findings are often inadequate and ignored by schools, with no state follow-up to ensure compliance. Parents also complained that state investigators are sometimes quicker to believe districts鈥� stories than families’, even in the absence of evidence. Mediators may fail to help parents and schools reach an agreement.      

By contrast, filing a due process complaint is not unlike filing a lawsuit. Indeed, if a disagreement isn鈥檛 resolved at a negotiation called a resolution meeting or by a mediator, an administrative law judge takes testimony, considers evidence and issues a ruling. If that does not end the dispute, either party may 鈥� provided it has the resources 鈥� continue the case in federal court.

But parents often don鈥檛 have the money to hire an attorney or advocate to take the case. Some states have just one lawyer who will accept special education cases. In part, this is because a family must win to have just its attorney鈥檚 fees covered. In addition, in most instances, plaintiffs can鈥檛 hire experts to counter testimony given by district witnesses.   

Until recently, anyway, lodging a complaint with the OCR instead of the state was often parents鈥� most attractive option.

Families in rural areas rely on state complaints for solutions 

In many rural states, such as Nebraska, families rely on written state complaints when their kids’ needs aren’t being met. Dispute resolution filings are rare because advocates and attorneys are few and far between, and the number of due process cases is low.

State complaints are supposed to be the fast, easy, least costly and least adversarial path to getting kids services without the expenses of hiring an attorney. But outcomes are often poor. 

鈥淭hey are especially good for clear procedural violations that may impact the student,鈥� says Amy Bonn, an Omaha-area attorney. 鈥淚t’s basically saying, 鈥楬ere’s where the district did something that did not comport with the actual law.’ 鈥�

When IDEA was created, Congress envisioned the state complaint system to be the 鈥渕ost powerful and accessible option for parents,鈥� but it often falls short in resolving noncompliance issues, according to a from the Council of Parent Attorneys and Advocates. 

The organization stated in its that the system is 鈥渁n often ineffective process that lacks transparency, impartiality and accountability by state educational agencies charged with administering the dispute resolution process.鈥�

Once a complaint is filed, the investigation is in the state’s hands 鈥� and out of the parents’. Any decisions, including corrective actions, are made by the state within a 60-day timeline, and they usually can鈥檛 be appealed. 

鈥淸Families] might get relief or they might not, but there are no judges or a hearing,鈥� says Kathy Zeisel of the Children鈥檚 Law Center, an agency that takes cases and connects families with pro bono lawyers to file complaints. 鈥淵ou get systemic change, such as a district having to change policies,鈥� instead of an accommodation to help a particular student.

But debates between families and school districts about special ed services that were not delivered during the COVID pandemic have begun to change the landscape, Bonn says. An increase in the number of parent advocates and lawyers who take special education cases has led to more filings in recent years.

鈥淚 think the culture is changing a little bit,鈥� Bonn says. 

Due process comes with steep costs and barriers

With the federal backstop of the Office for Civil Rights disappearing, even more due process complaints are likely. They are expensive for both families and districts but effective 鈥� when the process is accessible to parents. 

Here are two examples of how this is playing out in states where the number of these complaints is rising quickly:     

In California, the dispute resolution process is available to financially stable, highly educated families confident enough to speak out about their child鈥檚 services, says Cheryl Theis, who worked as a parent advocate in Oakland for 18 years at the Disability Rights Education Defense Fund.

鈥淚DEA is built on one fundamental premise: that every child has a parent who can advocate for them,鈥� Theis says. 鈥淏ut there’s always been some power imbalance around how effectively a parent can participate and how hard they’re willing to push, and that’s been an ongoing problem.鈥�

Over the past several years, California has received roughly the same number of mediations and due process complaints 鈥� which make up about 90% of filings, according to data from . The state had nearly 55 due process complaints and 56 mediation requests per 10,000 children in 2022-23.

Excluding the outliers not included in this analysis 鈥� New York and Puerto Rico 鈥� California鈥檚 due process case rate is the second highest in the country. But the number that proceed to the ultimate stage is miniscule. Less than 1% of the 4,401 cases filed in 2022-23 were heard by a judge, while 3,254 were resolved before the hearing stage. 

Advocates say this reflects a trend they expect to play out in other places: With large numbers of private law firms and nonprofits able to file pro bono cases, increasingly school districts are choosing to settle due process complaints quickly. Many California school systems now routinely purchase commercial insurance, which picks up most of the cost. This may seem like an inexpensive way to shorten what can be months of expensive arguments, but attorneys and disability advocates note that the insurance premiums come out of the district鈥檚 budget, which could be paying for needed services. 

Some families end up with better agreements for their children than they would using the state complaint process, advocates say. But even when families view a settlement as a win, Theis says, compensatory education often requires the parent to pay upfront for private services and get reimbursed from the district 鈥� another barrier for those who are low-income.

In the past two school years, Oakland Unified School District shelled out $579,588 in attorney fees and paid $823,964 to families to cover their legal costs in settlement cases, according to district financial records. The settlements forced the district to spend roughly $3.5 million on student services.

Oakland in previous years for IDEA violations. Systemic problems uncovered by investigations in 2007 and 2013 included staffing shortages, lack of special education curricula, deficient budgets and the placement of students in segregated special ed classrooms, according to Disability Rights California. 

The nonprofit filed a on the behalf of all special education students in the district. 

鈥淚f you look at those millions of dollars in settlements, like, how many teachers could you train, how many adaptive tricycles could you buy? What specialized summer programs could you create?鈥� Theis asks. 鈥淚t’s like this squeaky-wheel system where 10 people might need it, but only one parent is going to have the knowledge, the time and the finances to maybe get an attorney.鈥�

In a statement the district said that since the pandemic, it has expanded its alternative dispute resolution program, which provides a neutral representative who can conduct IEP meetings or resolve issues with families without an attorney or legal fees.

鈥淎dditionally, we offer open office hours monthly for any family who wants to speak with a neutral special education attorney about their questions or concerns about their child’s IEP,鈥� the district said.

In 2024-25, 31 cases went through the alternative dispute resolution program, and 29 were resolved with no attorney fees, the district said.

Our second example, Washington, D.C., has one of the highest rates of due process complaints in the nation, behind New York and Puerto Rico. In 2022-23, roughly 151 complaints were filed per 10,000 children. These numbers prompted a federal probe in March to investigate claims that D.C.鈥檚 traditional public school system is not meeting the needs of students with disabilities.

Advocates say D.C.鈥檚 special education issues are similar to those in the rest of the nation, but an oversaturation of disability lawyers and agencies has educated families about their children鈥檚 school services 鈥� and taught them to use litigation to get what they are entitled to under federal law. This, they say, contributes to the high filing numbers.

A from the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights found that D.C. has the highest rate in the nation of due process complaints resolved without a hearing, which could indicate a 鈥渟ue and settle approach鈥� 鈥� which favors those who can afford attorneys. 

鈥淚t’s really a national problem that we are just disregarding kids with disabilities and not putting the resources into them,鈥� says Zeisel, whose Children’s Law Center has roughly 250 cases at any given time, one-third involving families going through due process. 鈥淧arents have to sue, and kids lose almost a whole school year to try to get what [they need]. We would love to put ourselves out of a job and not not be litigating this stuff and go do something else.鈥�

While advocates say the number of cases is still too high, D.C.鈥檚 filing numbers have plummeted over the last decade. In the 2011-12 school year, 805 due process complaints per 10,000 children were reported. The latest data available shows that D.C. had 151 complaints per 10,000 children in 2022-23.

The credits the drop to D.C. improving its capacity in handling cases and creating a student hearing office.

In 2023, the city paid more than $3.1 million to attorneys as a result of due process complaints against D.C. Public Schools, according to a 2023 inspector general .

Donovan Anderson represented the district in special education cases until he opened his own firm doing the same work more than 25 years ago. 

鈥淧arents will reach out to me because they are searching for answers,鈥� he says. 鈥淭hey are in disbelief with the quality of education that their child is receiving.鈥�

Once Anderson files a on behalf of a family, the district has 15 days to hold a resolution meeting as a way to discuss the issues and potentially resolve them. He says almost all his cases end at this stage because continuing with due process is usually time-consuming and too costly for families. 

If nothing is agreed upon during the resolution meeting and a parent wants to continue to a due process hearing, the timeline can stretch to 75 days before any decision is made. Then there鈥檚 also more of a chance that families will lose their case and come out with nothing but debt after a long fight. 

Anderson says resolving a case during the resolution meeting makes the school district pay the family鈥檚 attorney fees 鈥� usually a few thousand dollars 鈥� but parents who lose due process are on the hook for the thousands more spent on lawyers and experts to testify during the hearing.

鈥淚f I settle the case in 15 days, the child [and] the parent can see tangible results in 30 to 45 days after meeting me,鈥� he says. 鈥淚 can make a lot more money if I have to go to a due process hearing, but it doesn’t necessarily benefit the child, because the parent has to wait that much longer to have tangible solutions.鈥�

鈥楾he therapist said it was self-defense鈥�

Even the most cut-and-dried due process case 鈥� the kind likely to be resolved quickly and in a student鈥檚  favor 鈥� can be prohibitively expensive just to file. Texas parent N.G.鈥檚 son, A.G., is autistic, nonverbal and very bright. (Because the family signed a nondisclosure agreement at the conclusion of the case 鈥� a common district demand 鈥� N.G. asked that they be identified by their initials.) 

A.G. could add and subtract in kindergarten, but his first grade teacher conflated his lack of speech with academic incompetence and gave him a picture of the number 1 to color. Bored, A.G. acted up, his mother says. A few weeks into the year, he wandered off and got lost in the school.

In February, he came home with a hand-shaped bruise on his arm following an occupational therapy session in school. 鈥淭he therapist said it was self-defense,鈥� N.G. says. 鈥淚 said, 鈥楬e鈥檚 6 and he has low muscle tone.鈥� 鈥�

It took her a month to find an attorney, hundreds of miles away. The lawyer charged a flat fee of $6,000 for his first three months of work. The family鈥檚 due process complaint was so stark and well-documented 鈥� N.G. had logged every interaction on a spreadsheet 鈥� that a mediator quickly negotiated a good settlement.      

Had the mediator failed, however, the family would have had to drop the complaint. After 90 days, the attorney would have needed to be paid by the hour 鈥� money N.G. would not necessarily have been entitled to recover.

Perhaps the best proof of the value of federal oversight of special education is to be found in Texas, where state officials have spent seven years overhauling how schools are held accountable for serving children with disabilities. Attorneys and advocates now routinely advise families to avoid due process altogether and file state complaints 鈥� the route Congress originally envisioned as the quickest path to securing help for kids.    

In 2016, a revealed that for years, the state had improperly denied services to hundreds of thousands of children by capping the number of special ed students districts could serve. In response, the U.S. Education Department ordered state officials to take a series of steps to find and evaluate children with disabilities.  

Since then, the number of special education students has increased by 67%, rising from 463,000 to 775,000. Meeting their needs has stretched Texas schools, which couldn鈥檛 simply conjure the staff 鈥� or funding 鈥� to beef up special education overnight. 

In 2022, Texas lawmakers lengthened the amount of time families have to file due process claims from one year after an episode to a more standard two years.

Conventional wisdom would hold that a tsunami of families seeking support and a longer window to complain when they don鈥檛 get it would send caseloads skyrocketing. But due process complaints have instead fallen, from 8 per 10,000 students in 2014-15 to 5.5 in 2021-22.

Meanwhile, the number of state complaints nearly quadrupled between the 2020-21 and 2022-23 academic years, rising from 261 to 979. The number of resulting reports 鈥� the documents that say what state investigators found 鈥� tripled, from 164 to 549. Also on the rise is the number of complaints withdrawn before the formal process begins 鈥� likely as a result of districts resolving disagreements quickly.    

Colleen Potts, supervising attorney for Disability Rights Texas, says the organization鈥檚 lawyers now see state complaints as the most effective way to get quick relief for students and families. 

鈥淚鈥檝e been doing this for 19 years, and the last two or three years we are getting consistently good outcomes in non-adversarial 鈥榤eeting of the minds鈥� meetings, with resolutions that are acceptable to everyone,鈥� she says. 

Indeed, districts often are quick to try to resolve disagreements before the state investigates. Potts encourages the attorneys she works with to list proposed remedies in their complaints even if they aren鈥檛 things a state typically requires a lagging district to do. 

In practical terms, this document can serve as a road map to getting a child鈥檚 needs met, she explains: 鈥淎nything is on the table.鈥� 

In 2018, in response to the U.S. Education Department鈥檚 intervention, the Texas Education Agency drew up an for overhauling special education statewide. A key goal was making resources available to families and districts to help them resolve disagreements early. According to Jennifer Alexander, Texas鈥� deputy commissioner for special populations and student supports, 10% of state complaints are now resolved this way, even if investigators have already begun work on the case.     

As the state officials made the changes outlined in the strategic plan, they examined data on disputes to find out where things go awry, says Alexander: 鈥淲here it often breaks down is the family does not know the process and so can鈥檛 express to the district what they need.鈥� 

To that end, in 2023 the state began offering to pay for trained facilitators to participate in the initial meetings where families and educators negotiate a child鈥檚 individualized education program 鈥� the legally required document that spells out how the student’s needs will be met. The cost to the state is $1,500 per negotiation.

Of the 20 facilitated IEP meetings that took place in 2024, 40% resulted in an agreement, Alexander says. During the first half of 2025, there have been 25 meetings, and 56% have resulted in agreements. Two negotiations are pending.

The state also created a parent-friendly special education online portal, , where a relatively simple automatically collects the information that is legally required to make a case pursuable, to head off situations like Rios鈥�. 

When the form is submitted, the district immediately gets a copy. This, Alexander says, often prompts school staff to begin trying to resolve the disagreement. Any agreement is legally binding.     

The changes Texas has made are having an impact for students, advocates agree. And, they say, there is reason to hope that the new strategies for ironing out disagreements before they become heated will show other states that better, quicker communication can head off the costs faced by places like Oakland and Washington, D.C.

But without the possibility that federal officials will compel states to do better, any improvement will be piecemeal, says Robyn Linscott, director of family and education policy at The Arc of the United States.   

鈥淵ou might have some states that try to step in and create or beef up a state-level backstop, whether it’s a special agency or ombudsman or something they already have in place,鈥� she says. 鈥淎nd then you鈥檒l have other states that are not necessarily going to see the value in trying to provide more stable resources for families to have recourse.

鈥淭his will leave us with this state-by-state patchwork.鈥� 

Uncertainty remains for parents who fight for their child鈥檚 services

According to documents filed in a court case challenging the Trump administration鈥檚 mass firings, the U.S. Education Department said it dismissed more than 3,400 complaints between March 11 and June 27, . That鈥檚 more than 28% of the OCR鈥檚 caseload.   

Rios has yet to learn whether hers is one of them. After the May email informing her the case had been closed because it was too old, an advocate helped her compile a paper trail showing she had met every deadline. In the past, that has often convinced the agency to make an exception. 

Rios says all she wants is what she鈥檚 been fighting for this entire time 鈥� accountability from the school and a plan to make it right for Nevaeh. 

鈥淪he goes to school and she learns, but then she comes home and I’m reteaching the material,鈥� Rios says. 鈥淥n top of all of that, I’m now having to file complaints, follow up on complaints, send angry emails, follow up on those angry emails, make phone calls 鈥� like, I’m basically my daughter’s teacher, lawyer, advocate, I’m everything. 

鈥淚t’s a lot. I feel like there [are] programs and there are laws around these things for a reason.鈥�

Clarification: An earlier version of this story misstated how a complaint against an individual in Texas was handled. Families are allowed to file special education complaints against individuals with the Texas Education Agency.

In New York City, America鈥檚 largest school district, the birthday cut-off is even later: Dec. 31. One-third of children are . This is a cause of concern for many families.

The city Department of Education doesn鈥檛 see it as a problem. In an email, a spokesperson told me its official stance is, 鈥淲e work to provide all families access to a world-class education, and we work closely with families to ensure students鈥� placements are academically and developmentally appropriate, in alignment with state guidelines. Our policies allow for flexibility, our kindergarten curriculum is responsive to the needs of our younger learners, and our dedicated educators are prepared to support every student.鈥�

Not all are appeased.

鈥淚 have a 4-year-old who will start kindergarten this fall but doesn鈥檛 turn 5 until after Thanksgiving,鈥� worried mom CK told me. 鈥淚 think it鈥檚 a big disservice to these kids. The amount of sitting isn鈥檛 developmentally appropriate, and the lack of free play is concerning.鈥�

Parents are justified in their concerns. As the summarized in June:

Several studies have concluded that kids who are youngest in their class are disproportionately diagnosed with ADHD. A Michigan study found that kindergartners who are the youngest in their grade are 60% more likely to be diagnosed with ADHD than the oldest in their grade. And it doesn鈥檛 affect just kindergarteners: A North Carolina study found that in fifth and eighth grade, the youngest children were almost twice as likely as the oldest to be prescribed medication for ADHD.

The research didn鈥檛 sit well with some teachers. One blasted my social media inquiry seeking views on redshirting by writing, 鈥淎DHD is a very serious IEP (Individualized Education Plan) and we don鈥檛 hand them out like candy.鈥�

Others, however, agreed.

鈥淢y daughter was one of the youngest in her class,鈥� wrote an anonymous mother. 鈥淭he teacher and school counselor mislabeled her with psychological disorders that both NY special education testing and private neurological tests did not support.鈥�

鈥淢ore of my students with an IEP have a birthday in the second half of the calendar year,鈥� confirmed Mary C., who has been a special ed teacher for 12 years. 鈥淚 understand where an incoming K parent would be concerned that their December baby is much younger than a June baby.鈥�

That was the case with Upper West Side parent KE鈥檚 son. 鈥淗e is the youngest and smallest boy in the grade,” she wrote. “He started kindergarten at 4 years old, still sucking his thumb. The physical, emotional, social, psychological and other developmental differences between a 5-year-old born in January and a 4-year-old born in December impacts everything from holding a pencil to kicking a ball, to the length of time one can sit and concentrate. It was too early, too soon and too young, but we literally had no choice in the matter in order to enroll him.鈥�

The problems that pop up with younger students can reverberate .

Pree Kaur lamented that her daughter 鈥渋s always the younger one and is not as mentally developed as her peers, so she always feels as if something is wrong with her.鈥�

The Riverdale dad of a son born in November wrote, 鈥淗e had some difficulty following his teacher’s instructions in first grade, and his teacher repeatedly pointed out that he has difficulty sitting still, staying focused, etc. We had him evaluated by a pediatric developmental specialist and he was diagnosed with ADHD. I really struggle with the whole situation, as I believe if we were able to get him to go to school a year later, matters may have been different.鈥�

鈥淢y daughter attended a citywide gifted program. She was doing great, but it came with a price,鈥� confessed Annie Tate. 鈥淪he was high-functioning until high school, where she was overwhelmed and was diagnosed with ADHD, a diagnosis I believe she wouldn鈥檛 have received if I didn鈥檛 send her to school at 4 years, 8 months. She would have matured emotionally and physically to be a healthier, happier child.鈥�

Pediatric occupational therapist KJL sees this situation frequently: 鈥淐hildren with ADHD have a 30% delay in executive function compared to their peers. Combine that with young ages, and these children are set up to fail.鈥�

When I posed the question of allowing parents to hold back their children on my , the most frequent response I received was, 鈥淪OMEONE has to be the youngest.鈥�

That鈥檚 true. But the situation can still be ameliorated.

Grades with multiple classes can be broken up into three- or four-month bands, so students are learning with a narrower-aged peer group.

Repeating a year should be a more acceptable option, unlike the situation faced by mom Heather Hooks: 鈥淢y son was very behind academically in first grade. The school refused to hold him back and cited studies on ‘retention’ being not good for kids in the long run. I found these didn鈥檛 take into consideration that this was not straight retention, but redshirting an ADHD kid. Other studies were significantly different, and suggested these kids have better outcomes and are less likely to be medicated.鈥�

Another mom was told her daughter 鈥渨asn鈥檛 behind enough,鈥� despite the child鈥檚 pleas that 鈥渋t鈥檚 too much for my head.鈥�

Any steps taken to help New York City’s youngest learners would provide the largest experimental sample size in the country, making those results potentially beneficial for students across America.

Based on what happens in NYC, the educational system can stop treating children as developmentally identical and schools as one-size-fits-all, giving families more options.

As Maureen Yusuf-Morales, who has worked at public, charter and independent schools, suggests, 鈥淧arents with children born after September should be allowed choice with guidance based on developmental milestones, as opposed to birthdays being the only hard-and-fast rule.鈥�

was originally reported by Chabeli Carrazana of .听

Two years ago, Nicolle Orozco Forero walked into an in-home day care in Seattle, Washington, looking for a job. She was barely 22, a whole five feet tall 鈥� if that. But she was calm, focused. Her presence struck the owner, Stephanie Wishon, because it鈥檚 not easy to find qualified staff who can work with children with disabilities.

Orozco Forero had experience working with kids who had autism back in Colombia, so Wishon had her come in for a trial run and hired her after the first day. The children, who needed someone who had love and care to give in abundance, gravitated toward her. She was good at the hardest stuff. She changed diapers and outfits the moment they were soiled. She was vigilant; her kids stayed pristine. And she got them to do the things they wouldn鈥檛 do for other people, like say 鈥渁h鈥� when it was time to get their teeth brushed or sit still long enough for her to twist a braid down their back.

Some people just have that way about them.

And people like Orozco Forero are exceptionally rare. Already, the staffing shortage in child care is near crisis levels. It鈥檚 far 鈥� about of those families say they face significant difficulty finding care for their kids, partly because there are too few people with the ability, expertise or desire to work with their children. Immigrant women like Orozco Forero have been helping to fill that void. They now make up of all child care workers.

At home, Orozco Forero was also caring for her own young boys, one of whom started to show symptoms of a serious illness over the past two years that doctors have not yet been able to diagnose. She took some time off to care for him last year, before returning to the kids at Wishon鈥檚 day care.

Her work has kept an already precarious safety net together. Without women like Orozco Forero, families who have nowhere else to turn for care have to make difficult decisions about how to survive and keep their children safe. Without her, the safety net snaps.

And that鈥檚 exactly what happened on June 18, the day she was detained.

It was supposed to be a routine meeting with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE). Orozco Forero and her husband had been to all their monthly meetings for the past year and change, since their asylum charge was denied in April 2024.

The family 鈥� Orozco Forero; her husband, Juan Sebastian Moreno Acosta; and their two sons, Juan David, 7, and Daniel, 5 鈥� fled Colombia two years ago. Moreno Acosta, a street vendor, had been persecuted by gangs .

After arriving in the United States, they sought the help of a lawyer with their asylum claim, but when they couldn鈥檛 pay his full fee ahead of their hearing, he pulled out. They represented themselves in court and lost the case. With no knowledge of the U.S. court system, they didn鈥檛 know they had 30 days to appeal the ruling, either. Ever since, ICE has been monitoring them, requiring they wear a wrist tracker and meet with an immigration officer once a month, sometimes more, according to a family member. (The 19th is not naming the family member to protect their identity.) It鈥檚 unclear why ICE has allowed them to stay in the country all this time, though it鈥檚 not necessarily uncommon; ICE typically prioritized immigrants with felonies for deportation.

Orozco Forero had seen the reports of illegal immigrants being rounded up at their immigration appointments. President Donald Trump鈥檚 mass deportation effort has led to the detention of about , like Orozco Forero, who now make up of those detained. Her husband does have a misdemeanor reckless driving conviction for driving under the influence of alcohol on his record, but he completed a court-mandated alcohol course for that and has no other convictions.

Still, Orozco Forero wasn鈥檛 worried when she headed to her appointment on the morning of June 18. If ICE planned to detain her, Orozco Forero thought, they would have asked her to come with the boys, right?

And she had been doing everything right: She鈥檇 gone to all her appointments, taken documentation to show she was going to school at Green River Community College taking courses in English and early childhood education. She had completed a child care internship that trained her to open her own licensed in-home day care. Her licensure approval was set to arrive any moment, likely that same week, and the day care was just about ready to go.

But that morning, her family was still wary, asking her to share her location just in case.

Shortly after 10 a.m., Orozco Forero texted her family member: 鈥淭hey are going to deport us鈥�

鈥淣icolle what happened? Nicolle answer me,鈥� they texted back. 鈥淲hat do I do?鈥�

鈥淚 can鈥檛 speak I feel like I鈥檓 going to faint,鈥� Orozco Forero replied. And then: 鈥淚鈥檓 sorry it wasn鈥檛 what we expected.鈥�

Two-and-a-half hours west, on the coast of Washington in a town called Southbend, Wishon was frantic. Orozco Forero had texted her, too. ICE was asking for the boys.

In two years, Wishon had grown incredibly close to Orozco Forero, who had cared for her own kids. After her family moved to the coast, Wishon rented out her house in Seattle to Orozco Forero, whose boys were excited to have a home with a yard.

Wishon鈥檚 husband, Gabriel, hopped into his truck and headed to Seattle. Wishon, meanwhile, got on the phone with the Orozco Forero family鈥檚 ICE agent and every lawyer she could. They were going to take them into detention at a facility 2,200 miles away in Texas, a facility that was to detain families. Wishon wanted to find a lawyer who could stop the deportation order, and she wanted to make sure the boys would be reunited with their parents if they took them to meet the ICE agent.

And that was especially important, not just because they were young children, but because Juan David is still sick.

For the past year, he鈥檚 been seeking treatment at Seattle Children鈥檚 Hospital for an illness that is turning his urine muddy. So far, doctors have determined he鈥檚 losing red blood cells and protein through his urine, indicating a possible kidney issue, but they haven鈥檛 yet zeroed in on what is causing the problem. They likely need a kidney biopsy to be sure.

鈥淕iven the complexity of his case, it is essential that Juan remain in the United States for continued testing and treatment,” his nephrologist Jordan Symons wrote in a March letter to ICE. 鈥淲e kindly request that you consider this medical necessity in your review of his immigration status and grant him the ability to stay in the United States until his treatment and evaluation are completed.鈥�

Juan David鈥檚 care team has been monitoring him closely to ensure his red blood cell and protein levels never drop too low. His condition could become serious quickly.

鈥淵ou can die from that,鈥� said Sarah Kasnick, a physician鈥檚 assistant who is familiar with his case. Kasnick is also a foster parent, and Orozco Forero provided care for her family.

When Gabriel Wishon arrived to pick up the boys, they were confused and disoriented. Where were their parents? Why was everyone crying? They didn鈥檛 want to go to Colombia, they told him on the drive. They wanted to stay in the United States.

Around 5:30 p.m. that evening, he met with the ICE agent, who had waited past her work hours for them to arrive.

鈥淏ye boys, you are going to see your parents right now. They are right inside,鈥� Wishon told them. He watched them walk in carrying two stuffed animals, a Super Mario doll and Chase, the popular cartoon dog dressed as a police officer.

The families Orozco Forero cares for are now in a free fall.

Jessica Cocson, whose son has been in Orozco Forero鈥檚 care for more than a year, described her in a character letter to ICE as a 鈥渂lessing to us in ways I struggle to fully express.鈥�

Orozco Forero and her husband 鈥渟upport working families, provide quality childcare, and demonstrate compassion and commitment every day,鈥� Cocson wrote. 鈥淚t is heartbreaking to think that someone who gives so much and asks so little could be forced to leave.鈥�

Tamia Riley, whose two sons with autism were also in Orozco Forero鈥檚 care, said losing her was like watching 鈥渁 father walking out the door.鈥�

鈥淭hese people, these day care providers, sitters, they are a form of family members for me and my children,鈥� Riley said.

Now, the day care she was set to open lays empty. Inside, the walls are plastered with posters listing colors and sight words. There are cushioned mats on the floor and play stations. Tables with tiny chairs. A tall pink dollhouse. High chairs and a pack and play for the babies. Outside, two play houses, a ball pit, toys to ride on and little picnic tables set across an artificial turf. But no children to enjoy any of it.

Big Dreams Day Care she was going to call it, for the dreams she wanted the kids in her care to strive for, and the ones that were finally coming to fruition for her.

Orozco Forero鈥檚 detention has rattled child care workers across the country. In Texas, workers represented by the Service Employees International Union have been rallying in her name. U.S. Rep. Joaquin Castro, a Texas Democrat, of the family鈥檚 release at a rally on June 29 in San Antonio. And a group of union workers is attempting to deliver supplies to the family. It鈥檚 an effort Orozco Forero knows little about; she only has limited communication with those on the outside.

Tricia Schroeder, the president of the Seattle-based SEIU chapter that represents care workers, said that, for years unions like hers have been working to improve quality, access and affordability in child care, a system in such deep crisis it鈥檚 been called by the Treasury Department

Immigrant women like Orozco Forero were part of that effort to improve access, doing jobs few Americans want to take on.

鈥淒etaining child care providers, especially those who care for kids with special needs, just deepens the crisis in early learning,鈥� Schroeder said.

Orozco Forero was also the connective tissue that kept families employed. Her loss has rippled across industries.

Kasnick, the foster parent, said one of the children in her care had been tentatively set to start at Orozco Forero鈥檚 day care as soon as it opened. Orozco Forero had been the only provider who would take the child, who has autism and is nonverbal.

Orozco Forero had cared for the girl at Wishon鈥檚 day care as if she was her own, even taking her in once when the child鈥檚 care had fallen through and no foster family in the entire county would take her in because of the complexity of her needs. The girl arrived at Orozco Forero鈥檚 house at midnight on a weekend 鈥渨ith no clothing, toys, medication or any of her belongings 鈥� this did not [deter] Nicolle and Sebastian instead they immediately went and purchased all the things鈥� the child needed, a social worker wrote in a letter to ICE. Kasnick said Orozco Forero was even considering becoming a foster parent.

Without her, Kasnick is out of options: She quit her job as a physician鈥檚 assistant to care for the child after Orozco Forero was detained.

鈥淭here are now 44 patients a day who don’t have anyone to provide their health care, and I can’t go to work because Nicolle’s day care didn’t open,鈥� Kasnick said.

In the weeks since, Kasnick has had an overwhelming feeling of helplessness, she said. How could this happen to someone who gave back so much?

鈥淭he security of knowing that you can be in your home one day and in a prison the next week, and you didn’t do anything except exist?鈥� she said. 鈥淚t makes you feel like there鈥檚 no good left in the world.鈥�

Orozco Forero鈥檚 family has now been in ICE detention for nearly a month awaiting a bond hearing that could buy them time in the United States. Orozco Forero and the boys are together; her husband is in the same facility but separated from them.

Juan David hasn鈥檛 been eating. It took three weeks for him to receive medical care, Orozco Forero told her attorney, James Costo.

Costo has been working to get the details of why ICE allowed the family to stay in the country with monitoring after they lost their asylum case last year. There has been an order for their deportation since then, but ICE never attempted to deport them until the Trump administration ramped up efforts. The number of immigrants without criminal convictions who have been detained has since May.

The process to fight an asylum claim and appeal a denial is complicated 鈥� there are court deadlines, documents that need to be submitted and translated.

鈥淭hey think maybe they can do it themselves and go in and say what happened but they are not understanding the whole legal process,鈥� Costo said. 鈥淭he system isn鈥檛 made for things to be easy.鈥�

Costo is hopeful a judge will allow them to stay in the country temporarily as Juan David seeks care. They have almost no family left in Colombia, and no way to obtain care for him there, their family said. If they can stay, then perhaps Orozco Forero could try to obtain a work visa as a domestic worker.

He has gathered letters of support from numerous people whose lives the Orozco Forero family touched, and Wishon set up a to cover her legal expenses.

In the letters, Juan David鈥檚 first grade teachers call him an exceptional student who went from one of the lowest reading levels in the class 鈥� 10 words a minute 鈥� to one of the highest at 70 words a minute.

鈥淗e shows the qualities of a model citizen at a young age 鈥� dependable, ethical, and hard-working,鈥� wrote his teacher, Carla Trujillo.

They were all on their way to shaping a better future, Wishon wrote in hers. The couple 鈥渨orked tirelessly to build a better life for their children and to open their own licensed child care business. In all my years of employing and mentoring caregivers, I have rarely met a couple as responsible, driven, and capable as Nicolle and Sebastian.鈥�

鈥淭his family is not a threat,鈥� she concluded. 鈥淭hey are an asset.鈥�

Yet there are pockets of progress. Our new report, 鈥�),鈥� identified 260 school districts in which early reading proficiency rates have grown by 3 to 4 percentage points a year for the last three years. What are they doing differently that the rest might learn from?

Three districts in particular merited a closer look, as they represent a mix of sizes and starting points: Marietta City in the Atlanta suburbs; Allegany County, at the edge of the Appalachian Mountains in Maryland; and DC Prep, a K-8 public charter school network.

The project to identify dynamic districts across the country began with this goal: To reignite growth, districts are going to need to move past generic advice about what makes 鈥渆ffective schools鈥� and understand more about specific strategies to improve literacy. All three districts profiled had been deeply dissatisfied with their students’ performance in reading and writing, diagnosed their internal challenges and began implementing coherent responses over several years.

Leaders in these districts did not start their literacy initiatives by creating a vision. Instead, they asked themselves and their teachers a version of this question: 鈥淲hat鈥檚 our most important problem, and how do we solve it?鈥� The answer: through no fault of their own, was that most teachers don鈥檛 have a deep enough grasp of all elements of evidence-based reading instruction.  

The districts launched deep, extended professional learning for all elementary teachers over two to three years.  Marietta City trained teachers with , a set of mini-courses on core elements of literacy and how to teach them, then added a year of training with , a set of courses on teaching expository writing. In 2020, Allegany County began a two-year engagement with , to help teachers master the basics of reading and writing instruction 鈥� phonological awareness, phonics, fluency, vocabulary and comprehension.  

All three districts reconfigured and expanded time for literacy instruction. DC Prep extended its literacy period to 1 hour and 45 minutes and added a second teacher who provides targeted help at students’ desks instead of pulling them out of class for separate instruction. Allegany extended instruction to two hours and added 30 minutes for small-group interventions and enrichment. 

Marietta redesigned its daily schedule so every student now receives roughly two to three hours of literacy instruction every day. Ninety minutes is dedicated to whole-class reading that weaves in grade-level science and social studies texts. There’s also 20 to 30 minutes of explicit phonics and word-study practice, and 30 to 60 minutes of small-group work where teachers target the skills individual students still need to develop.  

The districts also changed how they staff schools. Marietta hired reading specialists who work with students in small groups of 10 across eight schools. Allegany redefined the role of literacy coach to provide teachers with more direct feedback about how well they deliver instruction to their classes. DC Prep converted the assistant principal position into a full-time instructional-coaching role. These leaders now run collaborative planning sessions and provide teachers with ongoing, in-class feedback.

Both Marietta and Allegany improved the quality of their K-5 language arts curricula.  Marietta dropped giving students books they could already read 鈥� a popular practice that 鈥� and switched to and a skills-based foundational class. Allegany stopped using and switched to . Both are and are designed to build a deep and wide knowledge base using grade-level texts in science, history, literature and the arts.  

Finally, they鈥檝e refined assessments and how they use the results. While they dedicate time to phonics every day, these districts were clear that not every problem is a phonics problem. DC Prep鈥檚 data showed some small groups overemphasized foundational skills and needed more close reading, a technique of carefully analyzing a passage to understand what it means. In Allegany, test data pointed to a need to work more carefully on students鈥� reading fluency, not decoding.  

This summer, Upswing Labs will begin more intensive case study research in eight more of the dynamic districts. The actions summarized here 鈥� engaging educators in deep professional learning, expanding the amount of time for teaching reading, changing what literacy coaches do and improving the quality of curricula and diagnostic testing 鈥� clarify what to do. District instructional leaders also need insight on how to do it. 

The research will also examine three types of rural districts more closely, as they make up a large share of the 260 districts identified in the report. Researchers will focus on communities of African-American students in the South, Hispanic students in agricultural communities in California and Texas and evangelical churchgoers in Kentucky, Mississippi and Tennessee.

Finally, the case studies will explore whether the best tactics shift as a district climbs the performance ladder 鈥� echoing that the moves that lift proficiency for students near the bottom are often different from those that propel midrange improvement.

With sharper insight into both what works and how to implement it, more districts will be able to chart a path to improved literacy achievement.

While scrolling through Instagram, the mother noticed her child’s friends also called the teen Toby. So she began digging for further evidence of something she had started to suspect 鈥� that the ninth grader, with the school’s support, was transitioning from female to male.

鈥淚鈥檓 like 鈥楬ey, you can鈥檛 deny it anymore鈥� 鈥� said Lydia, who did not want to use her last name out of a desire to protect her child, now 17.

The school鈥檚 principal, following guidance that allows students to decide whether to inform parents of their gender identity, refused to meet with her. But she found clues elsewhere 鈥� an alternate ID card with the name Toby stuffed in a backpack, and emails between district staff discussing which name to use in the yearbook.

Over time, she discovered her child鈥檚 transition was an open secret at school 鈥� one kept by staff, administrators, a district equity officer, the superintendent, even the president of the local teachers union.

鈥淭hey were strategizing against me,鈥� Lydia said.

Her experience now lies at the center of a major push by the U.S. Department of Education to clamp down on policies that allow schools to conceal changes in students鈥� gender identity from parents.  

In a March press release announcing an investigation into , Education Secretary Linda McMahon said teachers and counselors should stay out of 鈥渃onsequential decisions鈥� about children鈥檚 sexual identities. Officials are probing similar allegations in and .

In an unprecedented move, the department is threatening to pull millions of dollars in federal education funding from all three states. 

But it鈥檚 putting all schools on notice. In , federal officials warned states and districts that their support of student 鈥済ender plans鈥� had become a 鈥減riority concern.鈥� For educators, the message was as stunning as its rationale. The department is relying on a novel, and according to some critics, incorrect, interpretation of a 50-year-old student privacy law known as the Family Educational Rights and Privacy Act, or FERPA.

The law is typically used to safeguard student records and allow parents to inspect them. But it doesn鈥檛 compel schools to inform parents how their children identify in the classroom. If schools link a record to a student, 鈥渢he parent has a right of access to it if they request it,鈥� said LeRoy Rooker, who oversaw compliance with FERPA at the Education Department for over 20 years. But 鈥渢he school doesn’t have to be proactive and call and say 鈥楬ey, we did this.鈥� 鈥�

Department leaders appear to be stretching the reach of the law in an attempt to bolster conservative arguments that schools are meddling in deeply personal decisions that should be left to parents. In response to the Washington investigation, state Superintendent Chris Reykdal said in a statement that his state is the 鈥渓atest target in the administration鈥檚 dangerous war against individuals who are transgender鈥� and that officials are twisting student privacy laws 鈥渢o undermine the health, safety and well-being of students.鈥� 

To Julie Hamill, a Los Angeles-area attorney who to investigate, Lydia鈥檚 story demonstrates that a law designed to keep parents informed is now working against them.

鈥漈he parents are in the dark,鈥� said Hamill of the conservative California Justice Center. 鈥淧arents will not know student records are being withheld unless they鈥檝e somehow discovered it on their own.鈥�

In tackling the role of schools in student gender transitions, the department is dipping into one of the more emotionally fraught issues in the culture war, one that President Donald Trump campaigned on and weaponized once he was back in the White House. 

In one of his first , Trump said, without evidence, that schools are 鈥渟teering students toward surgical and chemical mutilation.鈥� In March, who reversed their gendering processes. She criticized the 鈥渓engths schools would go to in order to hide this information from parents.鈥�

To many experts, the administration鈥檚 scrutiny is out of proportion to the scope of the issue. In the overwhelming majority of cases, schools and students are just navigating preferred names and pronouns, and even those situations are infrequent. Multiple estimate that about 3% of teens are transgender. Far fewer are likely to approach school officials with a request for a name or pronoun change, said Brian Dittmeier, the director of public policy at GLSEN, which advocates for LGBTQ students.

Loretta Whitson, executive director of the California Association of School Counselors, said it is 鈥渞are鈥� for school officials to discuss transitioning with students, and that her group鈥檚 members say the only gender plans they鈥檝e completed were done at the request of parents. 

At the same time, most Americans agree that schools should get parents鈥� permission before changing a child鈥檚 pronouns in school records. Polls in and found that roughly three-quarters of adults support mandatory parental notification.

鈥楾his is not real鈥�

Lydia鈥檚 story exemplifies that loss of trust in the system.

The artist and former ballerina she thought of as her daughter began identifying as transgender upon entering Academy of the Canyons, a public high school in Santa Clarita, an upscale suburb of Los Angeles. Homeschooled since kindergarten, the teen wanted to pursue art and take advantage of options in their district. The school is located on a college campus where students can attend post-secondary classes while earning their high school diplomas.

鈥淚 thought it would be a good opportunity,鈥� Lydia said.

In the fall of 2021, while cleaning the ninth grader鈥檚 bedroom, Lydia flipped through some art journals. But instead of schoolwork, she found disturbing sketches of bloody body parts and notes about wanting a chest binder, top surgery and a new name. 

鈥淪hocked and scared鈥� that her child might be suicidal, her thoughts turned immediately to a friend of her son鈥檚 who鈥檇 recently taken his own life, apparently without warning. 

鈥淣o suicide notes. No threats,鈥� she recalled. 鈥淭he ones that never use it as a weapon are the ones that follow through.鈥�

She began searching for answers online. Initially, she only found sites about supporting a child鈥檚 transition  鈥� advice she rejected.

Unlike many parents in her shoes, she鈥檚 neither conservative nor religious. In fact, she quipped, an outsider might have assumed she was  鈥渢he poster mom for transitioning my kid.鈥�

She described her own parents 鈥� a Black father and a Jewish mother 鈥� as 鈥渉ippie artists鈥� who raised her to be a 鈥渇ree thinker鈥� without religion. Lydia鈥檚 mother changed her name to Michael in the 1960s because it was easier to make it in the art world with a man鈥檚 name. A lifelong Democrat, Lydia voted against a ban on gay marriage when it was on the state ballot in 2008.

But when it came time to have kids of her own, she embraced more conservative values, wanting to 鈥減rotect their childhood.鈥�

Speaking as a liberal, Lydia said, 鈥淚 really should have been like 鈥榊eah, sure, explore your transgenderism.鈥欌�� But instead, she did the opposite, taking a hard line against the shift. 鈥淚 said 鈥� I love you, but I鈥檓 not affirming you. This is not real.鈥� 鈥� 

That view belies a that some children can identify differently as young as 3 or 4. Other research shows children can experience due to gender dysphoria 鈥� feeling that their sex was misassigned at birth 鈥� starting at age 7. 

In attempting to explain what was happening with her child, Lydia turned to a controversial theory of researcher Lisa Littman. In a , the former Brown University scientist described the rise in rapid onset gender dysphoria among  as a 鈥渃ontagion鈥� driven by peer pressure and social media.

鈥淚 did what every parent did during the pandemic 鈥� let their kid be online way too much,鈥� Lydia said. 

Littman鈥檚 research methods from her own university and the broader research community because she based her conclusions largely on reports from self-selecting parents recruited from online forums that were unsupportive, or at least skeptical, of gender transition. They included , which labels itself as 鈥渁 community of people who question the medicalization of gender-atypical youth.鈥� 

Littman later published an amended of the paper, responding to the controversy and clarifying that the behavior she observed did not amount to a formal diagnosis. Her work, however, continues to drive trans-inclusive policies in school and the views of the Trump administration 鈥� and Lydia.

鈥淭here is no such thing as a trans child,鈥� Lydia said. 

鈥楢 lot of weight鈥�

It is a debate where the voices of kids directly affected are often absent. J.J. Koechell, a Wisconsin 20-year-old, transitioned in sixth grade after a suicide attempt. He now advocates for other LGBTQ students he says are 鈥渆ntitled to some privacy and consent.鈥�

鈥淭hey鈥檙e trying to figure things out and they don鈥檛 want to get it wrong. To disappoint parents is a lot of weight on a struggling youth.鈥�

He watched the school district he attended, Kettle-Moraine, and 鈥渟afe spaces.鈥� In 2023, as the result of , leaders stopped allowing staff to refer to students by different names and pronouns without parents鈥� permission. Some staff members over the controversy, including a librarian Koechell trusted. Koechell dropped out and is now finishing high school online.

鈥淢y teachers were all I had at school. I didn鈥檛 have any friends,鈥� he said. 鈥淐oming out was a matter of life and death for me. My identity wasn鈥檛 and still isn鈥檛 optional.鈥� 

Protecting students like Koechell is the purpose of a new California law 鈥� , also known as the 鈥淪AFETY Act.鈥� It prohibits schools from requiring staff to disclose a child鈥檚 gender identity to their parents. 

In announcing the Department of Education鈥檚 investigation of the state, Secretary McMahon said the law 鈥渁ppears to conflict with FERPA.鈥澛燘ut GLSEN鈥檚 Dittmeier highlighted that the legislation still requires schools to comply with the federal privacy law 鈥� and honor parents鈥� requests for records.听

One department staffer is worried where the investigation could lead. 

鈥淭his is irregular, based on our history 鈥� to take up an allegation [with] no official complaint, but one that is motivated by an attorney group that is bending the department鈥檚 ear about something,鈥� said an employee familiar with the case who asked to speak anonymously to protect his job. He said the administration’s goal is to pressure states and districts into rescinding policies that allow students to decide when to go public with their gender identity. 鈥淭his will result in districts adopting forced outing and will result in harming children.鈥�

鈥楲ife-altering decisions鈥�

In , the was raging long before the current controversy. 

, police removed state Superintendent Tony Thurmond from a meeting in the Chino Valley Unified School District after a tense exchange with board members over the district鈥檚 parental notification policy. He warned the board that their policy could 鈥減ut our students at risk because they may not be in homes where they can be safe.鈥� The state later against the district as well as others that passed similar measures. 

Continuing its battle with Thurmond, Chino Valley is now the state over the SAFETY Act, saying that minors are 鈥渢oo young to make life-altering decisions鈥� without their parents. 

National data show that of trans and nonbinary students say their home is gender-affirming. found that transgender adolescents assigned female at birth were more likely than other teens to report being psychologically traumatized by parents or other adults in the home. 

鈥淭here have been kids whose parents have physically abused them and kicked them out of the house when this information is disclosed,鈥� said Amelia Vance, president of the Public Interest Privacy Center and an expert on student privacy. 

Even before California passed the SAFETY Act, the state education agency and the urged schools to get students鈥� permission before informing parents about changes in their gender identity.  When officials at Hart Unified High School District refused to meet with Lydia, they cited a that protects trans students鈥� access to programs, sports and facilities that align with their gender identity. 

On the advice of an advocacy group, Lydia initially filed a public records request in search of a 鈥渟ecret social transition鈥� plan she believed Academy of the Canyons maintained. She also asked for communications between her child and teachers using the 鈥渘on-birth name.鈥�

The district turned her down.

Contacted by 社区黑料, Hart Unified spokeswoman Debbie Dunn declined to answer questions about the investigation or Lydia鈥檚 experience, but said officials would 鈥渃ontinue to follow the laws and procedures applicable to the district.鈥�

In January 2023, Lydia spoke at a school board meeting about being shut out by the district. Her story caught the attention of Board Member Joe Messina, a conservative radio talk show host.

鈥淪he came up to the podium one night and she was crying,鈥� he said. 鈥淪he looked at the superintendent and said, 鈥業’ve reached out to you. You’ve not called me back鈥�. She looked to the trustee who handles her area and she said, 鈥業’ve left you four messages. You’ve never called me back.鈥� 鈥�

Messina and Lydia talked after the meeting, and he connected her with the Pacific Justice Institute, a right-leaning law firm.

He noted that the issue transcended their political differences. 鈥淟ydia’s a lifelong Democrat, and I’m an outspoken Republican,鈥� Messina said. 鈥淔or her and I to come together 鈥� the rest of the world would say, 鈥榃hat’s wrong with you people?鈥欌�� 

Even with advocates on her side, Lydia continued to face obstacles. For months, the Academy of the Canyons declined to release an autobiographical English essay written by her child under the name Toby.

The district finally turned it over on advice from their lawyers. The essay revealed the child鈥檚 trepidation about coming out to Lydia. The piece recounted a moment before the pandemic, when the student, then 11, broached the subject of being queer. Lydia said her child was first exposed to LGBTQ issues while participating in a homeschool theater group. 

鈥淭he weather was overcast, and we were driving home from theater rehearsal,鈥� the then-10th grader wrote. 鈥淥nce again summoning all my courage, I mentioned to her that one of my friends had confided in me about their attraction to girls, and that I too might be queer. Unfortunately, my mom’s immediate response was dismissive and critical.”

As parent-child confrontations often go, Lydia remembers it differently. She said she treated the declaration as a teachable moment.

鈥淲e talked about what that word meant,鈥� she said, 鈥渁nd why I felt she had time as she grew up to really know what sexual orientation she would be.鈥�

In a memo, the district鈥檚 lawyers also named the elephant in the room 鈥� that officials had been withholding the essay out of a desire to shield the child鈥檚 shifting gender identity.

鈥淚n general, parents have the statutory right to review a student鈥檚 classwork/homework,鈥� the memo stated. 鈥淭his issue becomes clouded 鈥� if the classwork could reveal a student鈥檚 gender identity/expression.鈥�

Despite refusing to accept that her child was transgender, Lydia said she tried to stay connected. In 2023, they attended over a dozen concerts together, seeing Hozier, Bastille and Penelope Scott 鈥� experiences that Lydia called 鈥減art of the healing process.鈥� The two went on a long-promised trip to Europe, during which Lydia gave her child an ultimatum: stop identifying as a boy or go back to being homeschooled. That fall, the school agreed to honor Lydia鈥檚 wishes to cease social transitioning, but her child still resisted, asking teachers to continue using the name Toby.  

This time, the district let Lydia know. 

Lydia did not make her child available for an interview, saying 鈥渟he isn’t ready to tell her side of the story.鈥�

Nearly two years later, she says her child, who graduated from high school last week, 鈥渨ants to put it all behind her.鈥� While the teen identifies as a girl, the changes have been subtle. There are days when she dresses in what her mom called 鈥渙versized, ugly boy shirts鈥� and others when she does her makeup and wears more feminine clothes. Recently, she switched back to her birth name on all of her social media accounts.

鈥淚 get a little choked up,鈥� Lydia said, 鈥渂ut that’s pretty huge.鈥� 

PROTECT Kids

The story might have ended there, but Lydia鈥檚 two-minute plea to the Hart school board, across social media, reached other parent rights advocates just as Trump renewed his campaign for the White House. When the president took office, Hamill, with the California Justice Center, seized the opportunity to file a complaint with an administration guided by , the right-wing Heritage Foundation鈥檚 blueprint for the president鈥檚 second term.

Requiring schools to notify parents if a student changes their gender identity, which already do, is one of the tenets of the plan. Heritage expert Lindsey Burke, who joined the department Friday, also wants Congress to give FERPA more teeth by allowing parents to sue under the law. Currently, parents can only file a grievance with their state or the Education Department鈥檚 privacy office 鈥� for years. 

Privacy laws 鈥渁re a core part of [the administration鈥檚] arguments for how parental rights need to be respected and strengthened,鈥� said Vance, the privacy expert. But the potential for lawsuits under FERPA, she added 鈥渨ould be extremely messy and expensive for schools.鈥� 

In April, the House education committee advanced a bill 鈥�  the 鈥� that would require elementary and middle schools to secure parental consent before students change their pronouns or preferred names or use different bathrooms or locker rooms. 

The committee debate demonstrated the deep divisions over gender identity and how schools should accommodate LGBTQ students. Rep. Mark Takano, a California Democrat who is gay, offered a personal story.

鈥淲hen I came out to my parents, it was at a time, place and manner of my own choosing,鈥� he said. 鈥淚 would not have wanted anyone else to make that decision for me.鈥�

To Hamill, gender transition is much more than 鈥渃oming out鈥� because it can lead to physical changes that later regret. Research shows that figure is , a fraction of those who undergo surgery. Even so, she said California鈥檚 policies add up to an elaborate 鈥渃oncealment scheme鈥� that pits children against their parents. 

鈥淚f you suspect the parents are abusive and they’re going to harm the child, you have to report that to [child protective services],鈥� she said. 鈥淏ut the government cannot by default assume that every parent is harmful and is going to reject and hurt their children.鈥�

D.C. has built a thriving system of public school choice, with strong options for parents at both D.C. Public Schools and public charter schools. The city was ahead of the curve in adopting universal pre-kindergarten in 2008, providing parents with free public education for their 3- and 4-year-olds long before it was widely accepted. Last year, D.C. continued to see steady student enrollment growth, defying national and regional declines. With half of students identified as economically disadvantaged and the vast majority being children of color, D.C. leads the nation in academic recovery, in math and reading gains from 2022 to 2024. While challenges remain, D.C.鈥檚 public education system is delivering results and making significant progress. 

Yet, in the last few weeks, D.C. students have faced a series of devastating setbacks. District leaders sounded the alarm Feb. 28 about driven by the recent layoffs of thousands of federal workers. Days later, the , jeopardizing essential student services and research and shifting agency priorities away from protecting vulnerable children 鈥� many of whom live in the District. Then, Congress passed a that included to D.C.’s fiscal year 2025 budget, gutting local government support mid-year to its schools and students. 

While the Senate passed a to protect current-year funding, that measure is in the House, .

These spending cuts would have a devastating impact, slashing $192 million from D.C. Public Schools and $166 million from public charter schools’ . Some schools could see mid-year budget cuts of over $1 million, affecting staff salaries and education programs. In some cases, schools could have to close, laying off teachers and exploding class sizes in buildings that remain. Schools and educators have worked hard to to address pandemic learning loss, but schools need stable funding to build on the recent academic gains.

On top of the harm to schools, students and educators would also feel the effects of simultaneous cuts to services for individuals and families experiencing homelessness, and first responders like Fire and Emergency Medical Services and the Metropolitan Police Department.

These proposed cuts follow at the Department of Education, jeopardizing federal student aid, the Office for Civil Rights and the Institute of Education Sciences. These rollbacks weaken federal protections for vulnerable students in D.C. and across the nation who now face an uncertain future. It’s the students who need the most help who will suffer the most.

I see firsthand the impact of policy decisions on students, parents and educators every day. As executive director of an advocacy organization fighting for an equitable public education system for all students in Washington, D.C., my work is grounded in listening to families and communities to inform our advocacy to secure the resources students need to succeed. We鈥檙e fighting for funding equity across schools, full support for science of reading instruction, a comprehensive math plan to ensure all students have access to high-quality instruction and stronger pathways to college and career. 

But when Congress interferes with the District鈥檚 local decision-making, it pulls the focus of elected leaders away from the real work of ensuring all children have access to the programs and services they need to compete in today鈥檚 world. Teachers fear losing their jobs. Students become afraid they鈥檒l lose their favorite teacher. Schools plan for worst-case scenarios like closure, knowing D.C. is uniquely vulnerable to Congress鈥檚 whims. 

D.C. has more residents than two states, yet its people pay federal taxes without having voting representation in Congress. That means lawmakers with no accountability to D.C. voters can slash funding for the schools 鈥� without residents’ consent.

Yet, in an inspiring act of community strength, D.C. residents have shown that when they organize, they can win. Members of the education reform community all over D.C. and the country have taken action, sending 15,000 letters to Congress and meeting with key senators and staffers to explain the impact of the spending bill on D.C. schools and essential services. Thanks to the leadership of Mayor Muriel Bowser, Rep. Eleanor Holmes Norton, the many D.C. leaders who flagged this issue and ensured the city made its voice heard and the hundreds of courageous students and advocates who mobilized, the Senate responded, passing a standalone bill to protect D.C.鈥檚 Fiscal Year 2025 budget. This was a victory, but a fragile one. 

The fight moves now to the House. With schools making real progress, D.C. students need stability, not setbacks. D.C. residents urge the House of Representatives to follow the Senate鈥檚 lead and protect D.C. students, educators, schools and the essential services that support academic excellence, teacher stability and student success. Will Congress stand by and let this progress be undone, or will it protect D.C. students? 

While the nation’s college-educated workforce overall is diversifying more quickly than the teaching pool, the NCTQ found that California, Texas, and Washington, D.C., are following the opposite trajectory. But the nonprofit questions some of the methods used to increase diversity, such as alternative pathways or lower standards for teacher certification, said Ron Noble, the council鈥檚 chief of teacher preparation. 

鈥淲e found that places like Texas are achieving [more teacher diversity], but with policies that have us concerned about the long-term health of the teacher pipeline,鈥� Noble said. 鈥淐alifornia and Washington, D.C., offer potential bright spots that might not have that same pitfall.鈥�

NCTQ鈥檚 report follows its December launch of a that tracks the racial makeup of U.S. educator corps from 2014 to 2022. Noble said the organization is focusing on educator workforce diversity because employing teachers of color academic, social, emotional and behavior outcomes for students.

鈥淲e really want states to be deliberate and intentional in 鈥� and careful how they go about 鈥� achieving the goal of a diverse workforce,鈥� Noble said.

Teachers from historically disadvantaged groups in the U.S. make up nearly 23% of working-age adults with degrees but 21% of the teacher workforce, according to the dashboard.

In Texas, 35% of college-educated adults are from historically disadvantaged groups, compared with 43% of teachers. But researchers found that behind the high diversity number were flawed alternative certification programs and uncertified teachers 鈥� both of which became more common with educator shortages during the pandemic.

In the 2021-22 school year, 51% of Texas teachers completed alternative certification programs, compared with an average of 19% in other states, according to NCTQ. Alternative pathways are than traditional programs: found that Black Texas teachers were more than three times as likely to pursue alternative certification than a more common route like a bachelor鈥檚 degree.

Noble said researchers found that the majority of alternative programs in Texas are fully online and that graduates can become teachers with little to no classroom experience. A found that online alternative pathways have a higher turnover rate than other teacher preparation programs.

鈥淭hey are thrown right into a high-stakes environment,鈥� he said. 鈥淚t鈥檚 not surprising that there are people leaving the profession.鈥�

The number of uncertified teachers is also growing in Texas classrooms. Last year, that 34% of newly hired teachers in Texas were uncertified. The NCTQ report says racial demographics of uncertified teachers aren鈥檛 tracked, making it hard for policymakers to understand the impact on the future diversity of the educator workforce.

In California, nearly 33% of the teachers come from historically disadvantaged groups, compared with 27% of college-educated adults.

The NCTQ report says California鈥檚 effort to prioritize teacher diversity, invest in educator training and track industry data are reasons why diversity rates are higher than the norm. The state has in recent years to strengthen the teacher workforce. Advocates have built a and plan to launch a later this year to track demographic and employment data.

NCTQ said in its report that California has lowered standards for teacher candidates to enter the profession. A allows for a bachelor鈥檚 degree in any subject to be the sole qualifier for admission into most teacher preparation programs. 

NCTQ also cited Washington, D.C., for its high diversity rates, though its trendlines are not on the same trajectory as California’s and Texas’s. In 2022, 69% of educators came from historically disadvantaged groups, a drop from 77% in 2020. Adults with college degrees from these groups were reported at 35% in 2022.

鈥淚t would be easy to explain away D.C.’s teacher diversity by pointing out that it is a city, not a state, and cities are typically more diverse than states,鈥� the report says. 鈥淗owever, comparing D.C.鈥檚 teacher and student demographics to those in other large cities in the United States suggests D.C.鈥檚 approach to diversifying the teacher workforce is yielding results.鈥�

The NCTQ report shows that the teacher workforce in Washington, D.C., more closely mirrored its student population than those of other districts of similar size and student demographics. 

About 87% of the district鈥檚 student population are people of color, as is 74% of the teacher workforce. Researchers found that Atlanta Public Schools was the only demographically similar district that had a smaller student-to-teacher diversity gap.

The report credits consistent prioritization of educator diversity and innovative teacher preparation pathways for the high percentages in Washington, D.C. The region established with university partners and has implemented a centralized hiring process that yields more diverse candidates.

Many stories also picked up on the fact that achievement gaps are growing, as lower-performing students have fallen further behind. For instance, in eighth grade math, the scores for the top 10% of students rose 3 points, while the bottom 10% fell 5 points.

But these national numbers are hiding the fact that achievement gaps are growing in all 50 states and the District of Columbia. While they vary in magnitude, the extent of the divergence playing out in schools across the country is alarming. 

Before going into those state-level results, it鈥檚 important to acknowledge that this is a uniquely American problem. The separation between the higher- and lower-performing students in the United States has over the last decade, and there鈥檚 no signs yet of that slowing down. 

Last spring, I did an analysis that showed that before 2013, achievement scores were rising, and those gains were broadly shared across student performance levels. 

Consider the left side of the graph below, which shows the NAEP results in eighth grade math, updated through 2024. It is clear that something happened around 2013: On average, scores fell a little bit, but lower-performing students (in red) fell off a cliff. 

Meanwhile, the scores of higher-performing students (in blue) suffered a bit in the wake of COVID-19, but they improved noticeably last year, while the lowest performers did not.

A similar pattern shows up across a wide range of national and international tests, grade levels and subject areas. 

It is also evident in state after state. After the latest results came out, I looked to see how these gaps were changing at the state level. I looked specifically at eighth grade math, and the numbers were shockingly bad. In fact, in every state, the achievement gap has grown over the last two years. 

But those short-term changes don鈥檛 explain the full extent of what has happened to American children over the last decade. Each state has seen its achievement gap increase significantly.

To see the full state-level results, check out the table below, which shows the changes from 2013 to 2024. It breaks down the gains (or losses) for students at the 90^th percentile, the midpoint of all students in the state (the median) and the bottom 10^th percentile. It also shows how much these groups have diverged over time and the gap that has grown. 

And those gaps have increased in every state, most dramatically in Massachusetts, California, Texas, Arizona, Washington, Rhode Island, New Jersey and Pennsylvania. In all of these, the gap widened by 20 points or more.

How meaningful are these changes? Depending on the year, the average student gains about 10 points per year on the NAEP math tests. As a rough comparison, that means  achievement gaps have grown by the equivalent of one to two years鈥� worth of schooling. That鈥檚 substantial.

These gaps may seem daunting, and policymakers might be tempted to throw up their hands. But they should take heart from the fact that this recent period of academic stagnation is unusual. Until about a decade ago, small but steady gains were the norm. When researchers M. Danish Shakeel of the University of Buckingham and Paul Peterson from Harvard University looked at this question a few years ago, they that, 鈥渁verage student achievement has been increasing for half a century. Across 7 million tests taken by U.S. students born between 1954 and 2007, math scores have grown by 95% of a standard deviation, or nearly four years鈥� worth of learning.鈥� They found smaller but still positive results for reading and a narrowing of gaps across racial, ethnic and socioeconomic status. 

In other words, progress is possible. At the moment, American achievement scores are falling and gaps are growing, but it wasn鈥檛 that long ago when the data were going in a much more positive direction.

The orders also call for using federal funding to revive an advisory commission Trump created in 2020 to promote patriotic instruction, and for restricting trans and gender-nonconforming students鈥� participation in sports and use of bathrooms that align with their gender identity.

The U.S. Department of Education is to emphasize school choice 鈥� described as universal K-12 scholarship programs 鈥� in making discretionary grants and to issue guidance to states about their use of federal funds. The secretaries of the Defense and Interior departments are to create plans to allow military families and those with children in Bureau of Indian Education schools to use federal funds to send their children to the schools of their choosing. And the Department of Health and Human Services is to issue guidance on how states that receive block grants for child care and other services for families and children can use those funds at private and religious institutions. 

Teachers unions were quick to call the school choice order an effort to illegally funnel federal dollars to private schools. 鈥淧resident Trump is using his Project 2025 playbook to privatize education because he knows vouchers have repeatedly been a failure in Congress,鈥� National Education Association President Becky Pringle said in a statement. 鈥淲hen voters have a say about vouchers, they have been soundly rejected 鈥� time and again 鈥� at the ballot box.鈥�

But Frederick Hess, director of education policy studies at the center-right American Enterprise Institute, says the main thing the order regarding private school choice does is signal what the Education Department will emphasize when considering grant applications and in telling states how they may use their federal allotments.

鈥淲hat will matter a lot is not the general direction of the EO, but the particulars of how the departments start to put this stuff into practice,鈥� he explains. 鈥淲hat we’ll see is how much they think there’s room to reinterpret the existing rules, and how much this is an effort to offer explicitly different guidance.鈥� 

The executive orders were among in the 10 days since Trump鈥檚 second swearing-in. have created confusion and sparked legal challenges as states and interest groups charge that the president is overstepping his authority to mandate changes to laws and programs.  

On Monday, Trump ordered a freeze on federal spending, only to rescind it two days later after a federal judge ordered a temporary pause on it going into effect. A White House spokeswoman then said the freeze had not been rescinded, only the memo ordering it. An executive order ending birthright citizenship, which is enshrined in the Constitution, also was met by a court challenge. Broad confusion about orders for federal employees to return to in-person work and dominated headlines. 

The order 鈥淓nding Radical Indoctrination in K-12 Schooling鈥� calls for withholding funds from schools that teach 鈥済ender ideology鈥� and 鈥渄iscriminatory equity ideology鈥� and for legal action against teachers who 鈥渟exually exploit minors,鈥� 鈥減ractice medicine without a license鈥� or otherwise facilitate the 鈥渟ocial transition鈥� of a student. 

By law, federal officials cannot dictate what is taught in U.S. schools 鈥� a prohibition Republicans have long supported and that stymied Trump鈥檚 efforts in 2020 to mandate the use of a 鈥減atriotic鈥� 1776 curriculum. And while the current U.S. Supreme Court majority appears poised to uphold bans on gender-affirming care for minors, right now transgender and nonbinary students are legally entitled to use the restroom of their choosing.      

Citing the complexity of the federal government鈥檚 relationship to the nation鈥檚 131,000 public schools, education advocates counseled patience. 

鈥淭he education community has developed a habit of going from 1 to 11 on everything Trump does instantaneously,鈥� says Hess. 鈥淕etting more clarity before getting overly excited or overly critical is probably going to make for a more useful debate.鈥�

Regarding the school choice order, he adds, 鈥淚 think most of what’s here is probably sensible and reasonable and wholly consistent with what one would have expected.鈥�

As with many of Trump’s executive orders, it鈥檚 unclear what the practical implications of the new mandates will be. Federal education dollars represent a small proportion 鈥� about 11% in 2021 鈥� of . The lion鈥檚 share is sent to states to help pay for services for children with disabilities and those living in poverty. A host of rules govern how the rest is spent. 

President of the education policy organization 50CAN, Derrell Bradford anticipates that allowing military families to use their federal education funds to enroll their children in the schools of their choice will be well received. Schools operated by the Department of Defense are routinely among the highest-performing in the country, but servicemembers move frequently, and many dislike switching schools.

Bradford also says the order likely will make it easier to access the main federal program for funding new public charter schools and expanding successful ones. The Biden administration, he says, slowed grantmaking.   

It鈥檚 unclear, Bradford and Hess say, whether there are enough private school alternatives to schools run by the Defense Department 鈥� particularly overseas 鈥� and the Interior Department鈥檚 Bureau of Indian Affairs to make vouchers meaningful for those students.   

There are significant differences between Trump鈥檚 capacity to move quickly following his second inauguration and his first, Hess notes. In 2017, private school choice had a passionate champion in then-Education Secretary Betsy DeVos, but fewer institutional advocates lined up to create and administer vouchers and education savings account programs. The rapid adoption of states’ private school choice programs in recent years has changed that, he says. 

Because Trump鈥檚 first election was a surprise to many, it was hard for the administration to staff its Education Department, Bradford adds: 鈥淭his time, it seems like there is a larger number of people who know how government works and have an idea how to advance their goals.鈥�

The amount of money spent on special education students in Washington varies widely by district.

That鈥檚 according to a new analysis of state data from July 2022 to June 2023 of Washington districts where there are over 2,500 students. According to the data, the amount each district spends per special education student ranges from $8,708 in Goldendale School District to $33,056 in Bellevue School District.

鈥淗istorically, our tendency is to look the other way on special education spending,鈥� said Marguerite Roza, director of Edunomics Lab at Georgetown University, . 鈥淚t hasn鈥檛 gotten the same kind of scrutiny that other elements in the school district budget have.鈥�

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Special education is also consuming a rising share of Washington鈥檚 public education budget, now making up over 14.5% of that spending as of the most recent fiscal year, according to the Edunomics Lab analysis. That can force cuts elsewhere, Roza said.

Washington has of a district鈥檚 population that can receive special education funding. Some lawmakers and advocates have pushed for the Legislature to end the cap entirely, as many districts have identified more special education students than they鈥檙e funded for.

Both candidates running for superintendent of public instruction are also calling for more special education spending.

But there are concerns about how eliminating the cap could raise overall state spending. Legislators who have resisted the idea have said it would require scaling back in other areas.

More spending on special education doesn鈥檛 necessarily mean better academic outcomes for students, said Roza. That鈥檚 based on state-by-state comparisons by Edunomics Lab, which found that identifying more students with disabilities or increasing special education staff were not associated with better reading outcomes.

, specific learning disabilities, includes children who are dyslexic or have other neurological differences that interfere with their ability to process language.

More spending on special education per student doesn鈥檛 directly correlate with the number of special education students in a district, either. Instead, more spending on special education often tracks with district size, likely because larger districts use a standardized approach to serving special education students, Roza said.

The Edunomics Lab analysis found that instead of spending on special education specifically, what improved reading outcomes for students with disabilities was spending more on reading instruction for all students, regardless of disability.

To ensure districts are getting the most out of their money, the lab鈥檚 researchers recommend districts scrutinize their special education budgets and compare their costs and outcomes to their peers.

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Washington State Standard maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Bill Lucia for questions: info@washingtonstatestandard.com. Follow Washington State Standard on and .

Nearly 800,000 kids are eating free meals in school after the Legislature expanded access 鈥� but the state will need to come up with more money if it wants to continue the program.

That鈥檚 according to the Office of Superintendent of Public Instruction, which announced on Tuesday that 70% of Washington鈥檚 kids now have access to school meals at no cost to students or families.

But the state underestimated how many students would participate 鈥� leading Superintendent Chris Reykdal to to continue feeding this many kids.

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The office鈥檚 request says that the gap in funding can also be attributed to adjustments in how much the federal government reimburses for its free meal program and an increase in students who meet the income requirements. About 50.1% of students are designated as low-income this year, up from 46.8% in the 2019-2020 school year.

鈥淎s we all battle rising inflation and our budgets getting tighter, these programs provide much needed financial relief to families statewide,鈥� Reykdal said.

Hungry students are more likely to have attention and behavioral issues, face academic challenges and develop poor eating habits.

The Legislature has gradually increased Washington鈥檚 free school meal program over the past four years, an effort spearheaded by state Rep. Marcus Riccelli, D-Spokane.

Under Riccelli鈥檚 , passed in 2023, if at least 40% of a school鈥檚 population was eligible for the federal free and reduced meal program, then the school had to provide the meals at no charge to any student who requests a breakfast, lunch or both. The new rules took effect in the 2023-2024 school year.

Beginning in the current school year, the program expanded to schools where at least 30% of the population is eligible for the federal meals program.

According to the Office of Superintendent of Public Instruction, the number of lunches served at Washington schools operating the new free meal program increased 32% from the previous year, and the number of breakfasts served increased 50%.

In the 2024-2025 school year, 1,523 schools are serving free meals to all students who requested one 鈥� up from 1,269 in the 2023-2024 school year.

Riccelli tried to pass a universal free school meals bill , but the state determined it would cost too much at about $115 million a year, Riccelli told the Standard in February.

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Washington State Standard maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Bill Lucia for questions: info@washingtonstatestandard.com. Follow Washington State Standard on and .

The Washington Board of Education has launched a multi-year initiative to rework the state鈥檚 high school graduation requirements, arguing that the current standards fall short of 鈥渇ully preparing all students for success.鈥�

The initiative, 鈥淔utureReady,鈥� is part of the Board of Education鈥檚 , which was approved by members on Thursday. The board is requesting an additional $273,000 in the upcoming 2025-2027 budget from the Legislature for FutureReady.

The board鈥檚 request points to 鈥渨idespread concern鈥� among students, educators and employers that current graduation requirements don鈥檛 prepare students with skills needed in a modern world, such as technology literacy, financial education and cultural understanding.

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鈥淭he state risks leaving its students inadequately prepared for the future, with consequences extending well beyond their high school years,鈥� the board鈥檚 request warns.

In 2020, only enrolled in college or other postsecondary education within a year of graduating, far below the national average and states with similar economies, like Virginia and Massachusetts. Rates of graduation and readiness for college coursework among certain students are also lagging behind the state鈥檚 goals.

Lawmakers have tried to fill some of the gaps, introducing legislation in 2024 to and as graduation requirements. But neither of the bills passed 鈥� and the board believes 鈥減iecemeal additions could strain the system without considering broader impacts.鈥�

鈥淚t鈥檚 not about simply tinkering and adding to current requirements,鈥� says . 鈥淚nstead, it involves taking a comprehensive approach to designing a framework that empowers students with the knowledge and skills they need to thrive in a changing world.鈥�

Current requirements are also rigid, complicated and difficult to navigate, in part due to 鈥渘umerous additions over the past two decades.鈥� That places a greater burden on marginalized students who already face barriers to their education, such as students who are Black, Indigenous or people of color, youth in foster care, refugees and students with disabilities.

The Board of Education expects to propose new graduation requirements to the Legislature in 2027. The new requirements likely won鈥檛 take effect until the class of 2031 or later, according to the board鈥檚 budget proposal.

Members of the public who are interested in providing feedback or helping the board shape the new requirements can .

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Washington State Standard maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Bill Lucia for questions: info@washingtonstatestandard.com. Follow Washington State Standard on and .

Starting next month, eligible families across Washington will gain access to new state support to help cover child care costs.

The expanded assistance will be available under and will be open to families enrolled in subsidized state child care programs for children under 3 and to staff at state-run preschools to cover care costs for their own kids.

provide full-day care for eligible children paid for by the state or federal government.

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These programs often serve the lowest-income families in Washington and offer extensive parent education and family support, including access to mental health services and employment resources.

Starting Nov. 1, enrollment in those support services can count as an eligible work activity toward receiving Working Connections Child Care program subsidies.

The Working Connections program has specific income limits and work requirements. When combined with other child care programs, the support people receive from Working Connections can fully cover the cost of care.

But if a family loses a job, they risk falling short of the program requirements and losing their subsidies, said Katy Warren, deputy director of the Washington State Association of Head Start and ECEAP.

Advocates say that adding the birth-to-3 family support programs as an eligible working activity will help many families keep their children in consistent care even if they may be under the required working hours. It will also help care providers who lose money if a child suddenly leaves their program.

鈥淭his bill will enable that child to remain in quality care and programs to remain whole while they work with the families to resolve issues,鈥� Warren told a state House committee earlier this year.

Also starting next month, staff at any of Washington鈥檚 Early Childhood Education and Assistance or Head Start programs will be eligible for child care for their own children at no cost.

To be eligible, providers must be verified through and be making 85% of the state median income or lower, or $9,282 a month for a family of four.

This change is an expansion of a law that passed last year that allowed caregivers at licensed or certified child care centers and homes to receive free child care.

It鈥檚 an important step in getting more providers into the classroom and addressing the child care shortage, bill sponsor Rep. Carolyn Eslick, R-Sultan, said during passage of the bill in the House.

For more information on eligibility requirements, families can visit the and apply for subsidies at .

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Washington State Standard maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Bill Lucia for questions: info@washingtonstatestandard.com. Follow Washington State Standard on and .

Washington will have more than 1.5 million job openings in the next eight years but it鈥檚 not currently training enough people to fill them.

a nonprofit run by Washington business leaders, found that the state needs about 600,000 more workers with postsecondary credentials than it is on pace to have. At the same time, the number of workers with high school diplomas, or less, will outpace the jobs available to them, leaving those fields more competitive.

鈥淲ashington鈥檚 education and training systems are not producing talent with the right skills at the right levels to keep pace,鈥� said Marc Casale, founder and CEO of Kinetic West, which led the research for the report.

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Washington鈥檚 job growth is expected to be 12.8% through 2032, compared to 2.8% nationally. Of the 1.5 million job openings through 2032, about 640,000 are new jobs and 910,000 are from retirements.

That means Washington not only needs to scale up training for new types of jobs but also for current ones that will lose employees, Casale said.

Three quarters of those jobs will require some postsecondary credentials, and 45% will require at least a bachelor鈥檚 degree.

Washington will also have about 639,000 uncredentialed workers, but not enough jobs for them to fill, leaving about a quarter million workers with few employment options, according to the report.

Counting on migration from other states is not enough to meet the job gaps, Casale said, so the state must do more to train its workforce.

To meet the growing gap, the report includes five recommendations that the state should prioritize.

The first and most important is increasing the number of people receiving bachelor鈥檚 degrees in Washington, said Brian Jeffries, policy director at the roundtable.

To do so, the state should find ways to fill open capacity at its colleges and universities, especially at regional branches and online campuses. This could be done through more guaranteed admissions programs and financial aid resources. Washington should also look at expanding applied bachelor鈥檚 programs and direct transfer opportunities at community and technical colleges.

Other recommendations include prioritizing enrollment and completion of apprenticeships, training in high-demand jobs and supporting more employer-led training programs. Jeffries said he wants the Legislature to continue investing in workforce development programs that encourage employers to take part in training their employees.

Training and education opportunities should focus on occupations with the highest need. Over the next eight years, those are likely to be in advanced computing, construction and skilled trades, clean technology, health care, business and management, and education.

Another recommendation is to provide more opportunities for K-12 students to earn postsecondary credits and to prepare for life after high school.

Part of that will come from an overhaul in the state鈥檚 graduation requirements, which the State Board of Education is preparing to do over the next few years, Jeffries said. He said the business leaders should be part of that process to make sure high school graduation requirements align with what postsecondary schools require.

Central Washington University President Jim Wohlpart said he thinks of the workforce challenge as an opportunity for the state to rethink its curriculum and higher education system to create clear pathways through higher education and into the workforce.

鈥淲e need to embed college in the high school so that the transition from high school into post secondary education is as seamless as middle school to high school,鈥� Wohlpart said.

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Washington State Standard maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Bill Lucia for questions: info@washingtonstatestandard.com. Follow Washington State Standard on and .

Washington school districts received over $2.6 billion in federal COVID relief funds and have spent $2.5 billion so far, according to from the state Office of the Superintendent of Public Instruction.

Like all other states, Washington received funds through three packages, known as ESSER I, II and III. ESSER stands for Elementary and Secondary School Emergency Relief, and the combined total for schools nationwide is nearly $200 billion.

The deadline for districts to determine how to spend the last of the money passed on Sept. 24, but districts do not have to actually spend the funds until Nov. 15. Washington is No. 1 in the country for spend-down rates, said Katy Payne, spokesperson for the Office of Superintendent of Public Instruction.

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鈥淲hile most other states are seeking extensions from the federal government to spend the funds past the deadline鈥e have been clear with our districts to spend their funds down in a timely manner, and they have,鈥� Payne said in an email.

Most states working with districts to request extensions are directing money toward facility costs, which aren鈥檛 necessarily important for helping kids recover from COVID learning loss, said Marguerite Roza, who heads Georgetown University鈥檚 Edunomics Lab, a research center focused on education finance.

鈥淚鈥檓 not sure that would have made a big difference either way,鈥� Roza said.

The Washington school districts that received the most funding overall include Seattle, Spokane and Tacoma public schools. However, the districts that received the most funding when broken down by dollars per student include Tukwila, Yakima and Highline, according to a

That鈥檚 because the funds were allocated using a formula intended to prioritize those with large low-income populations. Some districts, as a result, received nothing at all. The state also received ESSER funds 鈥� about an additional $279.5 million. That money went to learning recovery, student mental health, promote student reengagement and recruitment and retention of teachers with diverse backgrounds.

Roza said that Washington could have done a better job using ESSER funds for learning recovery. Other states, she said, pushed harder to ensure funds went to math and reading recovery, whereas Washington officials directed districts to focus on sustaining current operations and backfilling budget gaps, in part to ensure school staff didn鈥檛 lose their jobs.

鈥淵ou saw state ed chiefs [outside Washington] really carefully scrutinize every plan that a district submitted and send some back and say, 鈥楴o, I鈥檇 rather see you do more for your low achievers or your English language learners,鈥欌�� Roza said.

Washington districts spent the majority of their ESSER dollars on the category of 鈥渢eaching,鈥� which would include expenses like hiring teacher鈥檚 aides, extending contracts for teachers, and afterschool programming staff.

鈥淚t was a missed opportunity to not try to leverage the ESSER funds to get kids back on track in math and reading,鈥� Roza said, adding that that states that were more aggressive on reading recovery, in particular, are 鈥渁lready fully recovered from their COVID losses.鈥�

The idea behind using funding to maintain current operations, said Ben Rarick, director of finance and operations at Tumwater School District, was to keep school systems intact with the assumption that enrollment would return to pre-pandemic numbers once schools reopened.

鈥淎 lot of districts used money to maintain programs so they鈥檇 be ready for that day,鈥� Rarick said.

Enrollment never fully rebounded for many districts. With the focus on sustaining operations, Rarick said some districts with deeper pockets may have been able to use funds to focus on academic programs, like his district, whereas others may have had to use 鈥渆very last dollar of ESSER money just to keep the staff they had.鈥�

鈥淚 think that districts made a very good faith effort to implement high value programs for kids,鈥� Rarick said. 鈥淚 don鈥檛 place the blame on OSPI, I don鈥檛 place the blame on any individual district. It was really very specific to the circumstances of every district.鈥�

The Office of Superintendent of Public Instruction said that maintaining staff and programming was part of supporting students.

鈥淵ou aren鈥檛 able to eliminate a teaching position because you had four students unenroll,鈥� Payne said in an email. 鈥淵ou still need the teacher, the supplies, the support staff, the principal, the school bus.鈥�

Payne also pointed out that Washington received less money than other states, which meant the funds 鈥渟imply weren鈥檛 a big game-changer like they were in southern states.鈥�

鈥淭hat鈥檚 why it鈥檚 tough to make assumptions or assertions about how districts could have spent their funds 鈥榖etter,鈥欌�� Payne said.

鈥淗ow is it not focusing on academic recovery and acceleration to hire more [paraeducators] (who often lead tutoring programs in schools), start new before and afterschool learning programs, extend teachers鈥� working hours to support more students, and more?鈥� Payne added.

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Washington State Standard maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Bill Lucia for questions: info@washingtonstatestandard.com. Follow Washington State Standard on and .

A University of Washington professor received the Nobel Prize in chemistry for his work designing new proteins, the building blocks of life.

David Baker, professor of biochemistry at the University of Washington School of Medicine and director of the school鈥檚 Institute for Protein Design, received the prize for computational protein design, along with Demis Hassabis and John Jumper of Google DeepMind, whose work with artificial intelligence helps predict the shape of proteins.

Their work could help accelerate the creation of new medicines and vaccines, expand abilities to break down things like plastic and other pollutants, or open opportunities to build new materials altogether.

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鈥淧roteins solve all of the problems that living things have to deal with,鈥� Baker told reporters on Wednesday. 鈥淪o if you can make new proteins, you can potentially solve a lot of current problems for which there aren鈥檛 proteins to deal with.鈥�

Baker, 62, is the eighth University of Washington faculty member and the sixth School of Medicine faculty member to receive the Nobel Prize.

Designing new proteins was always a 鈥渃razy idea鈥� 鈥� one scientists have been trying to crack for decades, Baker said.

His work eventually led him to create computer software that analyzes information about existing proteins in order to build new ones. That software, along with the use of Hassabis鈥� and Jumper鈥檚 artificial intelligence tools that predict protein structure, could help scientists more quickly and accurately understand and construct proteins.

鈥淒avid and his team really contributed and led the cracking of the code to protein structure, how amino acid chains fold together in a three-dimensional structure to be the building blocks of life,鈥� said Dr. Timothy Dellit, CEO of UW Medicine and dean of the UW School of Medicine.

Proteins from Baker鈥檚 lab have already contributed to the development of , , and a medication for celiac disease.

University of Washington President Ana Mari Cauce called Baker鈥檚 work 鈥渁 truly visionary approach to protein science.鈥�

鈥淭his is as good as it gets,鈥� she told reporters Wednesday. 鈥淭his is about taking these great basic science ideas and pushing them out so that they make a difference in the world.鈥�

Baker grew up in Seattle, and his parents were both faculty members at the university. He completed his undergraduate degree at Harvard University in 1984 and earned his doctorate in biochemistry at the University of California, Berkeley in 1989. He joined the faculty at UW鈥檚 Department of Biochemistry in 1993.

For Baker, his work is just beginning. Now that his lab has figured out how to design new proteins, Baker said they will continue to experiment more with how to use them. For example, he and his students are looking at ways to block snake venom in the body, improve the efficiency of photosynthesis, or remove toxic tissue from the bloodstream.

He praised the university as an 鈥渁bsolutely wonderful place to do science.鈥�

鈥淚鈥檝e been here for a long time and never thought for a nanosecond about leaving,鈥� Baker said.

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Jessica Heavner describes it as the hardest decision she鈥檚 ever had to make.

Heavner, of Federal Way, was working in accounting at the local school district, and when it came time for her annual cost of living raise two years ago, she realized the pay bump would put her over the state鈥檚 income limit for subsidized child care.

She would be making too much to get help from the state for care for her three children but too little to pay for care on her own, given the high costs.

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Heavner, a single parent, opted to find a lower-paying job with fewer hours in order to keep the subsidy 鈥� even though her previous job had better pay and benefits.

鈥淚 feel like I鈥檓 trapped in poverty,鈥� Heavner said.

She鈥檚 not alone in her predicament. from Child Care Aware of Washington found that a lack of child care in the state costs families and employers billions of dollars annually. Employee turnover and absenteeism and lost family income associated with child care cost about $6.9 billion last year, or around $870 per resident.

The report analyzes survey data from Zogby Analytics, which sampled 606 parents in Washington, and applies the findings to the state鈥檚 1.5 million parents with children 12 years or younger.

Nearly 40% of parents surveyed reported quitting work or getting fired since their children were born. About 62% reported missing at least one day of work in the last three months, and one in 10 had been out of work for at least a year since their children were born.

The cost of care, disruptions in availability and a lack of care options are all problems.

Parents who cannot secure care may not be able to find employment or take part in job skills training. Those who are employed can face reduced hours or missed promotion opportunities.

This lost productivity translated to a $1.5 billion dent last year in federal, state and local tax collections, according to the report. It also reduces Washington鈥檚 economic output by an estimated $6 billion each year, the report said.

Last year, the report said, employers lost $1.5 billion due to employee turnover because of child care and another $2.6 billion because of employees missing work due to child care issues. Meanwhile, families lost $2.9 billion in income because of child-care-related time off.

鈥淭his really puts into stark numbers that this is not just a problem for a handful of families, and not just a problem that child care providers need to face and deal with,鈥� said Genevieve Stokes, director of government relations at Child Care Aware of Washington. 鈥淭his is something that鈥檚 hurting the overall economy.鈥�

The problem is not going to go away unless there is more state spending on child care, Stokes said. Recent investments in this area through the capital gains tax and the Fair Start for Kids Act have been helpful, but she added Washington needs to do more to make sure the families and providers are not just 鈥渢reading water.鈥�

As part of the Fair Start for Kids Act that passed three years ago, the Legislature is supposed to increase eligibility for the state鈥檚 child care subsidy program for those who make 70% of the state鈥檚 median household income starting next year. Subsidies are currently available for those who make 60% of the state median income. for a household of two is $6,892. For a household of three, it鈥檚 $8,514, and for a household of four, it鈥檚 $10,136.

Stokes said she hopes the state honors that commitment next year as doing so could help many families who can鈥檛 quite afford to pay for care on their own.

Advocates, providers and families are also pushing for a statewide cap on what all families in Washington would pay for child care, likely set at 7% of their income. That change, however, would be expensive for the state, and as lawmakers are looking at this upcoming legislative session, it likely won鈥檛 become a reality anytime soon.

After struggling to find a child care that she felt comfortable with, Heavner said she finally found someone who she trusts to care for her kids and who understands her financial situation. In order to continue affording this care, Heavner said she will likely have to stay in her current job and work minimal hours until her kids are older.

But she said she鈥檚 still scared of accidentally making too much money one year and losing her subsidy. She said a statewide cap on child care costs would be a blessing.

鈥淚t would make me not worry about making so much money,鈥� Heavner said. 鈥淚t鈥檇 make me not worry about improving my life while having young children.鈥�

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PORTLAND, Ore. 鈥� Before Bailey McQueeny-Rose attended law school at the University of Oregon, she worked in reproductive health care, first as a medical assistant and then as a trainer, teaching others to do the same job. The work opened her eyes to how access to health care differed based on the laws in the six states where she oversaw training, and she began to consider becoming a civil rights lawyer.

She鈥檇 planned to take the bar exam after law school, but in late 2023, Oregon began offering graduates an alternative pathway to practicing law. Instead of sitting for the multiday bar exam, which most states offer twice a year, new graduates can be admitted to practice in Oregon through on-the-job training.

The graduates are required to work 675 hours under the supervision of a licensed attorney as well as submit a work portfolio for approval to Oregon鈥檚 Board of Bar Examiners. And just like anyone who takes the traditional bar exam, those approved under what鈥檚 known as a , or SPPE, are required to pass an ethics test.

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鈥淭he bar exam is not going to teach me how to be a civil rights lawyer,鈥� McQueeny-Rose said. 鈥淏ut the SPPE pathway, working with civil rights employers, learning what the day-to-day duties and what the day-to-day job looks like, it鈥檚 a hands-on way. That鈥檚 what鈥檚 going to teach me how to be a civil rights lawyer.鈥�

Oregon Supreme Court Chief Justice Meagan Flynn said in an interview that she鈥檚 been astounded at the various approaches emerging in other states since Oregon鈥檚 move. She serves on a national committee of lawyers and court officials who will recommend practical changes to help diversify the bar admissions process through the National Center for State Courts, an administrative organization.

鈥淎nd really, no two look alike,鈥� Flynn said. 鈥淓very state looking at this is coming up with very, very state-specific approaches.鈥�

States administer their own bar exams and determine passing scores. Most states use the Uniform Bar Exam, and some states have their own specific tests. Critics of the bar exam say that in most states, it doesn鈥檛 assess minimum competency to practice the law, especially when it comes to skills that involve working directly with clients, such as handling negotiations or counseling people facing incarceration, divorce, bankruptcy or other stressful matters.

Multiple-choice tests fail to assess whether someone has the necessary skills to be a good lawyer, said Catherine Bramble, an associate professor at Brigham Young University Law School in Utah. And research has found that new lawyers perform better if they鈥檝e had practice and supervision.

鈥淲e all know this intuitively,鈥� said Bramble, who has been pushing for change in Utah. 鈥淪ome things are not best assessed through a multiple-choice test. For example, the ability to fly an airplane. We would really hope a pilot has time in the cockpit under observation of an experienced flight instructor before we allow them to fly a plane.鈥�

Real-world skills

In Utah, the state Supreme Court, which oversees licensure, is considering a supervised practice proposal that would require applicants to take a core curriculum during law school. They would be required to complete 240 hours of supervised practice, which could be paid or unpaid. Twenty of those hours would have to be client-facing work, and 50 pro bono, meaning the services are provided to clients free of charge.

Utah encourages lawyers in the state to commit to 50 hours of pro bono work each year, Bramble said, and they鈥檝e found that those who are exposed to such service early in their careers tend to continue it. The proposal would require that prospective licensees take a six-hour well-being online module that teaches lawyers how to manage the stress of a legal career. Finally, there would be a three-hour test, which would require test-takers to write a basic legal motion using a sample law and case materials.

For Nevada, its proposed rules emphasize 鈥渢he necessity of representing clients well,鈥� said Joan Howarth, a professor at the William S. Boyd School of Law at the University of Nevada, Las Vegas. There, the proposal in front of the state Supreme Court would allow law students to complete most of the requirements for licensure during law school.

The Oregon Supreme Court is considering approving a similar, third licensure path 鈥� in addition to the traditional bar exam and SPPE 鈥� that would allow students to take coursework and complete supervised practice requirements during school so that they are licensed when they graduate.

Even the national bar exam is changing: The National Conference of Bar Examiners will begin rolling out a NextGen test in select states in 2026, with a focus on more foundational lawyering skills such as client counseling and advising, dispute resolution, and client relationship and management.

Law schools for several decades have been incorporating more real-world skills into their curriculum, said Deborah Jones Merritt, professor emerita at the Ohio State University Moritz College of Law, who has studied the bar exam鈥檚 deficiencies in producing good lawyers. Merritt鈥檚 research has determined that the exam is far more challenging to pass for people of color, those with caretaking responsibilities, or those who come from low-income households.

Beginnings of change

Many states began rethinking the necessity of the bar exam in 2020 during the pandemic, when gathering hundreds of people together in a big room for an exam was a potential superspreader event for COVID-19.

In place of the test, several states and the District of Columbia issued what鈥檚 known as diploma privilege, the ability to practice without passing the bar. Utah, for example, required their graduates to fulfill a pro bono requirement first. It was an eye-opening experiment, said Bramble, in part because 鈥渘othing crazy happened.鈥�

Then in 2021, the American Bar Association for the first time released statistics breaking down bar exam passage rates by race. White test takers were far likelier to pass the exams in 2020 than those of other races or ethnicities, according to the group. Although there are other barriers to a legal career, including law school entrance exams and the time, expense and quality of the schooling, the numbers made it clear that the bar exam itself had flaws that kept many candidates of color from becoming lawyers.

One of the biggest flaws of the bar is that it鈥檚 an expensive and time-consuming exam, said Brian Gallini, the former dean of the Willamette University College of Law in Oregon and one of the architects of the licensure push in the state. Law school graduates often pay for a law review class, which often can cost more than $1,000, to study for the test in the months following their graduation, as well as put off earning a living in their degree field until they鈥檙e licensed and can begin working as lawyers.

Those who work a job while they study are more likely to fail, but many students cannot afford not to work 鈥� they carry an average of $160,000 in student loan debt when they exit school.

Gallini, now the dean of the Quinnipiac University School of Law in Connecticut, fielded a lot of angry emails when he first introduced the idea to the Willamette law school鈥檚 alumni in 2022. Many objections were reflexive: Critics of the proposal said they had suffered through the bar exam, so aspiring lawyers who followed them should face a similar rite of passage.

So far, only a handful of 2024 graduates from the state鈥檚 three law schools have chosen the new pathway; McQueeny-Rose said many of her peers haven鈥檛 been able to find supervising attorneys who are familiar enough with the program to oversee their work.

That鈥檚 also expected to change quickly. The state鈥檚 law schools are beginning to establish prestigious post-graduate fellowships aimed at placing SPPE participants in communities of need, including immigration law, public defense and rural law practices. Judicial clerkships also are eligible to fulfill many of the program鈥檚 requirements.

McQueeny-Rose will be joining the team at Levi Merrithew Horst, a Portland, Oregon, firm, where she鈥檒l work on police misconduct cases, class-action suits on behalf of incarcerated people and other civil rights work. Instead of studying for the bar, she鈥檚 taking the summer off to devote time to her artwork and to move to Portland for her new job. She anticipates she鈥檒l fulfill the requirements of the SPPE program in early 2025.

鈥淔or me, it was a pretty easy decision,鈥� McQueeny-Rose said. 鈥淚 knew I wanted to stay in Oregon. I鈥檓 committed to practice here, I love it here. I have a lot of ideas how to make Oregon better, and I want to stay and do my part.鈥�

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Stateline maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Scott S. Greenberger for questions: info@stateline.org. Follow Stateline on and .

After nearly three decades working in education, I would hardly call myself naive. I鈥檝e been a school counselor, principal and district superintendent. I鈥檝e served or worked in rural, urban and suburban schools. Along the way, I鈥檝e received recognition for closing learning gaps, increasing graduation rates and recruiting male teachers of color to the workforce.

Yet, for all my experience, there鈥檚 one thing I underestimated: chronic absenteeism and the challenge of addressing the many factors that contribute to it.

I now recognize that chronic absenteeism is a symptom of deeper, systemic issues in schools and broader society. The reasons for missing class are complex, representing a confluence of school, home and community factors. Logistical challenges like transportation or lack of child care can pose insurmountable barriers, while young people who lack a sense of belonging at school or are generally disengaged may simply opt out.

Because students and families are the groups most impacted by these impediments to attendance, they must also be a part of developing the solutions. consistently shows that engaging communities leads to innovative and effective solutions.

I鈥檓 encouraged by the efforts I鈥檝e seen through my work with Digital Promise鈥檚 Center for Inclusive Innovation. Inclusive innovation 鈥� an education research and development model that fosters deep district-community partnership to create novel student-centered solutions 鈥� is an opportunity for students and families, who are often excluded from positions of influence in education, to lead, participate in and benefit from problem solving and decision making. Inclusive innovation is not a new concept, but it is underutilized 鈥� and has the potential to significantly impact the nation鈥檚 attendance crisis. 

To that end, Digital Promise has Chronic Absenteeism: Insights and Innovations 鈥� a six-month cohort supporting 17 school districts ranging from suburban California to rural Ohio. The goal is to address chronic absenteeism through the deep investigation of its root causes, collaboration among districts around shared challenges and partnerships with students and families to identify solutions for improving attendance in their communities.

With the potential to impact more than 210,000 students, the cohort will develop strategies that meet the unique needs of their students and families, together with and alongside their students and communities. These districts will develop a chronic absenteeism blueprint by conducting data analysis; identifying the systems, conditions and processes needed to improve attendance; and engaging students in the design and development of solutions.

El Segundo Unified School District, Greenfield Union School District, Lynwood Unified School District and Mountain View Whisman Schools in California; Adams 12 Five Star Schools in Colorado; Wilmington Learning Collaborative in Delaware; NOLA Public Schools in Louisiana; Roselle Public Schools in New Jersey; East Irondequoit Central School District, Hudson City School District, Mount Vernon School District and Suffern Central School District in New York; Springfield City Public Schools in Ohio; Allentown School District and Elizabeth Forward School District in Pennsylvania; Richland School District 2 in South Carolina; and Spokane Public Schools in Washington.

The cohort will be co-led by Lynwood Superintendent Gudiel Crosthwaite, whose district is making progress in addressing chronic absenteeism. To start, the district asked a basic question of families: What conditions and barriers are preventing each and every student from participating and engaging in school? 

To find answers, Lynwood, which is over 90% Latino/a, distributed four surveys and hosted in-person meetings with families to hear their concerns. They increased communications with parents, including a social media campaign highlighting real students and their positive experiences in school, to remind families how being present and engaged can contribute to young people’s physical and mental well-being. As a result of these efforts, the district went from 1,200 students who attended virtually last year to 55 attending online this year and the rest returning to classes in person. 

Lynwood is also improving attendance among foster youth through a program created with student councils and staff. The program 鈥渉ires鈥� foster youth, who have lower attendance rates than other students, to work in their schools’ front offices or provide tutoring. This motivates these students because they know they know they have a purpose, build relationships with caring adults and are seen as role models to their younger peers. It also sets them on a pathway to entry-level jobs within the school district or at partnering agencies and afterschool programs, guiding them toward potential careers in education as well.

Another promising approach also draws a clear connection between attending school and students鈥� career and employment prospects: 

Digital Promise鈥檚 district- and community-led cybersecurity initiative provides access to inclusive STEM pathways for high schoolers in 10 school districts, from Alabama to New York. Students participate in a three-year, in-school cybersecurity program, earning industry-valued credentials and, ultimately, opportunities to secure employment and/or enroll in vocational and trade schools or colleges and universities in a related field. In all 10 districts, actual enrollment doubled or tripled projections due to student and parent demand. And those districts have seen a decrease in absenteeism among students in the program. 

For school leaders who want to develop lasting solutions for chronic absenteeism, the first step is to ensure the conditions 鈥� and the commitment 鈥� are in place to work alongside students, families and community members. This will lead to the next, crucial step: building trust and relationships to design and sustain solutions that enable all students to participate, engage in and thrive at school.

Washington lacks qualified special education teachers and teachers鈥� aides, but the state doesn鈥檛 know how bad the problem really is 鈥� just that at least 1.5% of the teachers aren鈥檛 qualified for their jobs.

That鈥檚 according to a , which found that alongside high vacancy rates in special education, a 鈥渟ignificant number of those in the classroom do not hold full teaching endorsements for special education or are comparatively inexperienced in this field.鈥�

While the percentage may appear relatively small, it鈥檚 nearly three times higher than the percentage of instruction statewide provided by underqualified teachers in other content areas. The next highest percentage of under qualified instructors is in elementary education, at 0.6%,

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Roughly 143,000 eligible students in Washington receive special education and related services, The office did not immediately provide the exact number of total special education teachers in Washington, but reported 5,813 full-time equivalent classroom teachers in the special education program during the 2022-2023 school year.

The Office of Superintendent of Public Instruction said it appreciated the efforts of the auditor鈥檚 office to study the issue and said they鈥檙e making 鈥済ood progress in this area.鈥�

鈥淚n our state and across the nation, special education is consistently an area with above-average educator turnover,鈥� Katy Payne, the office鈥檚 spokesperson, said in a statement. 鈥淲e are proud of our efforts to attract and retain high-quality educators into these critical positions.鈥�

The Office of Superintendent of Public Instruction touted its teacher residency program, which is focused on training future special education teachers. Several residents from the first cohort just got hired for permanent jobs, Payne said.

The agency has also advocated for funding a hiring bonus for teachers within a district鈥檚 special education program and pointed to multiple requests to provide more funding for special education and data tracking to accurately estimate vacancies.

It鈥檚 not surprising that there are comparatively more under-credentialed special education teachers in Washington鈥檚 classrooms than in other content areas, said Josh Taylor, assistant professor of special education at Washington State University.

鈥淚 was surprised the number was as low as it was,鈥� Taylor said.

Taylor said shortages in special education are routine across nearly every state in the country, if not every state. Districts hire teachers without special education certifications because turnover and vacancies are so high, and they need staff 鈥� but then those teachers leave because they aren鈥檛 well-prepared.

鈥淭hat becomes this nasty, cyclical problem,鈥� Taylor said. 鈥淲e just need to devote more resources at a systemic level, both in preparing more teachers, preparing them better and then supporting them when they鈥檙e in a place to stick around until they can become experienced teachers and mentor others.鈥�

Washington does not track statewide teacher vacancy data, but the Office of Superintendent of Public Instruction said in a 2024 state budget proposal that the vacancy rate for special education teachers 鈥渨as much higher than for general elementary teaching positions.鈥�

A 2021 University of Washington study analyzing district job postings found that about 20% of vacant teaching positions were for special education, a rate three times higher than for elementary education teachers.

Inexperienced teachers and teachers鈥� aides, also known as paraeducators, are also common in special education settings, the audit found. Paraeducators are particularly important in special education, Taylor said, and the profession has long seen high turnover rates. Nearly 50% of Washington paraeducators have less than five years of experience, the audit says, citing a 2023 study from an education research center that includes 11 universities, including the University of Washington.

The Office of Superintendent of Public Instruction . The average hourly wage for paraeducators in Washington is $22 an hour, according to the agency. The office recommended the Legislature raise wages by $7 an hour during this year鈥檚 legislative session. Instead, lawmakers gave districts additional funds that they can use on paraeducator wages but aren鈥檛 required to.

Taylor, a former paraeducator, said the profession needs much more support from lawmakers. He also wants to see lawmakers support more pathways for aspiring special education teachers 鈥� many of whom begin as paraeducators 鈥� and incentivize pursuing special education as a profession. Mentorship and guidance once educators begin teaching, he said, is also sorely needed.

Research also suggests high turnover could be partly attributed to changing perceptions of the field of education, according to Taylor.

鈥淪ome of the criticism, I think, of K-12 education has had a detrimental impact on morale,鈥� Taylor said. 鈥淚 talk to teachers who are wavering about staying in the field and feel like they鈥檙e just not valued by society in the same way they felt like they were when they went into the field. And that stinks.鈥�

鈥淗opefully, it鈥檒l change, because education is really important, and our teachers should deserve to know that the work that they鈥檙e doing matters,鈥� he added.

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Washington State Standard maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Bill Lucia for questions: info@washingtonstatestandard.com. Follow Washington State Standard on and .

There were more weapons brought into Washington鈥檚 schools during the last school year than the year before.

That鈥檚 according to a from the Office of Superintendent of Public Instruction, which found an 11.6% increase in weapons on school grounds in the 2022-2023 school year compared to 2021-2022.

During the 2022-2023 school year, 2,275 weapon incidents were reported by Washington鈥檚 public and private schools. Of those, 316 involved possession of a firearm. All of the gun incidents were reported at public schools. Most other reports involved knives, daggers or 鈥渙ther weapons.鈥�

However, the presence of guns specifically increased, 236 incidents involving firearms during the 2021-2022 school year, according to last year鈥檚 report from the Office of Superintendent of Public Instruction.

鈥淚 wish I could say I was really shocked by this increase, but sadly I鈥檓 not that shocked,鈥� said Johnny Lupinacci, an associate professor at Washington State University who studies the intersection of schools and social justice.

While national data on the 2022-2023 school year is not yet available, show that, among states, Washington had the 11th highest rate of students bringing firearms to school.

Nationwide, the number of guns showing up in schools is soaring. found 1 in 47 school-age children, or about 1.1 million students, attended a school where at least one gun was found and reported on by the media in the 2022-2023 school year 鈥� and the actual number of guns in schools may be much higher.

Washington has enacted some of the most restrictive gun laws in the country and

Lupinacci praised the state鈥檚 strict gun laws and said his 鈥済ut reaction鈥� to seeing increasing numbers of guns in schools is to make it even harder to obtain a firearm. He said getting a gun remains just 鈥渇ar too easy,鈥� even in some of the most restrictive jurisdictions.

possession of firearms and other dangerous weapons on school grounds, except for security and law enforcement. The law also requires the expulsion of students found in possession of a firearm anywhere on school grounds, although superintendents can modify expulsions on a case-by-case basis.

Lupinacci said students primarily bring weapons into schools because they feel unsafe and believe 鈥渢he only way they could be safe is to somehow arm themselves.鈥�

for American children and teens, according to U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention data for 2022, analyzed by Everytown for Gun Safety, a group that advocates for stricter gun laws.

Despite the increase in weapons in Washington鈥檚 schools, expulsions due to weapon incidents were down 49%. Schools chose to suspend students instead: Compared to the 2021-2022 school year, there was a 12% increase in suspensions in 2022-2023.

Lupinacci said 鈥渮ero tolerance鈥� policies around weapons in schools are important, particularly with firearms, and praised Washington鈥檚 schools for reducing expulsions and increasing suspensions, calling the schools鈥� response empathetic but firm.

He also said the solution to reducing weapons in schools involves a 鈥渓arger discussion鈥� about reducing child poverty, increasing school funding and dealing with rising mental health issues among America鈥檚 youth.

鈥淥ur public school systems can and ought to be that safety net in our communities,鈥� Lupinacci said. 鈥淲hat we see is when we don鈥檛 take care of our community, kids experience school in a way where it feels dangerous or unsafe.鈥�

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